Website of the President of Russia: President: Transcripts

Results of the Year with Vladimir Putin

2025-12-23T20:05:21+04:00

Vladimir Putin answered questions from journalists and the people of Russia in a live broadcast.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Good afternoon.

We are broadcasting live from Moscow.

We, Pavel Zarubin…

Pavel Zarubin: … and Yekaterina Berezovskaya…

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: … welcome all our viewers from Gostiny Dvor.

Pavel Zarubin: The President will be joining us in just a few minutes. Of course, we are all looking forward to this, since we all have so many questions. Yekaterina and I are well aware of the fact that we received tens of thousands, even millions of questions from our television audience. At the same time, we don’t yet know what questions matter most to you, journalists from the leading media outlets. Right now, you have a unique opportunity.

We can see that you are recording everything, but may I ask you to stop just for a moment, and listen to us?

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Colleagues, we can see that you have already taken your seats. Now, it’s time to put your phones aside, even if you are using them to record us or your colleagues around you or scrolling through the news to learn about the latest developments, as we journalists so often do. The main news messages will be coming very soon, just be patient. They will come from our studio when the President joins us. For now, we have a few minutes to talk to each other.

As Pavel has said, we are working live, and the entire country can see and hear you.

Colleagues, do not be shy, since you have a unique opportunity to ask your question.

Please, introduce yourself. Which media outlet do you represent?

Remark: When I looked into your big, beautiful eyes, I knew that you would turn to me. This was inevitable. After all, I am from Belarus.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Belarus. What is on the minds of people in Belarus? What is your question about?

Remark: First and foremost, the development of our shared home, the Union State, is what matters for Belarus, along with the threats we have had to counter together with Russia.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Thank you very much.

Indeed, we are about to begin the media event of the year. This is reflected in every detail. We have representatives of regional media outlets, as well as our foreign colleagues, and guests from the Union State. There are all kinds of people in this hall. This will be a true question-and-answer marathon.

Pavel Zarubin: The hall is divided into sections, and I should mention that from here, from the central podium, we have a perfect view of everyone. So when you raise your hand to ask a question, the President will see you.

I’ll start with this sector, and I can’t move past the front row. We have some very young journalists here. How old are you?

Remark: Hello! I’m 13.

Pavel Zarubin: Where are you from, and what media do you represent?

Remark: We’re from Moscow, representing a youth media, Detskaya Redaktsiya (the Children’s Editorial Board).

Pavel Zarubin: A journalist at 13, and right in the front row. What is your question? If it’s not a secret, of course.

Remark: We would like to know how the President receives the valuable information as to what our people really need.

Pavel Zarubin: Well, over these past few weeks we have all been receiving a great deal of valuable information and we continue to do so today. So I would say this array of information is already valuable.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Absolutely. Pavel, you know, my main question for our colleagues is this: how do you actually capture the President’s attention? We know there is going to be a real battle for Vladimir Putin’s focus today. You and I have seen this before – we know how the atmosphere in the hall is about to heat up.

I will now turn to a young lady wearing a kokoshnik. Earlier this year, the President noted that the kokoshnik is no joke – it’s more than just a symbol of our traditional costume. What would you like to ask? Where are you from? Please, introduce yourself.

Yulia Korotkova: Good afternoon. My name is Yulia Korotkova. I am a presenter with the Volga and Volga-24 NNTV channels from the Nizhny Novgorod Region. And this outfit isn’t just about beauty – it represents our region. The red colour, the kudrina pattern, the Khokhloma style.

My question touches on more than just our artistic craft; it is also about the ban on vaping. It is a very serious issue.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: It is a highly relevant topic, too. These questions have been coming up, and I’m sure they will be addressed here today.

Pavel, let’s continue meeting our colleagues.

What does your sign say here?

Remark: This word, “ychchuu,” is from the Yakut language, meaning “cold.” It signals our question to the President about energy prices – a critical issue for us. This is especially important considering that in the Arctic and the North, the so called Far Eastern allowance (a bonus to the salary) is being applied, but its application is somewhat limited. We absolutely want to raise this issue.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Thank you very much.

I should note that everyone now has small placards. The situation is quite different from several years ago.

Pavel Zarubin: That’s right. In previous years, people didn’t just come with placards – you could say they arrived with full-scale banners. They practically staged demonstrations. These banners were so large that they blocked the cameras, interfered with the broadcast image, and even obstructed the journalists themselves. After that, there were understandable requests for more restraint and for placards to be limited to A4 size. Still, as we know, our people are endlessly inventive.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Pavel, look, here it’s not even a placard, yet the subject of the question is clear. But still…

Remark: The word “Astrakhan” is written on a figurine of a Caspian roach. Our question concerns the development of the North–South international transport corridor and the problem of the shallowing of the Volga, which impacts not only the population but also the natural environment, in particular aquatic biological resources.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Colleagues, I would like to draw your attention to how many regional journalists are present here today. In a sense, each of you serves as a conduit to your region. You are not simply members of the press – you will genuinely guide us and voice the specific concerns of the people in each of your regions.

Pavel Zarubin: We really shouldn’t have moved on from this area. I see a young lady here with Labubu dolls. Is that right? I have to admit, I’m not entirely familiar. Who is depicted here and why?

Regina Orekhova: Even I’m not sure of the correct term. We brought them with us. Regina Orekhova, Channel 360. These Labubus became a real sensation – in a good way – at the St Petersburg International Economic Forum, almost attaining symbolic status. We came up with a trend for early 2025: pairing them with the faces of our politicians.

Pavel Zarubin: And who do you have there?

Regina Orekhova: Elvira Nabiullina, Sergei Lavrov – do you recognise them? Mikhail Mishustin. And an exclusive item: Donald Trump. As you might guess, my question will be about international politics. I hope to catch the attention of the President or Dmitry Peskov. By the way, there’s also a figurine with Mr Peskov’s face.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: So, it could just as well have been a question about import substitution.

Let’s give the floor to the Amur Region. What question are you going to ask President Putin?

Irina Batina: Good afternoon. My name is Irina Batina. I represent the Amur Region Television, Blagoveshchensk.

We have come here to invite the President to a unique international event, held on the ice of the Amur River. Blagoveshchensk is the only regional capital located directly on the state border.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: That sounds more like an invitation than a question.

Irina Batina: Yes, it’s an invitation. We’ve handed over our symbols – a panda and a brown bear. We hope they will reach our President.

As for our question, we would like to ask if visa-free travel for Russians to China and for the citizens of China to visit us in Blagoveshchensk, will be promoted. It’s an incredible feeling when you have one foot in Russia and the other in China. We invite our President to experience it for himself.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Thank you very much.

Pavel, what’s happening in your sector?

Pavel Zarubin: I simply can’t walk past the only journalist here who is a Hero of Russia – Yevgeny Poddubny.

Good afternoon, Yevgeny. This applause is for you. I know you always have many questions. What do you want to ask today?

Yevgeny Poddubny: Of course, I have a question, but I don’t want to give it all away. I’ll just say that it concerns hundreds of thousands of people across the country, including those in frontline regions where fighting is underway. That’s why it’s especially important for me to ask it.

Pavel Zarubin: Do your best, keep raising your hand.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Colleagues, we’ve just taken our viewers on a virtual tour of the hall, introducing our regional journalists and luminaries. I’d like to give the floor to Anton Vernitsky.

Anton, what are you doing?

Anton Vernitsky: You won’t believe it, but I’m streaming for our channel.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Just like that?

Anton Vernitsky: Yes, I’m doing two jobs at once, running two live broadcasts simultaneously.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: That’s impressive. How many major events like the annual news conference have you attended? What was it like in the past, and what is it like now, this Results of the Year with Vladimir Putin event?

Anton Vernitsky: Yes, I was just thinking about that. The first large news conference for regional and foreign journalists was held in 2001. It was really something new. The first time it was held was in 2001. As for how many I have attended, the answer is 22. That’s a lot –I might even be a record holder. Somebody asked me today: “Can we talk or take a photo with you? You were one of the first to attend this event.”

Actually, there are many such people, like Alexander Gamov from Komsomolskaya Pravda. I know that he’s in the hall today; we were just talking about it.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: There he is – Alexander is waving to you, over there, closer to Pavel.

Anton Vernitsky: You know, we look forward to this news conference every year because we always hear something new. This time, I’ve taken a strategic position – right in the centre.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Absolutely.

Anton Vernitsky: I really hope I will get a chance to ask my question.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: It really is a long-anticipated event, and our programme, Results of the Year with Vladimir Putin, will begin in just a few minutes.

Colleagues, I would like to emphasise that we are already live on air, and that the entire country can see and hear you. We always have a huge audience since viewers take a lot of interest in events of this kind. There are likely tens of millions of people watching this broadcast.

Pavel Zarubin: Of course, we received many serious questions. It goes without saying that you contributed the bulk of the serious questions. That said, there were all kinds of questions. Here is what I noted. For example, there was a question on when we will have a banknote with an image of the Oreshnik missile? This is what our viewers want to know. “Who does the President find harder to communicate with when making important decisions: his opponents, allies or himself?” There was also a question on who is better, Messi or Ronaldo – it also came from a children’s editorial board, it seems. Here is another question for Vladimir Putin: Would you like your knowledge to be digitised and used by artificial intelligence in the future?

Still, we have no doubt that today you will be asking the very best questions.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: I am sure that these will be the best questions. I would like to draw the attention of our colleagues to this young man with a placard that reads, “I want to get married.” And over there is a young lady, as my colleagues tell me, with poster saying, “I want a husband.” Why are you sitting so far apart from each other? Where is the young lady who wants to get married? Here she is.

Pavel Zarubin: They should be sitting together, it seems.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: May I ask you to introduce yourself. Demographics is, of course, a very important topic. I assume that is what your question is about.

Remark: Yes, I want to ask a question about demographics, especially since I know whom I want to marry. We’ve been together for eight years now. We met in school. I’m from Yekaterinburg – in fact, from Pavel’s home region. I work at the same TV channel, Channel 4. Overall, I very much hope that this wonderful placard will help me attract the President’s attention.

Pavel Zarubin: I didn’t put off my marriage for such a long time.

Deputy Chief of Staff of the Presidential Executive Office – Presidential Press Secretary Dmitry Peskov: Friends,

We are delighted to see all of you here. In just a few minutes the President will be joining us, and we will start the Results of the Year with Vladimir Putin programme.

Let me remind you that this is a hybrid format, combining the annual news conference with the Direct Line with the head of state. Having this direct engagement is something unique for the entire world. Over the past two weeks, we have received almost three million messages from the people. This is why we will be switching back and forth between questions from the people – the ones we received and which were selected by the moderators and the President himself, and the questions from journalists. As usual, I will ask you to raise your hand. Please, try to be as brief as possible when asking your questions. The briefer you make your question, the more of your colleagues will be able to ask their question as well.

Let me remind you that everything said during the Direct Line and the news conference undergoes extensive scrutiny and serves as a basis for drafting a list of presidential instructions. This will be the case this time too. And the Russian Popular Front will work throughout the year to make sure that no request we receive from the people is left unanswered, to review all of them and offer the needed assistance. Municipal, regional and federal government agencies contribute to these efforts.

I would like to ask you to mute your phones so that they do not distract us. The President will be joining us very shortly. Let us stay focused. We will be starting soon.

Thank you.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Yes, thank you, Mr Peskov.

But I would like to quote the President, who once said that “every rule and every law become outdated already in the course of its development and adoption. Only direct communication with people <…> helps the state steer its policy <…> in the right direction.” Perhaps this is the primary purpose of this programme: direct communication and the opportunity to keep one’s finger on the pulse of current events.

Pavel Zarubin: Yekaterina, it has happened in the past that new laws were adopted or amendments were made to existing laws following direct lines. It’s very likely that we will see the same happen today.

The Popular Front has once again offered enormous support with processing questions. Both volunteers and veterans of the special military operation have been taking calls. By the way, when the questions first started coming in, I asked the Director of the Popular Front: “You have received an immense number of questions. What are you going to do with them? Will you forward them to the same institutions that gave people the runaround before?” “No,” he answered, “We will take charge of following through on the most urgent matters.” And this is exactly what happened – right up until we went on air.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: That’s right. As a matter of fact, we also have a virtual assistant called GigaChat. But I’ve been told we are ready to start. Here we go.

President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin.

We will be accepting questions and inquiries until the end of this live programme. As always, there are several options: you can call 8 (800) 200 4040, send an SMS or MMS message to 0 4040, or submit your question via VK, Odnoklassniki, moskva-putinu.ru, or the MAX chat bot. By the way, we are using MAX for the first time this year and it’s been incredibly popular. As for the number of questions, by this very moment we have received over 2.5 million.

Pavel Zarubin: We are about to start asking the President questions. Just a few more things.

Yekaterina and I have reviewed tens of thousands of your questions. They have come from across Russia and beyond. Of course, these two million questions come from different people, although they often concern similar issues. We have grouped them into topics that are truly relevant to millions of people. And we all know which topic concerns the public most of all.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr President, numerous questions are coming in regarding social policy, yet the main inquiries concern war and peace.

You have made it clear on several occasions that we are ready for peace negotiations; however, at the same time, we are satisfied with the dynamics on the frontlines. So, what is it to be – war or peace? What path guarantees the attainment of the goals of the special military operation? What is the situation on the negotiation track, given Vladimir Zelensky’s statement in Berlin that Ukraine is not ready to discuss the territorial issue?

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: So far we really do not see such readiness.

Let me remind you how it all began. It began with the 2014 coup d’état in Ukraine and the deception over the potential resolution of all issues through the Minsk agreements. In 2022, when everything had already reached a breaking point, when the Kiev regime unleashed war in southeastern Ukraine, we made it clear to them: listen, we will have no choice but to recognise those unrecognised republics. It would be preferable if you simply let the people live peacefully as they wish, without your coups, without Russophobia and so on – just withdraw your troops from those territories, and that is all.

They did not accept that, even then. Following the negotiations in Istanbul, they first agreed, virtually initialled [the agreements], and then reneged, discarding all these arrangements. Today, they are essentially refusing to end this conflict by peaceful means. Nevertheless, we perceive and are aware of certain signals, including from the Kiev regime, indicating that they are prepared to engage in some form of dialogue.

The only point I wish to convey, and we have always stated this, is that we are ready and willing to conclude this conflict by peaceful means, based on the principles I outlined in June of last year at the Russian Foreign Ministry, provided that the root causes that led to this crisis are eliminated.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr President, the situation on the frontlines changes daily; we have seen, time and again, and know, that you always keep your finger on the pulse, personally engaging with commanders and our fighters. Yet, I repeat, the situation changes every day, and our forces are advancing confidently and daringly.

As Supreme Commander-in-Chief, how do you assess the situation at the moment?

Vladimir Putin: I have just received another report from the Chief of the General Staff.

In general, here’s what I would like to say. Basically, ever since our forces drove the enemy from the Kursk Region, the strategic initiative has been firmly in the hands of the Russian Armed Forces. What does this mean? It means that our forces are advancing along the entire line of contact, faster in some areas, a little slower in others, but in all directions. The adversary is being pushed back.

The key thing, and we started with that when we said that we had offered the Kiev regime to withdraw their troops from the territory of the then-unrecognised republics that did not want to live under the pressure of nationalists: the Kiev regime had already constructed, over the course of a decade, a fortified area in the Slavyansk–Kramatorsk–Konstantinovka agglomeration – this is their principal fortified area.

Let’s begin there. What’s the situation? Just recently, the Chief of the General Staff, the group commander, and local commanders, including the brigade commander who was in my office, reported the capture of Seversk. This is a key town that provides a staging point for an advance towards one of the main fortified areas in this urban area – Slavyansk.

Meanwhile, a little further south, our units are also conducting active and successful operations in the southern Liman sector. Our troops are already inside the city of Krasny Liman, engaged in street fighting. I expect it to fall very shortly. We currently control roughly half the city, and the advance will press southward, towards Slavyansk.

As I mentioned, this urban area also includes Konstantinovka. Fighting is ongoing there as well, and we hold over 50 percent of the city. I have no doubt our forces will secure that area too.

The capture of Krasnoarmeysk was a particularly significant development. It opens up several opportunities… The high command has yet to finalise the exact axis of advance, but it provides an excellent springboard for future offensive operations.

Just to the north-northeast, the city of Dimitrov – another critical locality and strategic foothold – is now completely encircled. I believe our troops already control about half of it. The enemy has not been given orders to surrender and is attempting to break out in small groups.

They have made attempts to retake at least a portion of Krasnoarmeysk, but without success. They are sustaining heavy losses there and have made no headway.

Separately, our Vostok Group of Forces is advancing rapidly through the Zaporozhye Region, liberating one community after another. As you know, combat is currently taking place in Gulyaipole. The city is divided by the river, with the main part on the right bank. Our troops have crossed that water obstacle, entered the city, and now control approximately 50 percent of it. However, not all of our forces are committed to this urban fight; a significant portion continues to advance from east to west, systematically clearing settlements across the region.

In addition, we are establishing security zones. On the Sumy axis, the city of Volchansk has been taken. And in the Kharkov Region, as is widely known, the city of Kupyansk came under our control several weeks ago. Our forces are consolidating their hold there. They are not yet pushing west because they have a critical prior task: eliminating the enemy grouping on the left bank of the Oskol River and securing the key rail junction of Kupyansk-Uzlovoy. The encircled force in that pocket is substantial – about 15 battalions, as I’ve said, roughly 3,500 personnel. They, too, have not received orders to lay down their arms. Their position is practically hopeless, as they are tightly surrounded by our Armed Forces.

Once that operation is concluded – and it will be – our units will then redirect westward. I am confident, absolutely confident, that before the year’s end, we will see further significant successes by our Armed Forces all along the line of contact.

Pavel Zarubin: What is the situation in Seversk? Why was it so difficult to seize that city?

Vladimir Putin: You probably saw and heard the reports from the Chief of the General Staff, the commanders of the group of forces and the army, as well as the commander of the brigade that was fighting there. I asked him: “How do you assess the situation in Seversk? Are you safely controlling the city?” He replied: “Mr President, we are already moving west. My brigade has advanced about 1.5 to 2 kilometres in the western direction, and we keep moving.”

You also probably remember that part of our meeting when an assault group reported live about capturing Seversk right from the city. You may recall that at the end of that report, I asked them to quickly change their position. Yesterday – I think it was yesterday – at the Defence Ministry [Board] meeting, after the meeting, the Defence Ministry Board meeting, I presented decorations – yes, I think it was yesterday or the day before – to our men who liberated Seversk.

After that, I returned to the Kremlin and asked the commander of that assault group to come to the Kremlin too. I wanted to talk with him about current matters. I sometimes do that when there is such a possibility. He arrived while I was discussing preparations for today’s event with my colleagues. He entered the Security Council room where we were meeting. I asked him: “Please, say a few words so that my colleagues know what the situation in Seversk is now, and what it was like.” And he started talking right there and then, reporting briefly.

When he left the room, my colleagues asked: “Can we invite him to the Direct Line?” I replied: “I don’t know, you’ll have to ask him if he has time for that. His leave is very short.” They called him, and he agreed to come.

Here he is, Naran Ochir-Goryayev. (Applause.)

Dmitry Peskov: Give him the microphone, please.

Vladimir Putin: Naran, please sit down. Have I told everything correctly?

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: Yes, sir.

Vladimir Putin: If anyone has any questions about the current situation in Seversk and what the fighting there was like, you can ask them now. That will be the best way.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Colleagues, let’s welcome our Hero of Russia, who is with us today. (Applause.)

Pavel Zarubin: Naran, we saw you during that videoconference – you were the one in the helmet – but we don’t know you. Can you tell us about yourself? Where are you from? How long have you been participating in the special military operation? Where did you start?

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: I’m from Kalmykia. I joined the fighting at Soledar, starting as a rank-and-file assault soldier and rising to assault company commander.

Vladimir Putin: Naran is too modest. He started as a driver, and now he is an assault company commander with over 80 subordinates. He has been awarded the title of Hero of Russia for his service. (Applause.)

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Naran, we, and I think the journalists here all saw your video conference with Mr President. When you spoke, the connection was unstable, which is understandable given the conditions [on the front line]. But now that we have an opportunity to talk to you directly, could you please share the details of that brilliant operation to liberate Seversk, or at least as many as possible. How did you liberate the city? What was it like? And how did your men, your subordinates act in that situation?

Vladimir Putin: Let me ask the questions I posed to Naran when he entered the Security Council hall. I asked, “Mr Ochir-Goryayev, what was the most challenging aspect of capturing Seversk?”

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: The most difficult part was reaching Seversk undetected, as the terrain was open with minimal natural cover. Therefore, we decided to advance in small, covert groups. This task was accomplished. We gathered under the enemy’s nose and, once assembled, we waited for the order to begin the assault.

Pavel Zarubin: There were also many civilians remaining in the city. How did the Armed Forces of Ukraine treat these people?

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: The civilians were under constant…

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: In fear, of course, under the direst conditions.

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: They were constantly under enemy pressure. Once we liberated our designated zone in Seversk, we began engaging with the civilians. As they retreated, the Armed Forces of Ukraine, much like the Nazis, shot civilians who refused to leave with them.

Pavel Zarubin: So, these were unarmed civilians, and they were shot simply for staying behind?

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: Yes, precisely because they stayed.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: When our troops arrived, when you entered, how did the people react? What did they say?

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: When we arrived, the people were in a dire state – physically and morally broken. When they first saw us, they were overjoyed, truly overjoyed. They had even been secretly listening to Russian radio, awaiting our arrival. They were immensely relieved.

Vladimir Putin: Mr Ochir-Goryayev, you mentioned that the AFU executed civilians as they retreated. But you also explicitly stated that primarily young people were targeted, correct?

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: Yes, young people. Particularly those aged 30 to 40 were taken out and executed without trial or investigation.

Pavel Zarubin: Everyone indiscriminately?

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: Yes, everyone.

Pavel Zarubin: How do you assess the current situation on this sector of the front?

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: The situation is stable. As the President noted, we have advanced beyond Seversk.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr Ochir-Goryayev, looking at you and listening to you, I must say again that our fighters are true heroes, real men. Thank you for your service. I’d like to ask, what is the morale of your troops?

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: Our lads are determined. We are acting methodically and consciously, upholding the course set by the Supreme Commander-in-Chief. The objectives of the special military operation will be achieved.

Pavel Zarubin: Mr Ochir-Goryayev, how many personnel are under your command? And, if possible, what losses have you sustained?

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: My assault group consists of 157 people. For the capture of the community, as I mentioned earlier, 24 teams totalling 84 personnel were deployed. Losses were minimal due to our small-group tactics. During the capture, four personnel were lost.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Out of 157?

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: Out of 84.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Out of 84.

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: Those directly involved in the assault operations.

Pavel Zarubin: Let us once again welcome and thank the Hero of Russia.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Thank you very much.

Pavel Zarubin: Given all this, I have to ask: a week ago, [Vladimir] Zelensky supposedly filmed a video in front of the Kupyansk stele. But many people quickly called it a fake, pointing to various inconsistencies as proof. If it really is staged, why would he resort to a forgery of this scale at such a critical time?

Vladimir Putin: I don’t know; I don’t follow that. He’s an actor – a talented one, I’ll say that without irony. We remember him from his old films. So, it’s not exactly out of character. They say the actual stele looks completely different now.

But that’s not even the main point. That stele is about a kilometre from the city proper. If Kupyansk is really under their control, why linger on the doorstep? Why not simply enter?

Meanwhile, some female bloggers actually managed to slip in there. Thankfully, they came out unharmed.

Let me tell you, the skies there are simply swarming with drones, like flies, from both sides. You can’t just take a stroll into Kupyansk.

The time will come when our forces will complete their mission to eliminate the encircled group on the river’s east bank, they will turn west, and it will happen pretty soon. They will take it all back. It’s just a matter of time. There are no problems here.

As for these staged stunts, or their desperate attempts to regain lost ground, like what they’re trying now near Krasnoarmeysk, they’re failing there, too. Their bigger problem is this: due to the active and effective operations of our troops, it seems the enemy has exhausted its strategic reserves. They’ve suffered very serious losses; there are practically none left. This, I hope, is a significant factor that should encourage the Ukrainian regime in Kiev to resolve all disputes and end this conflict by peaceful means. Their reserves are practically gone.

Pavel Zarubin: I think everyone watching, and everyone here, understands that war places a heavy burden on any economy. Yet, European “swine underlings,” as you recently called them, continue doing everything in their power to, as they say, ruin the Russian economy.

Under such difficult conditions, can we even speak of further economic growth? Are we seeing growth in some sectors but not others? And if so, which ones?

Vladimir Putin: You know, I usually bring a spreadsheet to every Direct Line. This is nothing confidential – it’s open data on the performance of the Russian economy over the past year. Our GDP growth is 1 percent; however, if we take the previous three years – this sort of review is also meaningful –, the overall growth has been 9.7 percent. Meanwhile, the Eurozone has shown 3.1 percent.

As for the 1 percent growth this year and the economic growth rate in general, they are the result of deliberate actions by the Government, the Central Bank and the country’s leadership to target inflation. I should note that overall, we have been able to handle this task because the goal was set to lower the inflation rate to at least 6 percent. We can see now that by the end of the year, the inflation rate will fall even further, to around 5.7–5.8 percent. Slowing economic growth was a deliberate step to maintain the quality of the economy and the macroeconomic indicators.

What else is happening? Industrial production has grown by 1 percent while the processing industry is up 3.1 percent. Agricultural production has increased by 3.3 percent.

Housing construction is an important area. Millions of square metres have been built. Last year, the total was 107.8 million square metres. This year, output is slightly lower although still considerable, around 103˗105 million.

We have managed to maintain good real wage growth. The rates are not as high as last year, but in my opinion, they provide a solid real wage. Adjusted for inflation, real wages have increased by 4.5 percent.

Unfortunately, it must be admitted frankly that, over the same period, labour productivity growth has been rather modest, only 1.1 percent. Of course, we should make effort to improve this ratio in favour of higher labour productivity.

Last year, the unemployment rate was at a historic low of 2.5 percent. This year, it has fallen further to 2.2 percent. Overall, these are excellent indicators.

The Central Bank’s international reserves are also growing. I spoke with Ms Nabiullina yesterday: as of a few days ago, the reserves amounted to $741.5 billion if we use the US dollar equivalent.

The federal budget deficit stands at 2.6 percent. We expect it to fall to 1.6 percent next year and 1.5 percent within the next three years. This is a good indicator, considering that the national debt remains very low, one of the lowest among developed economies. We estimated yesterday that the national debt currently stands at 17.7 percent and is not expected to rise above 20 percent in the next three years.

So, these are the indicators. The principal thing is that… What is the principal thing? Most importantly, we have managed to balance the budget – and credit is due to the Government for performing significant work. The quality of this balancing is at the level of 2021. This is a very important indicator of stability of the economy and the financial system of our country.

It means that we will be able to fully solve the issues regarding the social obligations towards the population, handle the development issues under our national projects, achieve technological development goals and, certainly, meet the needs of the Armed Forces. All this put together indicates that the economy and the financial system are stable and fully under the control of the Government and the Central Bank.

Pavel Zarubin: People in the audience are eager to ask their questions.

Mr Peskov, over to you.

Dmitry Peskov: Let me remind you that we are working in a hybrid format, since this is both a Direct Line and the annual news conference. I suggest we now turn to journalists so that they can ask their questions.

We can start from the central section, perhaps. I can see someone with a ‘Siberia’ placard. Why not start with Siberia then? Go ahead, please.

Ivan Dvoynichnikov: Good afternoon, Mr President.

Ivan Dvoynichnikov, Gorodskaya Volna [City Wave] radio station, Novosibirsk.

Everyone knows Novosibirsk for its Academic Town. In recent years, and with your support, by the way, we have been building the Siberian Circular Photon Source, or SKIF. What makes this device even more unique is that it will open new research horizons not only for our country, but for the entire world too.

The researchers managed to build it without using any foreign parts or materials, all while facing sanctions and having to navigate a very complex economic environment. This unit is expected to be launched next year.

What is my question? My question is whether it is possible and what can be done to retain young researchers?

We will be launching the SKIF next year and are looking forward to seeing you at its opening ceremony.

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Thank you for raising this topic. This is excellent news and very welcome for everyone involved in this process.

What do I mean? This topic came up during a meeting of the Presidential Council for Science, which took place in 2018, I think, and Novosibirsk served as its venue. It was then that our colleagues from the Siberian Branch of the Academy of Sciences – the Institute of Nuclear Physics – raised this issue and talked about the need to create the SKIF, this system, an accelerator.

It is true that sanctions-related issues caused some delays, but we managed to complete the project and finish the job. This is a great achievement. I would like to congratulate everyone who was involved in this process and who will be operating and using this unit in the future. It is an unquestionable success.

We already had a similar unit here in Moscow, at the Kurchatov Institute. It is an older generation unit that requires quite a few upgrades, and there are plans to make these improvements. At the same time, similar systems with the same equipment will be installed in Vladivostok and other cities. We have them in Gatchina and other locations as well. We will work to make this happen.

As for the SKIF, this is a great success story, indeed. Why? Because it makes it possible to conduct not only basic but also applied research. This is instrumental since it offers an opportunity to work on pharmaceuticals, new materials, etc.

How do we keep young specialists in the country? We’ve built a comprehensive system, and overall, it’s working. But what’s the key? We have to develop the laboratory infrastructure. True scientists are driven by their work; for them, that passion can be the most important thing. But other factors matter, too: salary, housing and quality of life. We’re implementing all of this step by step. That’s the purpose of our entire grant system, including the “megagrants.”

In fact, the recipients of those megagrants – top-tier scientists, both Russian and international, who have worked under these programmes – raised this very point with us at a meeting. They said it plainly: you must create the conditions for young specialists to stay. You have to offer them a clear horizon, so they can see the scope of their research, ensuring that funding isn’t just for six months or a couple of years, but for a longer cycle – five years and beyond. We’ve done that as well, and it helps retain talent. It does.

Moreover, many are coming back. I’ve spoken with such specialists myself. Young people who used to work abroad are now returning to Russia. Ironically, our so-called Western colleagues are actively helping us with this. When asked why they returned, they say, first, because research facilities and opportunities are being created here. But one of the main reasons is: “We’re concerned for our children. The idea of sending them to the local schools there is out of the question.”

Well, thank God, the protection of traditional values is part of our agenda. People appreciate that, and together with other aspects, it leads them to come home. There are many such people, and their number is growing.

We will, of course, continue working in all these areas.

Ivan Dvoynichnikov: Will you come visit?

Vladimir Putin: I will certainly try, thank you very much.

Dmitry Peskov: Let’s take a couple more questions from the audience.

I see one of the long-standing members of the Kremlin press pool. Please give Alexander Gamov the microphone. Alexander, if you have a question – you raised your hand very timidly.

Alexander Gamov: Of course I do. Thank you very much.

Alexander Gamov, Komsomolskaya Pravda radio, news website, and newspaper.

Mr President, this year, Komsomolskaya Pravda is celebrating the 100th anniversary of its first issue. You awarded us the Order of Honour. Thank you very much for this high recognition. I simply haven’t had an opportunity to thank you yet.

I wanted to remind you that you held your very first Direct Line conference at our offices, on February 9, 2000, if you recall.

I would like to frame my question in Komsomolskaya Pravda’s frontline-reporting style. I wanted to ask you about the Time of the Heroes programme, its development and progress. You initiated it. Have you been following the way people who benefited from this programme have been doing their job, those you have assigned to high government posts? To what extent has this system proven its worth in general? How long will this programme last? What new appointments can we expect?

Thank you very much.

Vladimir Putin: First, I suggest that we remember those who took part in the Great Patriotic War. The people who fought on the frontlines of the Great Patriotic War came back and achieved outstanding results in research, art and education.

You know, when I was a university student, there were Great Patriotic War veterans among the faculty members who taught me. We treated them with great respect. Some of them had suffered very serious wounds. There was one professor who lost his leg and had to use a prosthetic, but he was absolutely brilliant in his subject. We all remember him with a sense of deep gratitude for the knowledge he shared with us.

There was also Nikulin, and so many other people of science who reached a very high level of excellence and contributed to the development of our Motherland.

Why can’t our fighters, participants in the special military operation, do the same? We have Naran Ochir-Goryayev sitting here. You know, I did not recognise him at first since we are in a big room. There is a microphone, and the cameras are rolling. But these people have a lot behind their belts. When he walked into the Security Council hall in the Kremlin, I told him: “Naran, tell us what is going on there, please.” And everyone could not believe what they heard during his report. Here, he keeps a low profile, but why am I saying this? These people have a lot of positive potential.

Of course, there were doubts at the outset. Fighting is one thing, while heading a team or an entire sector, standing at the helm of a major corporation or even regions, or ministries, is another. It goes without saying that this requires skill and talent.

Look, we have hundreds of thousands of men fighting over there, and not all of them aspire to pursue a civilian career. In fact, this is not what many of them are after. However, for those who do want to move in this direction and have the potential, the necessary level of education and experience, or are ready to get the necessary credentials, the state must do everything to offer opportunities to people who have proven they are ready to assert the interests of their Motherland without sparing themselves.

I think I have already mentioned how this whole idea occurred to me. There was a meeting with young people, including students. I was listening to them as they elaborated on their thoughts and proposals, the goals they set for themselves, and what they thought were important national goals in general – it was during this conversation that it occurred to me that we had to bring together these people and help them achieve more and move forward. With them, the destiny of our country is in safe hands.

Of course, they need training. This much is obvious. Hence the programme. I would like to thank the heads of the regions for scaling and spreading this programme at the regional level. It does work, you know. I am very glad for the graduates of the first enrolment campaign. The second enrolment wave has been completed, and training is underway. Many graduates have already become governors, deputy ministers, or work for our companies. Several people work for the Presidential Executive Office. They are doing great.

It is clear that there can be some challenges here and there. It may well be that some of them decide to choose a different area. However, the programme has been effective and is delivering tangible results.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr President, colleagues, if I may, I have news that is important for our country, breaking news. It has been reported that Brussels’ attempts to seize our asset have failed.

How can you comment on that?

Pavel Zarubin: They have not stolen them yet, but they keep trying.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: But they have not succeeded so far.

Vladimir Putin: Pavel, stealing is not the right word. Stealing is a covert theft of property. But they are doing this openly. Therefore, it is robbery.

Why aren’t they succeeding? Because the consequences will be grave for the robbers. What does this mean? First, it is difficult to accomplish. They have not said that they will rob and seize. One of their ideas is to issue a reparation loan secured by our assets.

What does issuing a loan mean? It means consequences for the budgets of every country involved; this will increase the budgetary debt of each country. If a country issues a loan secured by our gold and currency assets, this must be reflected in its budget. Take France, whose state debt has reached 120 percent [of GDP]. Our state debt is 17.7 percent, and theirs is 120 percent. It is true that our budget deficit is 2.6 percent, but it will go down to 1.6 percent next year, while France’s budget deficit is 6 percent. The new obligations will have to be added to the budget. I believe they are having big problems with next year’s budget. All this is the reason why it is difficult to take decisions related to the robbery of someone else's assets.

But there will be graver consequences for those who might endeavour that. This will not just be a blow to their image, but this will subvert all the confidence in the euro area, since many countries store their foreign reserves in the eurozone. Not only Russia does that, but also those who have free reserves, primarily oil-producing countries. They will look at what is happening – they are already doing so, and they will have suspicions, doubts and fears. What if the same happens to them?

It is only difficult the first time, and then you can do the same under different pretexts. Today, they don’t like our special military operation and the fight against neo-Nazism in Ukraine. Later, they could be displeased with some country’s policy towards the LGBTQ community. There are very many strict laws in Muslim countries that protect our common traditional values. We don’t have such laws, but they do. This could be used as a pretext for seizing sovereign assets, sovereign resources and money. And why not? Or they can find some other pretext.

Apart from image-related losses, there will be direct financial losses related to the contemporary financial architecture. That is why it is so difficult to accomplish. And the main thing is no matter what they steal, sooner or later they will have to give it back.

Besides, we will protect our interests. How? Most importantly, we will go to courts to protect our interests. We will do our utmost to find a jurisdiction that will be independent from the political context.

Dmitry Peskov: Let’s give the floor to the audience.

Vladimir Putin: Yes. Road of Life – please go ahead.

Darya Shuchalina: Good afternoon, Mr President.

Darya Shuchalina, Komi Republic. I represent the Komiinform news agency and I’m a member of the Civic Chamber of our region.

You are aware that a significant part of the Komi Republic and the neighbouring Nenets Autonomous Area are cut off from the mainland, as they lack year-round road connections to central Russia. The road from Moscow ends within our republic, and beyond that, there is no route further north.

At the same time, there is a popular motorway: Syktyvkar – Ukhta – Usinsk – Pechora – Naryan-Mar. This spans over a thousand kilometres, 869 of which lie within our republic. The route ensures year-round northern deliveries, connects residential communities and, most importantly, guarantees safe travel for northern residents.

However, Mr President, to be perfectly honest, much of the road is in a deplorable state. It is clear that the Komi Republic alone cannot possibly maintain and repair a road of federal significance. Moreover, Komi has virtually no federal motorways, unlike other regions in the European part of Russia.

In this regard, Mr President, I have a proposal for you. Is it possible to transfer our Road of Life – the only route serving the North – to federal ownership? This would stabilise northern deliveries for a vast population, ensure connectivity with central Russia, and provide a new impetus for the northern regions.

Also, while I have the opportunity, I would like to invite you to visit the Komi Republic. We have two significant anniversaries approaching: in 2029, the city of Ukhta, the birthplace of Russia’s first oil, will celebrate its 100^th anniversary. Today, it is the largest centre of the oil and gas industry in the northwest. And in 2030, thanks to the executive order you signed, our capital, Syktyvkar, will mark its 250^th anniversary. Your visit would be a historic event for our republic.

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Thank you very much for the invitation.

Regarding the road, this is a known issue, and we are aware of this problem.

Indeed, the solution lies in transferring all sections of this route to the federal level, as the federation faces the task of bringing our federal motorways up to the established standards. This task has been largely accomplished for federal motorways. The focus now is on developing and bringing regional roads up to standard.

Several key issues are at play here – northern deliveries and road safety, I agree. But I can’t promise that construction will begin tomorrow. You understand, we must calculate everything, review the plans for developing the country’s backbone road network – we have such a concept. I will definitely discuss this with the Government, and we will respond – we will certainly respond.

Thank you for the invitation.

Dmitry Peskov: Let’s continue and take a question from the audience.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: The direct line is a combined format. We’ll have to share the territory.

Dmitry Peskov: That’s right. Journalists are also very enthusiastic.

Let’s continue. Channel One, third row. Our military correspondents.

Amir Yusupov: Good afternoon, Mr President. My name is Amir Yusupov. I’m a military correspondent from Channel One. I have three questions but I’ll try to be brief.

My first question is from our drone operators at the front. Of course, they expressed their gratitude for the current attack drone supplies, especially the fibre-optic UAVs that can stop entire columns. Knyaz Vandal Novgorodsky is really something.

However, we have very few large hexacopters like Baba-Yaga – the types that are extensively used by the Ukrainian army. We need them to deliver food supplies and munitions to battlefield positions. You yourself said today that the whole sky is filled with drones, and even carrying a bottle of water to the first line is almost an impossible task. The guys really need these drones.

My second question is also from the operators. Once I was sitting in the trenches with a guy, and he said: “I’m going to be a father. I’ll go home then.” I asked him: “Will you miss the front?” He said: “Of course.” I was surprised when he said he would miss operating drones. We have a great number of drone operators that is growing all the time, and they want to do it as a civilian job. Are there any prospects for unmanned civil aviation? Will this experience be useful in peacetime?

And the last question is from me personally. Since the first days of the special military operation, we have worked with the famous Veterans Brigade. They are famous for their underground operations in Avdeyevka, Dzerzhinsk and Sudzha. Their most recent operation received worldwide coverage. But despite their achievements and daily hard work on the ground, this brigade is simply called a voluntary unit in many Defence Ministry reports. I would like to ask you to confer the honorary title of a guards brigade on the Veterans Brigade.

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: I will start with your last question. Of course, the Veterans Brigade deserves the highest praise. They are truly heroic individuals, and it goes beyond that. You know, it is not easy to risk your life and climb into a pipeline. They prepared every operation competently, meticulously and thoroughly. They conducted serious groundwork to figure out approaches, entrances, exits and supply routes. This is extremely hard professional work. They are heroic troopers, and that is a fact. There is no doubt that this brigade deserves the highest praise and the guards title. I agree with you. This is the first point.

Now, regarding your first question on UAVs. It is true that there is a shortage of heavy drones. The Defence Ministry and the Ministry of Industry are working on improvements. This task will be solved.

I want to acknowledge the Minister of Defence, who is personally in charge of UAV supplies and has done a great deal. It is thanks to his efforts, among other things, that the availability of UAVs has changed drastically. The troops at the contact line have noted this. I think you are well aware of this. We will continue to support our modern-day Kulibins. There is an entire system of grants and other support in place. We will keep going.

I would like to express my gratitude to our citizens and our entrepreneurs. In addition to everything else they are doing, our people have raised 83 billion rubles, which have been used for a number of purposes but mostly for drones.

It should be said – and I think there is nothing to be shy of here – that we are the indisputable leader in terms of the number of drones. We are still short of heavy drones like the adversary’s Baba-Yaga, but with respect to the number of drones, we are ahead of our adversary in almost all the segments of the frontline. It is a fact, although we may be short of some specific types in some segments.

As for civilian goods and proof of our leadership, it can only be proved if the goods we have started producing because we need them for our combat operations are also applied and improved in the civilian sphere, following which they are used to build up and strengthen national defences. We will certainly do this. We have started doing this, and we will continue to do this.

I am talking about everything you are well aware of, such as the use of drones to deliver all kinds of stuff, including mail, food, and medicines. This is not only true for fixed-wing drones or small air-based copters. The matter concerns all types of drones, including unmanned ground vehicles and crewless boats. This field is developing at a good pace, and we will continue to do this in the future as well.

Speaking about those who fought and want to continue fighting, I would like to share some information with you. The situation is somewhat specific. What does this mean? We continue to recruit personnel for our Armed Forces, and this process is progressing at a good pace and in accordance with plans. Many of our men, real men, voluntarily enlist in the Armed Forces and voluntarily protect the interests of the Motherland and our people.

Naran has told us about how the Ukrainian military maltreat civilians. He did not say this now, but he mentioned it when we talked in the Kremlin: “When we saw what they did to civilians, we couldn’t wait to get our hands on them.” Did you say this, Naran? “We are ready to keep fighting to finish off that viper.” Do you understand? When they saw what was done to people, to civilians… Grannies were shot and killed by drones… He is a modest man, and it is probably the first time he is in the same room with so many people, but he said this to me.

So, over 400,000 people signed up in the outgoing year, 406,000 or 410,000, but the number of those who want to serve in the new branch we have recently created, the Unmanned Systems Troops, is so large that the Defence Ministry had to announce a competition. It is remarkable that some very young people, students at various universities, are taking an academic leave to sign up for service on the frontline. Above all, they want to take part in combat activity as drone operators.

I can understand the man you have talked with. Here is what I will tell you. Even those who come home on leave sometimes continue to take part in combat operations. Modern technologies have made this possible.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: This is very important – continuing the subject we have just touched upon, regarding our fighters… You yourself, Mr President, have said that supporting our soldiers is not a trend but the state’s tribute to its defenders. And that is indeed the case.

Here is a very important observation related to preparations for today’s programme. Pavel and I have reviewed an enormous number of appeals. As confirmed by GigaChat, this year the number of appeals from servicemen, their family members, and the fighters themselves is lower than last year or, say, the year before. Work is underway, and a great deal is being done – this work is being carried out by the Popular Front, the Ministry of Defence, and the Defenders of the Fatherland Foundation. Problems remain, related to delays, payment issues, and searching for those missing in action. But again, I’d like to reiterate: much is being done, and it is being done literally within days.

Let me give a few examples. Alexei Gushchin from the Oryol Region wrote to our programme. Two years ago, he was seriously wounded and could not receive the payment of 3 million rubles he was entitled to. As it turned out, not all the documents had arrived from his military unit. The Popular Front got involved in resolving the issue, the payment was processed, and the money should reach him any day now.

There was an appeal from Lyudmila Orlova from Beloretsk, the mother of a fallen hero. Her son died last year and was posthumously awarded the Medal For Courage, but the medal itself could not be handed over to her. Volunteers looked into the matter. The award was found and has now been presented to the hero’s mother.

What do these stories have in common? They remained unresolved for a year or longer, and people did not receive what they were due. The professionals stepped in and, most importantly, deeply caring individuals who genuinely engaged with the problem and resolved it literally within days.

Pavel Zarubin: Just two days ago, at the Ministry of Defence Board meeting, you said that there is still work to be done in this respect. Naturally, while preparing for today’s programme, we repeatedly saw evidence of this.

Now, let’s watch a video message from Kristina Grebe from Novosibirsk. We know her situation is also under control, but we also know that there are many such stories.

Kristina Grebe: Good afternoon.

My name is Kristina Grebe. I am the widow of a serviceman who was killed in the special military operation zone. We live in the city of Novosibirsk. We have two children, six and four years old. Here is my question. To this day, we have not received the survivor’s pension, nor do we have the certificates confirming the status of family members of the deceased, which grant entitlement to certain benefits.

My husband died in January 2024. On December 10, 2024, I received the death certificate based on [Government Resolution] PP-1421. We are now approaching the end of 2025, and there is still no pension. My question is this: can the processing time for such applications – for the survivor pension and the issuance of certificates for family members of the deceased – be shortened?

Vladimir Putin: First of all, Miss Grebe, I want to apologise to you for the sluggishness on the part of the services in charge of these matters. I apologise.

Rest assured, your case is going to be resolved quickly. But the problem is there. I recently met with Anna Tsivileva, who currently also serves as Deputy Minister of Defence, and she briefed me on the work of the Defenders of the Fatherland Foundation. She told me that, unfortunately, normal cooperation still hasn’t been established between the Ministry of Defence and the Government’s social affairs bloc.

The issues are largely bureaucratic: documents get lost, passed down from one department to another, decisions are delayed, and so on. We will work on that to expedite everything. I will definitely keep track of all that personally.

The way forward is clear. We simply need to act faster and more efficiently, so that people, especially those in situations like yours, with two children, don’t face unnecessary hardship.

However, there’s another, widely discussed problem that’s also evident from the questions coming in through various channels. Mr Peskov handed me a large folder of such questions and requests, which I reviewed. It concerns the search for missing persons. This is an extremely urgent matter.

In Kristina Grebe’s specific case, I hope the problems she is facing will now be resolved quickly and without delay. But the issue of missing persons is particularly acute.

I should note that the Ministry of Defence has taken specific steps in this area that are yielding results. First, a coordination centre, a central coordinating body, for the search for missing servicemen has been created.

Second, dedicated departments have been set up within the groups of forces and at the local level, and a separate registry has been created. If we compare the situation at the start of the year and at this time, the number of missing servicemen has been reduced by 50 percent; compared to the beginning of the year, it’s a 3-fold change. That is a significant improvement. This work must and will continue and improve. Our objective is to minimise such cases, ultimately bringing them down to zero.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: The issue of missing persons is really important indeed. I know that many journalists, including some of our colleagues here, have relatives who participated in the special military operation and are missing. This problem is very real. I think everyone present would support a request for you to issue an instruction ensuring that all such inquiries from soldiers’ families receive special attention and are never disregarded. And, as we have said, it’s crucial to remember both the missing and those who have been taken prisoners.

Vladimir Putin: Such instructions have already been issued. In fact, I have just outlined the steps the Ministry of Defence is taking in this regard.

Dmitry Peskov: I suggest that we turn to the people in this room and invite them to ask a few questions. I can see Mir television company. Can you hand over the microphone to the lady in red?

Elina Dashkuyeva: Thank you.

Mr President, good afternoon. Hello to my colleagues too.

I am Elina Dashkuyeva, Mir International Television Company.

Phone scams remain an issue these days. Have the measures adopted by the state been effective? Do you have any information on whether the number of people suffering from this kind of fraud has declined?

Thank you very much.

Vladimir Putin: Yes, I do have this information. The measures have proved to be effective. Much will have to be done, of course, in this regard. There was a seven-percent decline in the number of crimes of this kind, according to the Interior Ministry, while the damage decreased by 33 percent. Overall, this was quite a positive result.

There is, however, one thing I wanted to point out. I would like to address the citizens of the country. Fraud is still very much an issue. And the more sophisticated our devices are getting, the more sophisticated our life is becoming, the more sophisticated tools scammers use in turn to defraud the citizens. This is why, regardless of the voice you hear, which is especially dangerous considering what artificial intelligence can do, if someone starts talking to you about money, about property, just put down the phone, put down the phone right away! You should not say anything.

If this is about banks and the like, there are people to talk to, people you know. You can get things done by visiting the bank in person. This is the best way.

I advise you against discussing any matters dealing with money or property with anyone.

Dmitry Peskov: Thank you.

Staying in this room, I would like to once again ask journalists to be as concise as possible.

Vladimir Putin: I see a young man holding the Children’s Newsdesk poster. How can we fail to recognise him? Go ahead, please.

Maxim Zakharov: Good afternoon, Mr President.

My name is Maxim Zakharov, I am 13 years old, and I am a correspondent with the Children’s Newsdesk.

Here is my question. You have said recently that you sometimes drive around Moscow incognito. In addition, when we hear you at various meetings or even now, you are very well informed. Here is my question: How do you get to know the most important things, what people really need?

Vladimir Putin: I did not exactly say that I drive around Moscow incognito – that does happen, but very rarely. What I meant is that sometimes I drive without a traffic police escort. Most of the time, that is how it is.

These trips aren’t meaningless; even from the car window, it is interesting to see more than just the road I take between the official residence and Moscow. And when I drive through different parts of the city, it is also quite interesting to observe what is happening around.

As for obtaining reliable information on current events, meetings like this probably provide the best sociological snapshot. How many people are we talking about – two million?

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Two and a half.

Vladimir Putin: 2.5 million.

Pavel Zarubin: 2.7 million.

Vladimir Putin: Can you imagine, Maxim? Two and a half million people reached out through the Direct Line.

Of course, it is impossible to process and respond to all of this during our current session. But since these 2.5 million inquiries reflect people’s most pressing concerns, they will be addressed, in part, with the help of artificial intelligence. My, shall we say, loyal colleagues from the Popular Front will be working on this throughout the year. This provides the most powerful sociological snapshot of both the state of society and the issues that matter most to people. That’s the first point.

Second, of course, intelligence and law enforcement agencies provide various types of information. I try to use it not in a generalised form, but in its original context, so to speak. Meeting with people directly – whether with servicemen from the front, workers, or during trips across the country – is extremely important. Direct communication sparks a certain energy; you immediately begin to sense people’s mood, their needs, and their aspirations.

And, of course, we cannot overlook sociological surveys. I understand that people have different views of them, but it is important to remember that these are primarily professional tools. Average figures can sometimes irritate people because they do not always reflect personal experience. Nevertheless, they are valuable and essential for understanding broader trends and dynamics in the country.

Taken together, these various sources provide a fairly objective picture of what is happening.

Dmitry Peskov: Let’s take a few more questions from the audience.

Yakutia, please.

Oleg Kolesov: Good afternoon, Mr President. Oleg Kolesov, Sakha National Broadcasting Company. We represent the coldest part of the world, Yakutia. Right now, the temperature is −50 degrees. As you know, in a harsh climate, people especially value warmth and unity.

You have declared 2026 the Year of Russian Peoples’ Unity. We all know that the special military operation is where this unity is manifested most clearly. As a military correspondent, I know first-hand that our troops are fighting for the Motherland shoulder to shoulder, regardless of their ethnicity or faith. They wear chevrons that say “I am Russian. God is with us,” regardless of their ethnic background.

What chevron would you wear in the Year of Peoples’ Unity?

Continuing on the theme of unity in culture, a unique Arctic Centre of Epic Literature and Arts will open in Yakutia next year, along with a new building for the Higher School of Music. Both are being built at your instruction. We would like to invite you to attend their opening ceremonies.

Yakutia is also known for its film industry. We are working on a film about Hero of Russia Andrei Grigoryev, callsign Tuta. We hope you will support the production and distribution of this film.

What measures will be taken to support Russia’s ethnic groups in the Year of Peoples’ Unity? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: With regard to supporting ethnic groups, we have a targeted policy of supporting the cultures and languages of Russia’s peoples – in schools, in the media, and in literature.

You have just mentioned various initiatives in Yakutia. The people of Yakutia are very talented. It is no coincidence that this music school is opening there. I often recall my first trip, when I visited a similar music school, which has since expanded, where children from towns and villages, no matter how small, across the republic could enjoy creative activities. The film industry in Yakutia is also thriving. In fact, Yakutia itself is on the rise and growing rapidly. The republic is also sending military personnel to the line of contact who possess exceptional capabilities – perhaps unmatched anywhere in the world.

The film you mentioned will certainly receive support with distribution and so on.

As for the Year of Russian Peoples’ Unity in general, I think we are doing the right thing, especially now during the special military operation, because when a country faces challenges, it closes ranks.

You put it perfectly, and it’s true. What difference does it make to people under fire what faith they belong to? Naran understands this very well, doesn’t he? What does it matter? There’s a joke for such situations: if God exists – and I have no doubt that He does – then He surely doesn’t know that people on earth have divided themselves into different churches. What unites us are our shared values. Those are what matter most – values that are traditional for all the peoples of the Russian Federation. And now, during the special military operation, this is becoming especially evident, prominent, and clear. We see it plainly.

This just reminded me of something. We were discussing the reports on the capture of Seversk. You may recall that the commander of one of the brigades was in my office. After the briefing, the videoconference ended, and I began talking with him about the situation in his sector of the front, and about certain welfare issues affecting the soldiers. Suddenly he said to me, “You know, I feel guilty.” I asked, “Why?” He said, “I’m here, while my comrade, the commander of a neighbouring brigade fighting alongside me, is there. We’re discussing basic supplies and state decorations, but believe me, he is just as good and worthy as I am.” I asked, “Who is he?” “He’s from Daghestan,” he said, “a representative of a small ethnic group there. But he is a true warrior, a Russian patriot, and an excellent commander.” I said, “I know. But you can’t all leave the front. You are here now because the group commander decided so; he sent you. Someone has to hold the front. Tell you what – let’s try calling him.”

I went to the phone and, through military channels, located this second brigade commander right at his forward command post. I spoke with him briefly, then handed the phone to the brigade commander who was in my office. And here is what was so remarkable. It’s a common way for men to address each other, but when it comes from real officers, frontline fighters, it carries a special weight. He took the phone and said, “Hello, brother!” In that moment, it was incredibly powerful. This is where the unity of the peoples of the Russian Federation truly manifests itself. And we will strengthen this unity further. We will do everything to foster and cement it.

Thank you for your question.

Dmitry Peskov: Let’s have one more question from the audience before we return to our moderators. I see a sector that has been idling – the man in a blue jacket in the first row. Please introduce yourself.

Vladimir Seroukhov: Good afternoon. My name is Vladimir Seroukhov, the RBC radio and television channel. There will be many changes in the tax sphere next year. It is clear that their goal is to generate additional revenue for the budget. What financial effect do you expect to see? And will there be any relaxations once this goal is achieved? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Yes, this is a difficult issue. It was discussed for a long time within the Government and the Presidential Executive Office. Ultimately, as I have pointed out, it was decided that the best and most honest and transparent way to address our problems, including in the financial sphere, is to raise the VAT rate. Is this what you were referring to? The goal is simple, as I said in my opening remarks: to balance the budget. Overall, we have achieved this, as I have said, including thanks to that decision.

Of course, certain issues remain, and the Government must take them into account. We have talked about them many times. When the tax burden grows, when taxes are increased, this creates a temptation to evade taxes. Our task has been and remains to eliminate the shadow economy, to prevent businesses from going into the shadows and evading taxes. This is a challenging task. We must create conditions in which higher taxes do exist only on paper but actually translate into budget revenues.

I have taken your hint about this being permanent. No, of course it won’t. Our ultimate goal is to reduce the tax burden in the future, and the Government is acting with this goal in mind. I pin my hopes on this as well.

Pavel Zarubin: This year we have received an exceptionally large number of questions from self-employed people and private entrepreneurs. There are millions of them across the country, and tax changes are therefore a matter of concern for a huge number of people.

We have received a MAX message from Denis Maksimov from Lyubertsy. Let’s try to connect with him by video, if this is technically possible.

Mr Maksimov, can you hear us? Ask your question.

Vladimir Putin: Excuse me for a moment. (Writes down a question from a text message.) “When will government agencies start regulating fish prices to make them affordable for the people?”

You know, government regulation of prices in the market is a complicated and very dangerous matter, because products tend to disappear as soon as we start regulating prices and issuing plans. That is what usually happens in a market economy.

On the other hand, regulation is necessary in some spheres, such as essential medicines. There is a price ceiling beyond which prices must not be raised. But applying such a measure to ordinary consumer goods is extremely complicated.

That said, there is one thing you are right about: our people don’t eat enough fish. There are established norms for fish consumption, and we are still below them.

I believe we should find a different solution. We must improve logistics to ensure that fish products from the Far East can reach European Russia as cheaply as possible. We must improve transport links. We should also discuss taxation in this sector. We must create conditions for the construction of fishing vessels, and so on. There are many issues that should bring about the desired result.

Pavel Zarubin: A video call, right?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, please.

Pavel Zarubin: Mr Maksimov, if you can hear us, please go ahead with your question.

Denis Maksimov: Good afternoon, Mr President.

My name is Denis Maksimov, and I’m from Kraskovo in the Lyubertsy District. We run a small family business, a bakery. For about eight years, we have been operating under the convenient patent tax system. Starting next year, however, we will be required to pay income tax and VAT. This means we will need to hire a professional accountant, which will result in additional expenses for us.

We fully understand that the country is in a difficult situation at the moment and that raising taxes is necessary. However, in my view, it would be far more effective for both the state and individual entrepreneurs if the cost of patents was simply increased – two, three, four, or even five times – depending on turnover, for example. As things stand, the situation is tough, and honestly, we don’t look to the future with much optimism. Many businesses may close or move underground.

Could you please advise us on how to navigate this situation, given the drastic changes to tax legislation?

Vladimir Putin: Mr Maksimov, is that your bakery in the background?

Denis Maksimov: Yes.

Vladimir Putin: Mashenka. And who is it named after, with such a lovely name, Mashenka?

Denis Maksimov: My eldest daughter.

Vladimir Putin: You make delicious buns? What do you have there?

Denis Maksimov: I hope they are delicious.

Vladimir Putin: Mr Maksimov, regarding your question, here’s the background. Initially, various measures were introduced to support individual entrepreneurs and small businesses. More recently, however, the Government has identified problems, particularly in trade, both among individual entrepreneurs and small businesses. These measures and business formats have sometimes been used for the uncontrolled import of “grey” and “black” goods. That’s where the problem arose. But this does not mean that production businesses should face difficulties. I will certainly bring this matter to the attention of the Government and the relevant agencies.

Regarding accounting, I would note that you do not necessarily need to incur significant additional expenses to set up an accounting department. Many major financial institutions now offer a range of banking and accounting services. You could, for example, consult Sberbank – they should be able to help you organise this work without seriously disrupting your business or creating a heavy financial burden.

But you are absolutely right on one point: production business must not suffer because of the transition to a new tax system. I assure you that this issue will be brought to the Government’s attention.

In any case, I wish every success to you, your [bakery] Mashenka, your daughter, and your business with such a sweet name. I sincerely wish you all the best!

Perhaps you could even send me some of your tasty stuff?

Denis Maksimov: With pleasure.

Vladimir Putin: And I, for my part, will work with the Government to support your business and others like it.

Thank you very much.

Denis Maksimov: Thank you.

Pavel Zarubin: Incidentally, there was a news alert just now saying that the Central Bank has revised its key interest rate down to 16 percent. We are getting there.

Vladimir Putin: You know, the Central Bank, of course, is under constant pressure. The high interest rate is a very controversial matter. The difference between it and the inflation rate… By the end of the year, as I have said, inflation will be under six percent at 5.7˗5.8 percent, or maybe 5.6 percent, while the interest rate remains unchanged at 16 percent. Experts expected a cut of up to one percentage point.

According to the law, the Bank of Russia is an independent institution, so I try not to interfere with its decisions and to shield it from any outside influence or pressure. Overall, the Bank of Russia has not only succeeded in delivering on its mandate, but has been quite diligent and responsible in this regard.

In late 2024 and at the beginning of this year, we had conversations with the Central Bank Governor, with senior Government officials and the cabinet’s economic block, saying that we had to make a decision on targeting inflation and to do everything to ensure that the Russian economy and the macroeconomic situation are sustainable and robust and that the national economy remains on a solid footing. The fact that there is this gap between the inflation rate and the key interest rate offers the Central Bank’s critics an angle of attack.

What is the problem here? In fact, there are quite a few challenges, and one of them, as I have already said, or as I will say, if I have not mentioned this until this point, is the slowing investment activity. It decreased by 3.1 percent in the first three quarters. But what matters for the Central Bank is not this substantial decline but the fact that lending remains quite high. The number of issued loans has not been decreasing all that much. It did decline, but only marginally. This compels the Bank of Russia to exercise extreme caution in order to avert any inflation spikes so that it does not have to make any moves in the opposite direction. These back-and-forth oscillations are the worst thing you can imagine. The Bank of Russia is seeking to ensure stability in this regard, which is important, of course. We cannot agree more.

Is a cut of half a percentage point enough? I will not share any assessments at this point, leaving it up to experts. We have many prominent specialists – let them draw the corresponding conclusions. There will also be a response from the real economy. I can even anticipate how they will respond. That said, we have yet to see what comes of it all.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr President, official inflation is one thing, but the so-called perceived inflation is somewhat different. We receive a substantial amount of correspondence about this. We also do our own shopping and see how everything is getting more expensive. What can be said? You often refer to it as the “ballpark figure” – approximately six percent. Indeed, people write complaining that everything is getting more expensive, and prices are growing like mad.

Pavel Zarubin: Maxim Volkov from Chapayevsk in the Samara Region: “Why has everything become so expensive? Even the price of chicken has almost doubled. I am a father of three. I work, making 50,000 rubles, but even so, I cannot meet their needs or feed them properly.”

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Or take these various appeals, for example. Here is one from the Rostov Region – clearly written by a child, as it states they are under 18: “Hello! Why are the prices for food and buns in the canteen going up, while my parents’ salaries aren’t?”

Vladimir Putin: I have already mentioned that when people see average indicators, these average figures often raise questions, because as a rule, they do not match what a person encounters in daily life.

For instance, we say inflation will come down. That means prices will go down, and it will be at about 5.7–5.8 percent. However, food inflation, especially in certain categories, may be higher – and it is higher – and this depends on the food basket a person uses. If that food basket consists largely of protein products like chicken, then naturally, this impacts the family budget. There is certainly nothing good about that.

At the same time, I would note that last year, or the year before, we were critically assessing the actions of our colleagues in the Government when the price of eggs suddenly spiked. Now, prices are not just falling – they have dropped by over ten percent, almost 16 percent. These are also important factors. Nevertheless, without any doubt, we must closely monitor the situation in every segment and across every demographic group.

As for families with children: the family must be at the centre of everything here, and we are striving for that. I would like to emphasise that additional measures to support families with children will come into effect from January 1 next year. For example, out of the 13 percent personal income tax paid, in families with modest incomes – less than one and a half times the subsistence minimum per person – seven percent, that is, the larger part, will be returned to the family. I hope this will be a real way to support families with children. By the way, if a family’s income, correct me if I’m wrong, is below one and a half times the subsistence minimum, then additional support equivalent to one subsistence minimum is provided for each child.

I am not even mentioning other components of support for families with children. Naturally, this is not enough. We all realise, of course, that this is not enough. But what is to be done? First, we will continue to refine this system of family support, because state policy, both at the federal and regional levels, should revolve around this.

Second, we will, of course, strive to increase salary levels, to ensure that incomes, especially for families with children, do not fall. When labour incomes rise, the state must under no circumstances reduce these support measures, which, unfortunately, is what happens now. This is a well-known problem: a family with children receives certain benefits and support, then their earnings rise, and the state cuts back the benefits it had been providing. Therefore, when earnings rise, the family’s total income, including benefits, must not decrease.

I return to this issue once again and ask the Government to pay the closest attention to it. It makes no sense to do otherwise, because the budget gains nothing from it – it cannot gain – and we only discourage people from working.

Dmitry Peskov: Let’s return to the audience for a few more questions. We haven’t covered that sector yet. I see Tyumen. Tyumen, please pass the microphone.

Kristina Smirnova: Good afternoon, everyone. Kristina Smirnova, Tyumen Time television channel, Tyumen.

I have a question about the unusual object, 3I/ATLAS, that’s currently approaching. According to forecasts, later today, on December 19, this object – which some speculate is a spacecraft with an engine and others say is simply a comet – will make its closest approach to Earth. My question is: what are the intelligence services and Roscosmos telling you? Are there any genuine signs of the object’s artificial origin? As far-fetched as it may sound, there are a lot of theories circulating. And while we in Tyumen – Russia’s thermal capital – are ready to welcome any guests, if they are guests from space, we’d like to be prepared.

Secondly, is the date of our news conference today connected to this forecast? This is the first time we’re holding our year-end review on a Friday. Thank you.

Pavel Zarubin: Mr President, they’re actually asking you here to wink if you know that aliens exist, but it’s classified. That’s what it says. Go on, wink if you know.

Vladimir Putin: Kristina, is that your name? I’ll tell you, but this must stay strictly between us. It’s classified information. It’s our secret weapon, but we will only use it as a last resort. Because we are, in principle, against the placement of weapons in space.

But in all seriousness, it is a comet. Our scientists understand what’s happening with it. Moreover, this comet is of extragalactic origin, so it behaves differently from comets within our own galaxy. It has a different composition, and as it approaches the Sun, slightly different processes occur on its surface and within its dust tail, which makes certain aspects appear unusual. But it’s quite large, somewhere between 2 and 6 kilometres, I believe. Just consider this: the Moon is about 400,000 kilometres away. The object you’re asking about is hundreds of millions of kilometres away. I don’t believe it poses any threat to us. We’ll send it on its way to Jupiter. Early next year, it will leave the Solar System entirely.

Dmitry Peskov: Thank you. Let’s continue.

Pavel Zarubin: So, no winking then.

Vladimir Putin: I’ll wink just for you.

Now, let’s turn to Belarus. Please.

Viktoria Senkevich: Thank you very much, Mr President, for this opportunity. Viktoria Senkevich, Channel One News, Belteleradiocompany.

Belarus and Russia have synchronised their policies so well that we are also holding a major event these days, the All-Belarusian People’s Assembly. Our President says: “Belarus and Russia must be together.” You must have heard this. Let’s also build a bridge together, Belarus and Russia. It is not the first time we have done this. We actually rely on Russia’s strength. Oreshnik is to be put on combat alert in Belarus these days. Thank you for bringing tactical nuclear weapons back to us. For some reason, not everybody likes our union. It is odd. One day Lithuania closes its border, another day Poland. One day they are planning to build a training ground, another day they are planning to steal or, as you say, rob us of our property. Belarus has been affected by this, too. My question is, what do you think about the actions of these “European swine underlings”? Thank you for the new diplomatic term. How will Russia respond to threats at the western borders of our shared home, the Union State?

Vladimir Putin: As for the term, I blurted it out when I was talking to a military audience. I did not mean anybody specific. In fact, I never engage in ad hominem attacks. It is not something I ever do. I was talking about a group of people in general, “an indefinite number of persons,” as lawyers say. And some of them may be long gone or irrelevant. It is ancient history. But it is unimportant. What is important is our relations.

I watched the Belarusian President’s remarks at the National Assembly yesterday. I must congratulate him: it was a very emotional, memorable and substantive address. I want to thank him for his review of Russia-Belarus relations in their current state.

As concerns security, we deal with these issues both on a bilateral basis and within the CSTO. You have mentioned Oreshnik. Alexander Lukashenko spoke yesterday about the deployment of Russian tactical nuclear weapons in Belarus. We hold regular military exercise and have created a grouping of forces. Our defence ministries maintain very close cooperation. The security of the Union State is in safe hands of our military and it will be guaranteed, there is no doubt.

Dmitry Peskov: Since we already had Belarus, I think that we can invite our guests from NBC to ask their question.

Vladimir Putin: Yes, please.

Dmitry Peskov: Pass the microphone, please.

Keir Simmons: Keir Simmons from NBC News.

Mr President, I want to ask you about relations with President Trump and the United States.

President Trump has a peace deal on the table. Ukraine is offering enormous compromises, yet you continue to talk of war.

Mr President, if you reject President Trump’s peace offer, will you be responsible for the deaths of Ukrainians and Russians in 2026?

Vladimir Putin: We do not believe that we bear any responsibility for human casualties because we were not the ones who started this war. It followed a government coup in Ukraine – the unconstitutional government coup in 2014, followed by the effort by the leaders of the Kiev regime to unleash combat operations against their own people in southeastern Ukraine.

We refrained from recognising the Donetsk and Lugansk people’s republics as independent states for quite a long time. But when we got misled and the other side failed to fulfil the Minsk Agreements, we had no other option left than to use our armed forces for putting an end to the war unleashed by the Kiev regime with the support of Western countries.

President Trump has been serious about ending this conflict. He said that he was absolutely sincere in his efforts. Moreover, during the meeting with Trump in Anchorage, we coordinated and came really close to accepting President Trump’s proposals.

Therefore, it would be totally wrong and groundless to claim that we reject something.

During preliminary meetings in Moscow, some proposals were made to us, and we were asked to make certain accommodations. When I arrived in Anchorage, I said that those would be difficult decisions for us, but we are still in agreement with this trade-off proposed to us.

So saying that we reject anything is inappropriate and groundless. The ball is entirely in the court of our Western “opponents,” so to speak, primarily the chiefs of the Kiev regime and, most importantly, their European sponsors. We are ready for talks, and we are ready to conclude the conflict by peaceful means.

Dmitry Peskov: Let’s take a couple more questions from the audience. Let’s continue.

Thank you very much, thank you.

Let’s go to Belgorod, please.

Anna Rudchenko: Good afternoon, Mr President.

Vladimir Putin: Good afternoon.

Anna Rudchenko: My name is Anna Rudchenko, Belgorod State Television and Radio Company.

First, I have to say we would be delighted if you could find an opportunity to visit us. We will always welcome you.

Vladimir Putin: Thank you.

Anna Rudchenko: Today, in frontline regions like Belgorod, reliable communication is one of the most urgent and painful issues. It’s essential for attack alerts and drone warnings. It allows children to continue their education remotely. And for some, it’s a lifeline. Children with diabetes have glucose sensors connected to smartphones so parents can monitor their levels. Without mobile internet, that system glitches.

We urge you to instruct the Government to add diabetic services to the Ministry of Digital Development’s ‘whitelists,’ so that they function without interruption, like the Gosuslugi portal, even when mobile access is restricted.

And one more point. Thanks to your decision, residents of border areas are receiving federal compensation for homes lost to shelling by the Ukrainian Armed Forces. Thank you very much for that.

But previously, also thanks to your decision, compensation was also provided for the second lost property. That support has now been discontinued. We ask for your help in resolving this compensation issue.

Vladimir Putin: One moment, please. Could you clarify the second part again?

Anna Rudchenko: It’s about a second home. Some people lost both their parents’ house and their own. There aren’t many such families, but they are suffering. People are relocating from unsafe areas, taking on mortgages, and the state compensation isn’t enough. We ask for your help in restoring compensation for the second lost property.

Thank you so much.

Vladimir Putin: Let’s start with where you ended. I give you my word, we will certainly review these cases.

You know, similar issues constantly arise in emergency situations – after fires, floods, accidents. Here, the circumstances are even more severe. In principle, such matters have been addressed in disaster relief efforts before. They can be resolved here as well, and we will do so. That’s the first point.

Second, regarding services: for children’s schooling, for monitoring diabetic sensors, and so on. As I understand, the issue isn’t access to the medication itself, but the ability to monitor whether it’s being taken on time. Is that correct?

Anna Rudchenko: When the internet is down, the sensors don’t transmit data.

Vladimir Putin: Yes, yes, I understand. Without a connection, it’s impossible for parents to monitor their child’s condition. And here, of course, we have to weigh this against the necessary security restrictions, which serve to minimise the risk of air and drone strikes. Because if the servers for these services are located abroad, then, regrettable as it is, it makes target acquisition easier for the enemy. That’s the reality we are facing today.

But there are two ways to resolve this problem: first, to migrate to domestic software and hardware platforms, which many services are already using. And second, we can work with foreign manufacturers operating here to negotiate transferring these specific services to servers within the Russian Federation. In any case, work must be done on both fronts.

Anna Rudchenko: Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Please, hold back your placards. Thank you for displaying this humble attitude.

Zeljko Sain: Good afternoon,

My name is Zeljko Sain, and I work for Politika, a Serbian newspaper. Thank you for offering me an opportunity to ask a question. My Russian is not very good – sorry for that, but I think you understand me.

You have embarked on an effort to bring relations between the Russian Federation and the United States back to normal. If we take a general view of the latest developments, we will see that Russian companies operating in Serbia, including NIS, are facing sanctions. What would be your comment in this regard, and what can the people of Serbia expect?

I have another question [about the meeting with Donald Trump in Alaska, a new security framework and Russia-NATO cooperation].

Can we expect any future cooperation so that we can live normal lives without wars? I hope that next year, when we meet again, we will be talking about peace, not war.

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Thank you for your question.

We also want to live in peace free from any military conflicts next year. Let me reiterate that this is what we really want. We strive to resolve all disputes through negotiations.

Of course, and I think you will agree with us on this point, we must address the root causes of the conflict so that nothing of this kind happens again, so that the peace is lasting and durable. This is what we will seek to achieve.

As for our cooperation with NATO, there used to be a time when we worked with them. It was not a matter of cooperation, but a question of NATO membership, first for the Soviet Union, and later for the Russian Federation. However, in both cases we realised that no one wanted this to happen, and the promises they had given us about refraining from expanding NATO were being ignored. Once again, we were misled with NATO expanding its ranks in several waves. Of course, this effort to move military infrastructure closer to our borders could not fail to cause us concern and still causes serious misgivings.

Of course, against this backdrop, devising a new security framework for Europe is quite timely. There was a time before the dissolution of the Soviet Union when there were smart people in Europe, including the leaders of Germany’s SDP. Take Egon Bahr. An accomplished politician, he went as far as suggest establishing a new security system in Europe without expanding NATO. Instead, it would have included the United States, Eastern European countries and Russia in order to ensure inclusivity without placing anyone in a tight spot.

We are not making any extraordinary requirements. We are not denying any given country the right to choose the way it wants to defend itself, but the way it does it should not pose a threat to anyone, including Russia.

We do not ask for anything that has not been declared before. All we do is insist on having our Western partners fulfil the pledges and obligations they had assumed. After all, they defrauded us, while we want to build a reliable security framework in Europe.

As for NIS, you were right to describe this as a challenge. Unfortunately, the sanctions pressure is still there despite the effort to create an illusion that they want to improve our relations. This is part of power politics, which applies to Gazprom Neft, among others. It owns NIS and has invested generously in this company. This investment has already exceeded US$3 billion, which helped turn NIS into an advanced and effective enterprise. It is the main contributor to Serbian budget.

We know what is happening in this context. Russia signed an intergovernmental agreement with Serbia regarding any restrictions against this private entity. Of course, we expect our friendly Serbian leaders to take this into account and deliver on their commitments. Otherwise, this puts into question the possibility of investing in this economy. What are the safeguards if even an intergovernmental agreement fails to deliver? That said, we do have a sense of how and in what direction we can move forward together. There is an ongoing dialogue in Serbia with our friends there on this topic. We hope to be able to find a suitable solution.

Pavel Zarubin: I would like to revisit the issue you have already partly addressed, but if possible, to revisit it once again, because there are numerous appeals regarding the fairness of child benefit calculations. Moreover, it is large families who reach out most often. Parents work hard, doing their best for their children, but as soon as such a family finds itself just 100 rubles above the so-called eligibility criteria, they cease to qualify for support or benefits.

Let’s try to call Gulnara Bayazitova via video link – she also sent us this question. Gulnara, if you can hear us, please go ahead with your question.

Gulnara Bayazitova: Good afternoon, Mr President. And happy upcoming New Year to you!

This is the village of Abalak in the Tyumen Region. My husband and I work in the public sector: I’m a preschool teacher assistant with a salary of 27,000 rubles, and my husband is a driver earning 50,000 to 80,000 rubles, commuting to work in the city. We have six children and are expecting another baby.

We participate in all competitions, all events – we’re an active family, each of us – the children, me, my husband – has a golden GTO [Ready for Labour and Defence] badge. But I’ve been a mother of many children for 11 years, and in all that time, I’ve only once met the criteria for receiving benefits. Last month, we were 100 rubles over the threshold, and in November, it was 259 rubles. Because of this, as a large family, we get no benefits at all: no transport passes, no school meals, no summer camps – nothing is available to us as a large family, not even subsidies for utility bills – nothing.

We’d like some support – because, truly, six children is a lot. We both work, we work very, very hard, taking on extra jobs, keeping a small homestead, raising chickens. We’d just like a little more help from the state.

Vladimir Putin: Yes. Gulnara, I’ve broadly touched on this issue earlier while responding to similar questions. I completely agree with you. You’ve just said that when you work harder and your earnings increase, state support immediately shrinks – the assistance you received when your earnings were lower is abruptly reduced. It ends up making work seem pointless – it discourages people from working.

But I think this is a mistake on the part of the Government. I strongly believe the Ministry of Finance and the entire Government leadership will hear what we’re discussing now. There is simply no saving to be made here, and attempting to generate revenue at the expense of large families is immoral. I agree with you. My colleagues will certainly look into this, and I hope the matter will be resolved.

I want you and all other citizens who struggle with paying utility bills to know that the general approach is that if utility bill payments exceed 22 percent of a family’s aggregate income, the state is under obligation to step in and cover everything above the 22-percent mark. I’m not sure whether you are aware of this. Are you?

Gulnara Bayazitova: Yes, I am aware of all the benefits.

Vladimir Putin: Use them.

Gulnara Bayazitova: But everyone is looking at income.

Vladimir Putin: Yes. In some regions… Moscow is a relatively rich region. Here in Moscow, as far as I know, help from the regional authorities starts not at 22 percent, but at ten percent. Regional authorities must continue this work, and the federal government should not forget about it either.

Our entire policy is built around supporting families with children. I ask the regional authorities, our colleagues in the regions to always keep this in mind. Anything the state plans to do – and I have said that many times – must first be assessed in terms of how it will affect the lives and incomes of families with children.

With regard to your most important question about state support measures getting cut when income increases – we will do everything to resolve it.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr President, I have something to add to this on behalf of working mothers. I think Gulnara can hear us and will hear my question as well.

In our country, child allowances are paid until the child is 18 months old. Many mothers wrote to us saying that at this age, children are not admitted to kindergartens, many are not ready to let their children attend nurseries, and nurseries are often not even available, so they ask to extend allowances until the child is three years old.

Such requests abound. Here is one from the Stavropol Territory, “Why is this allowance paid only until the child is 18 months old? A mother remains on maternity leave until the child is three. There are no nurseries where we live,” Yulia Petkova explains. “Most kindergartens accept children from the age of three, and once your child is admitted you start getting one sick leave after another,” this mother accurately notes. “Employer will not tolerate such employees, and will fire them, Please extend eligibility for child allowances until the age of three.” We have been flooded by such requests.

Vladimir Putin: The appeals are well grounded, and you’ve framed the question correctly. Allowances are paid until the child is 18 months old, but they are not paid from 18 months to three years of age. We need to be frank and honest about this: it’s purely a matter of budget constraints. There are no other explanations, that’s the only reason.

However, the Government will, of course, have to consider how to resolve this issue comprehensively.

Now, regarding nurseries, kindergartens, and letting mothers return to work – that is yet another way of resolving this issue. And here, too, not all the problems have been solved. We have accomplished a great deal in renovating schools through a very extensive programme. A programme for renovating kindergartens is currently underway. And I would like my colleagues in the regions to take note: when tackling kindergarten renovations, it would be sensible to address the creation of nurseries at the same institutions. That is the first point.

Secondly – also seemingly simple but requiring additional attention and, of course, funding – is the need to extend the daily hours a child can spend in a kindergarten or nursery. For example, not just until 6 pm, but longer.

This, in turn, will require increasing the number of teachers and caregivers. That means recruiting more staff and creating additional positions in these institutions. This is the direction we must take.

And, of course, the Government must examine how to close this support gap for children between 18 months and three years old.

Overall, we do have a fairly well-structured system of support for motherhood, childhood, and families with children. For instance, motherhood benefits are provided continuously from pregnancy until the child turns 18. Furthermore, if a child continues full-time education after turning 18, the benefit support for the family is extended until they reach the age of 23.

Large families also require special attention. For example, the status of Mother Heroine has been elevated. A holder of the Mother Heroine title now receives the same range of benefits as a Hero of Labour. That is the first part. Another one has to do with the pension calculations. Previously, women with large families could receive pension points for having three children, that is, only the first three children were taken into account.

A new decision has been made and is coming into force: now, when calculating pensions, pension points will be added not just for the first three children, but for all subsequent children as well. That is a positive step. I hope this measure will also be effective, but the Government, and the state as a whole, must, of course, continue to develop and implement a system of support measures for families with children.

Dmitry Peskov: Let’s now take a couple of questions from the audience. We have already been working for two hours without noticing.

Vladimir Putin: We’ve got Kazan here. Let’s go to Kazan. You wanted to ask something about Islam, didn’t you ?

Artur Khalilullov: Mr President, good afternoon.

Vladimir Putin: Isänmesez! [“Hello” in Tatar.]

Artur Khalilullov: Thank you very much for the opportunity to ask a question. Artur Khalilullov, Tatar-Inform, Kazan. In 2026, as you probably know, Kazan will be the cultural capital of the Islamic world. This decision was made at the Conference of Ministers of Culture of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) member states. Generally speaking, we know that Russia has been consistently improving relations with the Islamic world and the Global South in recent years. Rustam Minnikhanov in Tatarstan, and the republic in general, are also actively promoting this agenda alongside the Russian Foreign Ministry, as well as within the framework of the Russia – Islamic World strategic vision group.

I have two questions. In your view, what should be the key priorities in Russia’s mutual relations with the Islamic world? And my second question: Can it be said that Muslims around the world look to Kazan, Tatarstan, and Russia and see this model as an example of what Islam should be in the modern world? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: The Islamic world is very diverse, just like the Christian world – we both know this well. But I am confident that the example set by Tatarstan is undoubtedly highly positive.

Many of my colleagues from countries with predominantly Muslim populations have noted this and are looking at the positive experience of coexistence among people of different ethnicities and religions, which Tatarstan demonstrates.

I would like to congratulate everyone – this all began with Tatarstan’s first leader, and now Rustam Minnikhanov is actively continuing this work. It is no coincidence, I think, that the capital of Tatarstan has been chosen as the host for major future international events under the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation. Russia is an observer state there. By the way, I was the one who initiated Russia’s observer status. I once reached out to my colleagues so that Russia could become an observer in the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation.

You know, this was done with great enthusiasm by all our friends and colleagues, representatives of Islamic countries. I watched with delight as this happened. It was very gratifying for me. This was a very, very long time ago, but it was absolutely the right decision on our part. More than 10 percent of our population are Muslims. This is also… But I will not – alright, I will not go into what the Patriarch told me on this subject. In general, our Orthodoxy is Eastern Christianity, and in terms of all our major traditional values, we are fully aligned.

What is being done in Tatarstan across these domains – spiritual, educational, academic… The establishment of an academy in Tatarstan is a very important decision, especially considering that we must train Islamic scholars within our own territory. Moreover, the same developments are taking place in Bashkortostan. Just as we have supported, we intend to continue supporting all traditional religions in the Russian Federation.

Artur Khalilullov: One more question, Mr President. We also have the annual KazanForum, and this platform grows year by year. I would like to know if you plan to attend the KazanForum this year.

Thank you very much.

Vladimir Putin: You know, we have divided responsibilities among colleagues: I usually attend the Far Eastern Forum or the one in St Petersburg, while the Prime Minister attends the forum in Sochi – so as not to gather the same people repeatedly but to involve representatives from different levels of government. Nevertheless, this forum is very important, and we will certainly support it, as it is another thread connecting us with our friends and allies in the Arab world and the Islamic world as a whole – and, without exaggeration, with the Global South.

Dmitry Peskov: Thank you.

(Addressing Artur Khalilullov.) You ended up asking three questions, you know. Friends, let’s respect one another.

Our guests from China, Xinhua, please.

Liu Kai: Good afternoon, Mr President,

My name is Liu Kai, and I represent Xinhua News Agency.

As you have repeatedly stated, China-Russia relations are at their highest point ever. This year alone, you and President Xi Jinping have met twice, and next year, we will celebrate two major milestones: the 30^th anniversary of the strategic partnership and cooperation between China and Russia, and the 25^th anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Good-Neighbourliness, Friendship, and Cooperation.

My question is: How do you assess the achievements of China-Russia strategic cooperation over the past 30 years, and how do you see its development over the next three decades?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: First, I would say that I consider President Xi Jinping to be a reliable friend, a stable partner – my reliable friend and stable partner – and Russia’s ally. This is the most crucial foundation for the development of Russia-China relations; they are progressing steadily.

Obviously, the agreements you mentioned as well as the efforts to maintain the strategic partnership are indeed significant, yet the most essential aspect is the practical cooperation between us – the actual, hands-on collaboration across all sectors.

As we have already mentioned, the figures on trade differ slightly between China and Russia, but the total turnover is somewhere between US$240 and US$250 billion. This is lower than the total trade between the EU and China, but when it comes to country-to-country cooperation, Russia ranks first among European states.

China’s overall trade with the EU stands at some US$700 billion, while the turnover with Russia is around US$240 to US$250 billion. But once again, in terms of bilateral cooperation, Russia ranks first among the European nations. Of course, globally, China’s trade with the United States, Japan, and South Korea is larger – but in Europe, Russia takes the top spot for country-to-country cooperation.

These relations continue to grow and expand into a wide range of areas. I am particularly pleased to see progress in high-tech manufacturing, science, education, humanitarian exchange, and space exploration. Our cooperation in these fields reflects the strong level of trust between our nations. We also cooperate in the military sphere, conducting regular joint military exercises and patrols involving strategic aviation, naval forces, and ground troops.

All of this underscores that Russia-China relations are a significant factor driving global stability, as I have stated on many occasions before and would like to emphasise once again. On the international stage, our foreign ministries are in constant contact, coordinating our agendas.

So, I am hopeful that we will further develop relations with our Chinese friends in this manner for the short and long term.

Dmitry Peskov: Let us take another question from the audience.

Yevgenia Volgina: I am Yevgenia Volgina, a host at the Govorit Moskva (Moscow Speaking) radio station.

I have a question regarding demographics in general.

You have repeatedly stated that the birth rate in the country is declining, despite ongoing regular financial support measures such as benefits, payments, incentives, and other forms of assistance. At the same time, there is currently a relatively small generation of women of childbearing age, and demographers are debating when the population decline will reverse.

Meanwhile, many young people are primarily focused on building a career and creating a financial safety cushion, while some are simply afraid to have children.

This leads directly to two questions.

First, what additional financial incentives do you view as new measures that might be introduced to encourage young people to start families and have children?

Second, perhaps now is the time to speak with young people about how important it is to stop postponing family life, and encourage them instead to have children and not be afraid? In other words, to take a value-based approach.

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: This is an issue faced by all post-industrial countries – virtually all major economies. The same trend is occurring everywhere, and in certain states the situation is truly alarming. For example, in Japan the birth rate is 0.8, while in South Korea it is 0.7. To clarify, the birth rate refers to the average number of children per woman of childbearing age.

In our country, this figure has also declined slightly and now stands around 1.4, whereas we need to reach at least two. This is an extremely challenging task. Naturally, a great deal depends on the financial situation of families. A family should not experience a drop in income when a child is born; this is a very important factor. For that reason, I will not go over the efforts that are already underway; there is a wide scope of measures in place. As I mentioned earlier, benefits are provided starting from pregnancy and continuing until the child turns 18. Additional support has been introduced in certain regions; a couple of years ago we allocated 75 billion rubles to assist the territories where fertility rates require special attention, and so on. I have mentioned raising the status of mothers with many children, called Mother Heroine in Russia, among other initiatives. There is support for family mortgages, and we still need to continue working on the six-percent mortgage programme. We have discussed – and will continue to do – every possible effort to encourage young people to start families and have children as early as possible.

This is indeed a very delicate process, but everyone is aware of it. Young people, and particularly women, first seek to obtain education, then uplevel it, take their first career steps, and by the time they do all that, they already turn 30 and only just have their first child. After that, they often lack the strength or energy for a second child, and so on. Naturally, it needs to become trendy, so that people see and feel the joy of motherhood and the joy of fatherhood.

I want to get back to Naran Ochir-Goryaev again: he has been taking part [in the special military operation] for four years now and has four children. You know, everyone learns primarily from their own experience, even though there are constant calls to learn from the experience of others – we keep saying this in every field and in life in general, but still people usually learn from their own experience; only after they have to grapple with something really concrete, they actually start reflecting and drawing conclusions, thinking if they should have done this or that differently.

I am recalling something now, and I believe I have even spoken about it publicly before. At my most recent meeting with large families, there was a woman whose family had, I think, nine or ten children. She said something very kind and truly wonderful, words that have stayed with me. She said: “You know, we now have ten children, but every time a new child was born even when we already had five or six, we immediately thought, ‘How did we ever live without you?’” This kind of reflection captures a person’s state of mind, their attitude towards their children, and their understanding of their own happiness in being a mother or a father. Translating this feeling to others is not an easy task. But it is something we all must do.

I am addressing this audience, your colleagues, representatives of the media, and cultural figures because they are all talented people. They create good films, stage performances, write books, and see their works brought to the stage. I ask you, please, to always keep this in mind and to frame everything you talk about, write about, and show in a way that promotes fatherhood and childhood.

The material aspect is essential – but what matters even more is a person’s state of mind as well as their understanding of simple human happiness.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr President, there is an interesting story related to this. A young lady has turned to us. She is choosing self-fulfilment while being afraid of missing the ideal age for becoming a mother because she is a med student. And as we know, a new measure has been adopted this year, requiring med students to work off their state-funded residency. This requirement applies directly to her.

I suggest listening to a video message. But overall, there are many such messages, with young people still not fully aware of the way their lives would be organised.

Vladimir Putin: Excuse me for interrupting. When you asked your question, I noted that there is one positive aspect for us. Positive demographic trends have emerged in 25 regions of the Russian Federation, which indicates that our colleagues at the local level, in the regions, are making substantial progress in case they focus on this issue. This is particularly true for demography, a challenging but crucial area for our country. So, 25 regions of Russia are already showing positive demographic trends.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Let us now watch the video message.

Vladimir Putin: Yes, please, go ahead.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Here is Alina Gamazina from Kemerovo.

Vladimir Putin: Please, go ahead.

Alina Gamazina: Good afternoon, Mr President,

I am a fifth-year medical student at Kemerovo University, enrolled in a targeted programme. I am prepared to work in my region following graduation. However, I am facing a dilemma: my mandatory years of work will fall between the ages of 27 and 31, which is the perfect time for having children and starting a family. Unfortunately, my schedule, workload, and the low salaries for young professionals make this very tough. I would like to ask whether there are any special conditions in place or planned that would allow combining work with motherhood, without penalties or disruptions to my work experience? Perhaps there is financial or housing support for young medical professionals? Because, in the current situation, we either lose young professionals to other regions, or we face demographic challenges. How can the state help us achieve both goals of having children and working under a targeted programme?

Vladimir Putin: As regards support for young families with children, we have already discussed this a few times; there is a wide range of measures in place to support families with children.

But when you say that you are in your fifth year and needing to fulfill a service commitment, it is all very clear. I am not sure if it is simple, but at least it is understandable. What is clear is that when someone enters medical residency, starting from March 1 of the following year, a procedure is established: following residency, if they are studying under a state-funded scholarship, they are required to work as a doctor for a certain period in the area where they are assigned.

This period varies depending on the location: in rural areas, it will be shorter, while in larger cities, it will be longer. But it is the individual’s choice: they sign a contract for state-funded education, and then they are obligated to work off the residency they received with state funding. If they do not want to do so, they do not have to sign the contract – and in that case, they can study on a paid basis. Incidentally, in this scenario, a young person can take out an education loan and repay it later, once they have finished their studies and during their professional career.

As for medical students, we are not talking about a mandatory work period after graduation or assignment to a specific city or region. No, this is about the requirement that anyone who has completed or is completing their medical education must work in their specialty for a set period of time in a medical institution that follows the compulsory health insurance regulations. It is about working in their field, regardless of the place of work. I do not think this requirement is excessive.

As for starting a family and having children, that is always a personal choice. You need to assess your circumstances and make your own decision.

But, as I have already mentioned, I do not believe that getting further, additional education, building a career, or reaching a certain income level should be the reasons to delay marriage or delay having children.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: An important clarification here is that this specifically refers to certification for the title of [medical] doctor.

Vladimir Putin: It does. A person graduates from university, and they are not assigned to a remote city, town, or village. They simply need to work in their field at an institution that is covered by the compulsory health insurance system. That is all.

We remember how, in Soviet times, everyone was required to go wherever the state decided. That is no longer the case. Even the proposals and decisions that have been made are quite soft, almost advisory in nature.

Perhaps it would be better if we reach a point where this would not be necessary at all. Obviously, the young lady who asked the question is right. What needs to be done? We need to improve living conditions and resolve housing issues. Overall, the state is doing its best to follow this path. This includes support programmes like Rural Paramedic, Rural Teacher and other. We will, of course, continue and improve these forms of support.

Pavel Zarubin: Students at teacher training colleges are also wondering whether they will face mandatory work assignments later on.

Vladimir Putin: This decision has caused quite a stir. It does not yet apply to students at teacher training colleges, and I believe it is not necessary at this point.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: The floor goes to Dmitry Peskov.

Dmitry Peskov: Let us work with the audience.

I can see Yevgeny Poddubny, also a Hero of Russia, and a military correspondent.

Yevgeny Poddubny: Good afternoon, Mr Putin.

Vladimir Putin: Good afternoon.

Yevgeny Poddubny: I have a question that I believe concerns many people in the regions that have a lot of problems – I mean frontline regions such as Donbass, first of all. The issue of water supply is extremely acute there and has been discussed for many years.

The current situation is such that not only in Donetsk, but also in other cities of Donbass – Gorlovka, Makeyevka, Debaltsevo, and virtually every city in the region – water is supplied irregularly, once every two to four days, and its quality is poor. Residents living above the fifth or sixth floor often receive no water at all due to insufficient pressure.

Strictly speaking, this water blockade is man-made, and we are well aware of it. Its primary cause is the actions of our adversary. However, residents of the Donetsk People’s Republic and the Lugansk People’s Republic have been dealing with this issue for many years. Will it take a long time to fix, or is it still impossible to give a clear answer? Thank you very much.

Vladimir Putin: Yevgeny, you know very well where this problem originates. The main water intake facilities and the core water supply system are located beyond Slavyansk, in the territory that, unfortunately, remains under enemy control. Under the old system, this issue can be fully resolved only when this territory comes under the control of our Armed Forces.

That said, this is not the only solution; there are other opportunities, as you are certainly aware: constructing water pipelines, searching for water in territories under our control, drilling wells, and so on. One water pipeline has already been built, and the construction of another one is currently under consideration.

A key issue inherited from the past is the level of water loss. Until recently, losses in the existing pipeline systems reached 68 percent. While this figure has been reduced, it still stands at around 50 percent. I have discussed these issues repeatedly with government members as well as with regional authorities. However, addressing water losses means bringing the entire water pipeline system, which was neglected for decades and is now in a state of disrepair, back up to standard. Restoring this system and reducing water losses to a minimum, or ideally to zero, would require funding comparable, according to experts’ reports, to the cost of building another major water pipeline.

But I want us to be heard. Please note that we know about this issue. We are aware of how acute and painful it is for people, and we will make every effort to promptly resolve it.

Dmitry Peskov: Thank you. One more question. I can see BBC, UK. Your question, please.

Steven Rosenberg: Thank you very much. Steven Rosenberg, BBC News.

I have a question about the future – the future of Russia. What future are you planning and building for your country and your people? In this future, will any public disagreement with the official line be punishable by law, as it is now? Will the search for enemies, both external and internal, intensify? Will mobile internet shutdowns become increasingly common across the country? Will there be further special military operations, or will Russia choose a different path?

I remember you saying that our future is in our hands – that is, in the hands of everyone. But essentially, almost all power in Russia is in your hands, which means that, to a large extent, its future is also in your hands. So, what will it be like? What lies ahead? Will it be the continuation of what we are seeing now?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: What will Russia’s future be? Will actions or people who disagree with the authorities be punishable by law, as you put it? You are probably referring to our well-known and frequently criticised law on foreign agents.

Colleague, I would like to point out that this is not our invention. Such laws were adopted in a number of Western countries, including the United States, back in the 1930s. Moreover, all these laws, including the American one, are significantly harsher. They envisage criminal liability, including imprisonment, for political activity funded from abroad.

We have nothing of the kind. Our law requires only one thing: if you are engaged in political activity, you must disclose your sources of funding. There is no repression and no criminal prosecution for this.

Furthermore, if a person ceases political activity or refuses foreign funding for such activities, they are removed from these lists. There are many such examples.

Pavel Zarubin: There is another question: what will happen next with the BBC? There is a multi-billion-dollar lawsuit from the US President against the BBC.

Vladimir Putin: That is their family business; let them sort it out themselves. I do not want to add fuel to the fire or dwell on that topic.

Although, of course, it is an issue of false reporting and manipulation. That is obvious. I believe President Trump is right. But that is not the point here.

You also asked whether there will be new special military operations. There will be none if we are treated with respect and if our interests are taken into account, just as we have consistently tried to take yours into account. But you deceived us, for example, with NATO’s eastward expansion. We were told there NATO would not expand “one inch eastward” – that is a direct quote. And what happened? As they say it here, they simply deceived us and disregarded our security interests.

You – well, of course not you personally, but Western politicians – created the current situation with their own hands and continue to escalate it. They constantly talk about preparing for war with Russia. You have lived here for years, as far as I know. I think even those who speak about war with Russia understand [the absurdity of] this. Are we planning to attack Europe or something? What kind of nonsense is that?

This is being done for internal political reasons in order to create an image of an enemy. And an image of an enemy, Russia in this case, is being deliberately constructed in order to conceal the mistakes that many Western governments have consistently made over the years, both in economy and social policy.

Where is the “green agenda” when coal mines are being reopened? Nuclear power plants were shut down, and now they are being reactivated. Mistake after mistake – yet all of this is being covered up by portraying Russia as a malicious external threat and diverting public attention away from internal failures, shifting it toward the outside world.

Your questions basically follow the same logic. You said that all power is concentrated in my hands. True, there is power vested in the President of the Russian Federation. But the scope and extent of that power are clearly defined and enshrined in the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the fundamental law of our country. For instance, when legislative decisions are made, I do indeed sign laws, as is the case in any country. I cannot recall the exact share in percent, but a significant portion of these laws is initiated by deputies of the State Duma or by members of the upper chamber of parliament, the Federation Council. These are objective facts. Obviously, the President of Russia enjoys extensive powers; but I believe that, under current conditions, a presidential form of government is justified for our country.

I would like to conclude on a different note. We are ready to work with you – with Great Britain, with Europe as a whole, and with the United States – but solely on the basis of equality and mutual respect.

If we ultimately reach such an understanding, everyone will benefit.

I recall a conversation I attended back in 1993, where Helmut Kohl, former Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, spoke. He said that if Europe wishes to remain an independent centre of civilisation, its future must inevitably be with Russia. We naturally complement one another; together, we could work, develop, and prosper. Without this, Europe would eventually vanish.

Consider this: despite the fact that Russia’s economic growth rate has slowed to around one percent amidst our efforts to curb inflation, Russia still ranks fourth globally in terms of purchasing power parity after China, the United States, and India. Russia is followed by Japan and Germany. The United Kingdom, which you represent, unfortunately ranks only seventh, eighth, or ninth – most likely seventh or eighth, I believe.

If Russia and European nations were to unite their efforts, our combined GDP in terms of purchasing power parity would exceed that of the United States. This is obviously a theoretical calculation. But the underlying reality is clear: by pooling and complementing our capabilities, we would achieve prosperity rather than confrontation. It is not Russia that is fighting you. It is you who are fighting us, through Ukrainian nationalists.

We are ready to stop these hostilities immediately, provided that Russia’s mid- and long-term security interests are guaranteed. And we are ready to cooperate.

Pavel Zarubin: On the whole – and I believe the audience will agree with me – in recent years, we have seen so many statements and actions from European politicians that are simply mind-boggling.

Why do you think we see such rampant support for the Kiev regime in all aspects? Human rights no longer seem to matter and no one speaks about European values anymore – there is just unbridled backing, and, apparently, they are even ready to start confrontation with the President of the United States.

Vladimir Putin: Why is such a policy being pursued – rampant, as you put it? I have just tried to explain this when answering a question from your colleague from BBC. First, they are using this policy to cover up their own mistakes: in foreign policy, economy, finance, and other areas. That is what I believe is happening.

Second, they have gotten themselves into a rut, as we say when talking about bad roads. Once you are stuck in a rut, it is very hard to turn left or right.

As for conflicts with the President of the United States, there is nothing unexpected or surprising here. Why should it surprise anyone? It is all quite clear to me, and I believe it is clear to any observer, even a non-expert. European political elites supported the Democratic Party and Ms Harris in the US presidential election, and they did so quite openly, if not brazenly.

There were once allegations that Russia had intervened in the US presidential election to support Donald Trump. Nothing was ever confirmed; all investigations launched by Congress came to nothing. There was no cooperation and no Russian interference. Yet, European political elites did interfere – and they did so directly. It was obvious, visible, and blatant. Even now, it seems to me that they are counting on a shift in the political landscape after the US congressional midterm elections next autumn. They hope this will bring back their traditional allies, allowing them to exert greater pressure on President Trump. That is why they are acting the way they are, anticipating a change in the US political balance ahead of those elections.

As for certain individuals, they are indeed behaving very aggressively and, in my view, even unprofessionally.

Regarding these aggressive statements – you know, I look at them, and I am surprised too. For instance, I personally know the current NATO Secretary General, Mr Rutte. He is the former Prime Minister of the Netherlands. I once visited the country and spoke with him. He is an intelligent man, and he was a competent, strategically minded, and efficient prime minister. The Dutch economy is in good shape, and this is partly due to his efforts. And what nonsense is he talking now? I just want to ask him: what are you saying about a war with Russia? “We must prepare for war with Russia.” They want to prepare for a war with Russia. But can you even read? Just read the new US National Security Strategy. It says that the United States – let me emphasise – is the key player in NATO. The United States established NATO; it is NATO’s main sponsor. All the main resources come from the US: funding, military technology, weapons, ammunition. That is the foundation of the Alliance.

And yet the new National Security Strategy does not list Russia as an enemy or a target. Nevertheless, the NATO Secretary General is preparing for war with us. How does that make sense? Can you even read? How can NATO aim to go to war with Russia if the Alliance’s leading power does not regard us as an adversary or an enemy?

It seems that the level of professional competence in this position is inadequate. One needs to pay closer attention to their responsibilities and the events unfolding. This applies not only to the NATO Secretary General but to many other Western leaders as well.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr President, we have been live for almost three hours now, and we have received three million requests.

Vladimir Putin: Do you want to process all three million?

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: We are striving to do so. And, as is traditional for the final conference of the year, we have a huge number of questions concern housing.

Vladimir Putin: Please go ahead.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: People are sending requests to expand the use of family mortgages for existing housing. Let me remind you that such a programme is already in place.

Vladimir Putin: Family mortgages?

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Yes, family mortgages, but for existing housing.

Vladimir Putin: I understand.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Such a programme does exist; it involves nearly 900 cities, but there are limitations, and they are critical for young families and those with many children. Essentially, they have to move to places where there are new buildings. In many towns and villages, there simply are none.

Let us watch a video message from Yekaterina Yerastova from the Tomsk Region.

Yekaterina Yerastova: Good afternoon, Mr President,

We are a large family from the town of Strezhevoy. We have three children. We would like to use the Family Mortgage programme, but there are no new buildings in our town, and none are being constructed. Those that exist, with apartments suitable for our family, are more than 20 years old. So, we would like to ask you to expand family mortgages to families like ours and to towns like ours.

Thank you very much.

Vladimir Putin: Is there no such option in your city? Do we have a direct connection?

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: No, this is a recording. This is the town of Strezhevoy, Tomsk Region.

Vladimir Putin: What is the name of the town?

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Strezhevoy. A town of oil workers.

Vladimir Putin: And the region?

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Tomsk.

Vladimir Putin: The Tomsk Region.

Look, this decision – are they listening now?

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: I believe Yekaterina is definitely watching.

Vladimir Putin: The decision has been made. In the regions where no or very little construction is underway to build new housing, family mortgages can be used to purchase housing on the secondary market. Of course, this raises a number of questions and challenges related to construction quality as well as the condition of the buildings being purchased. While a mortgage is being repaid, the housing itself may deteriorate, so people should always be very careful when choosing a property.

You have mentioned that nearly 900 cities are included – around 880, if I remember correctly. If your city is not on this list, we will add it. I would also like to note that just yesterday I discussed this issue with my colleagues in the Government who are responsible for housing construction and support for families with children. When these measures were initially adopted, they were intended to support both families and the construction sector. Why was it so difficult to allow purchases on the secondary market? With new housing, everything is clear as family mortgages stimulate construction activity. But even in the current conditions in locations that permit purchases on the secondary housing market, many questions persist. The key task is ensuring that this particular support measure is aimed primarily at supporting families, and not merely at supporting the construction industry. There are plenty of issues, and the Government will work to address them. As regards your city, if it is not yet on the list, we will make sure it gets included.

Pavel Zarubin: In previous years, we all remember how our direct lines were constantly flooded with questions from defrauded homebuyers. To prevent this, the escrow account mechanism was finally introduced – meaning a developer only gets paid once the building is actually completed and commissioned. But now we are seeing a surprising new problem. There are numerous cases where developers have already taken the money from these protected accounts but still have not handed over the keys. Here’s just one example.

Video question: Good afternoon. I bought a flat in Vsevolozhsk, Leningrad Region, but I still haven’t received it because the developer keeps moving the deadlines. The original deadline was September 30, 2025. Then in July, I was notified that my block of flats is scheduled for commissioning in December 2025 due to technical connection problems. Yet, on August 21, my escrow account was debited, and that very evening I got a notification that my block of flats was officially completed and ready to be commissioned. Right now, I know there’s still no heating in the building, and only one window ever has a light on – so it’s not clear any work is happening at all. Then, on October 30, I was notified that my flat’s handover is now postponed again until April. I’m asking you to look into this. I believe it is fraud: no flat and no money.

Pavel Zarubin: And here is another important point. One of the few ways a buyer can pressure a developer is to demand penalty fees for delays. But another problem has come to light. Since the pandemic, developers have been shielded from these penalties by a moratorium. It was introduced during the pandemic to support the construction industry, and it has been extended several times since. People are now asking: will it be extended again?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, this problem is well-known. Indeed, the decision to introduce this moratorium to support the construction sector during the COVID-19 pandemic was taken, and it is still in place with respect to penalties until the end of this year. I think this is sufficient, and I would ask the Government not to extend any moratoriums of this kind. Flats should be handed over on time.

There are, of course, legitimate questions and problems that can cause delays – I was discussing some with my colleagues just yesterday. In some contracts, for instance, the flat is supposed to be furnished. But there is no furniture, other things are missing.

In this specific case, the woman mentions problems with utility connections and other issues. But the moratorium on penalties needs to end, and I ask the Government to end it.

More broadly, we absolutely must establish a system-wide approach to ensure developers fulfil their obligations. We introduced escrow accounts to protect citizens, and now we need to revisit that mechanism to close these loopholes. We will go back and do exactly that.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Another problem we have highlighted is again with protracted construction projects – this time concerning sports facilities. There are similar complaints here as well: everything is almost finished, but they just won’t open.

Residents of the town of Abaza in Khakassia say the local ice arena is not complete. They write that parents, trying to speed things up, even helped dig the foundation pit themselves. But now the construction is frozen.

In the village of Dzhabyk, Chelyabinsk Region, the walls and roof of a sports and fitness centre are up, but the work has stalled.

Vladimir Putin: There is not much to add here.

For several years now, while the Government has been working hard, and it is hard work, to balance the budget, we have been saying the same thing: we must. If projects are not finished, we cannot start new ones. We need to complete the construction we have begun, not leave it hanging. It is the same story every time. Please pass…

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Absolutely.

Vladimir Putin: Please pass that information on – we will look into it.

Ah, I cannot help but notice the ‘I want to get married’ sign back there. Something else is coming up, I see.

Kirill Bazhanov: Mr President, good afternoon. Kirill Bazhanov, Regional Television, Channel 4, Yekaterinburg.

Vladimir Putin: Look at you, already dressed as if you are on your way to the wedding.

Kirill Bazhanov: Yes, exactly. And the sign is no accident. I know my girlfriend is watching the direct line conference right now. Olga, will you marry me? Well, since the proposal is happening here, Mr President, we would be honoured to have you at our wedding.

Now for my question. The sign is here for a reason. I will not ask about utilities or anything else – my question is about support measures for young families. My new fiancée and I have been together for eight years. I come from a priest’s family. We both really want children, but the reality is, I do not see how we can afford them. For example, if I were to take out a mortgage on a one-bedroom flat in Yekaterinburg now, I would be paying 50,000 rubles a month for 30 years.

Mr President, is there any way to help young people so that this money does not just go to the banks, but is instead invested in our future, in our children? As a 23-year-old, I can tell you for sure that this would be the most important incentive to improve the birth rate.

Thank you very much.

Vladimir Putin: I should point out – you have been with your fiancée for eight years, and you are 23, so you started dating at 15. Well done. That’s good.

In the Caucasus, among the peoples of the Caucasus, there is a very good tradition: they marry their children at a fairly young age. It is truly the right thing to do. We should follow their example. How do I know? Ramzan Kadyrov has a large family, many children, and they marry quite young. He told me, “This is our tradition in the Caucasus.” It’s really quite admirable.

In your case, as I have already mentioned, an entire support system for families with children has been created, including assistance for student families and others. I will not list all these measures now, as that would take too much time. However, it has already been said that you can wait indefinitely for the perfect moment: for your financial situation to improve, for your education to be completed, and so on. Yet it is better not to postpone having a child. This is part of life, and we must live our lives as they are. Procreation – especially since you are probably a believer – is perhaps a person’s divine mission. Therefore, of course, we will continue these support measures. Despite certain tensions related to the need to balance the budget, we have nevertheless preserved mortgage programmes.

Moreover, there are regions where mortgage rates are only two percent, not six. You can take out a mortgage there – because, in fact, home is where your heart is, and even a hut is heaven. It will not be a hut; it will be an apartment, but in regions where the mortgage rate is only two percent rather than six.

We need to review all support measures for young families. I believe all these issues can be resolved.

What does your fiancée do?

Kirill Bazhanov: She is a third-year student in the psychology department at Moscow State University, and I am graduating this year from the journalism department at Ural Federal University.

Vladimir Putin: You see, I have already said that there are measures to support student families. You should look into what they include. But overall, I agree with you: when young people think that they first need to buy this and that, secure housing, and resolve countless everyday issues, it can feel overwhelming. Still, it is better not to delay such fundamental decisions as starting a family and having a child.

Dmitry Peskov: I see the Zvezda TV Channel over there. Can we give the floor to Zvezda, Mr President?

Vladimir Putin: Please.

Konstantin Kokoveshnikov: Good afternoon.

Zvezda TV, Konstantin Kokoveshnikov.

You have already spoken about attempts to undermine the Russian economy, but I cannot help asking about the strikes carried out by Ukrainian drones and unmanned naval vessels, and about this issue in a broader context.

There is a growing impression that, in addition to targeting critical infrastructure inside Russia, attempts are being made to strike at Russian exports, particularly the supplies of Russian energy resources abroad. Some heads of state have already expressed concern about this, including Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Sitting next to me is a young woman from Rostov-on-Don, and I cannot help recalling that just two days ago, a Ukrainian strike killed two crew members on board a civilian vessel in the port of Rostov. Prior to that, the Ukrainian regime targeted four tankers in the Black Sea.

Will Russia respond to this, and if so, how? What might Russia’s response be in the event of a possible blockade of the Kaliningrad Region, should such an idea occur to someone in Europe?

Vladimir Putin: Let us start with the final part of your question. I hope that this does not happen. If threats of this kind are created for us, we will eliminate them. Everyone must understand this clearly and be fully aware that actions of this nature would lead to an escalation of the conflict unprecedented to date, pushing it to an entirely different level and expanding it, potentially to a large-scale armed conflict. This must be fully understood by all.

As for strikes against our civilian infrastructure, you, as a representative of what is effectively a military media outlet, Zvezda, are well aware that our forces respond to this on a regular basis, delivering retaliatory strikes whose scale, power and precision are simply incomparable with what the Kiev regime is doing. However, anything that causes damage to civilian infrastructure and non-combatants, that is, people who have no involvement in hostilities, is, of course, deserving the strongest condemnation. There will always be a response from our side.

Pavel Zarubin: News is coming in right now that one more of our tankers has been attacked in the Mediterranean Sea.

Vladimir Putin: This is being done, among other things, for a utilitarian purpose: to drive up insurance premiums. Ultimately, this will not lead to the expected result, will not disrupt any supplies, and will only create additional threats. Response from our side will certainly follow.

Question: Good afternoon, Mr President.

Thank you very much for the opportunity to ask a question.

First of all, let me convey warm greetings to you from the people of my entire republic – and from your home region, Pavel – and thank you for the attention to our region.

My question is partly related to this topic as well. A Russian–Tajikistani industrial park is currently being created in Tajikistan, with Bashkortostan acting as the Russian operator of this project. My question is: in which other friendly countries could similar parks be created? Where else could the experience of my home region, Bashkortostan, be useful?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: We have been working for several years on creating a similar structure in Egypt, in the Nile region. It is a very promising site. The Government, the Ministry of Industry, and our Egyptian friends are giving it serious attention. I believe this project would bring significant economic benefits to both Russia and Egypt.

We are also considering launching similar projects in several other partner countries, and your experience will certainly be in demand. To be honest, I am not fully aware of the current progress of the industrial park project in Tajikistan, but I have no doubt that Bashkortostan, with its strong technological and industrial base, will play an important role and achieve all of its objectives. If necessary, I ask the federal Government to provide you with support. Thank you very much.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr President, back to the audience?

Vladimir Putin: I have one big request: if we start making noise from all sides, we will have to stop, because it will be impossible to work and communicate.

(Inscription on a journalist’s sign.) Kokoshnik? Let us see what this kokoshnik is like. It is a headdress that young women usually wear.

Remark: Good afternoon, Mr President. Good afternoon, colleagues.

To be honest, I am nervous. I was looking forward to asking you a question.

Vladimir Putin: There is young men with a sign saying “Kokoshnik,” and you are wearing one and you have stood up, so please, go head.

Remark: Women first, as they say.

Vladimir Putin: Yes.

Question: Mr President, my question follows up on the question posed by my 13-year-old colleague sitting in the front row who asked you about you driving around Moscow without flashing lights or any identifying signs.

Do you think Moscow has become more beautiful? What about the roads? Have they become less congested? After all, a huge number of motorways have been built in Moscow; you and I opened the Moscow High-Speed Diametre and launched Prospekt Bagrationa. Do you think the roads are less congested now? Fewer traffic jams? That is my first question.

Second, what are looking at on the car market? Are we going to switch to domestically produced vehicles because of higher disposal fees? I have been saving up for five years to buy a foreign-made car. I checked on December 1, and foreign-made vehicles were gone, because they are so expensive now. I will now have to save up for the next five or six years. Please tell me whether a domestically produced vehicle is a good choice. You have driven a Lada. Or, perhaps Moskvich is a better choice?

Vladimir Putin: You know, let’s start with the disposal fee. We need to be straight about the issue. Higher disposal fee means higher car prices. We are talking about fairly expensive cars with, I believe, 160-horsepower engines.

Without a doubt, the Government understands this; this move affects people with at least average incomes, or even those with good incomes relative to the overall situation, primarily in major cities. It is clear, and again, it must be stated directly that this move is about the Finance Ministry’s attempt to raise extra revenue for the noble goal of technological advancement.

Of course, this move indirectly supports the domestic auto industry as well, and you stated it clearly: it has become a bit expensive, so shouldn’t I consider buying a domestically produced car? Of course, I would be remiss not to tell you to buy a domestic car. It would be strange if I told you to buy a car made outside Russia.

I hope that this measure will not be permanent, and our people will eventually have an expanded choice of cars: either as incomes rise or as this fiscal burden is reduced.

Question: Has Moscow traffic become less congested?

Vladimir Putin: What can I say? We are all proud of Moscow. Sergei Sobyanin has accomplished a lot.

Moscow is a vast urban and economic centre… Look, 12 million people live here, plus three million people come to Moscow to work every day. That is almost 15 million people in Moscow every day.

Transport issues are addressed systemically. This concerns public transport, primarily the metro, and road construction, interchanges, and overpasses. Sobyanin’s team is generally succeeding in solving these matters.

To reiterate, issues abound. When I drive around Moscow… I said that I drive without a motorcade, but that does not mean I do not use flashing lights. Occasionally, the driver turns them off, and we merge with the traffic. Of course, before and after the work hours, the traffic is very heavy, especially in downtown Moscow.

This means that we can’t rest on our laurels. Much has been accomplished, but we must keep an eye on this matter at all times.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr President, we have already spoken today about problems faced by people with diabetes. Due to disruptions in communication services, it has become virtually impossible for them to monitor blood sugar levels using specialised mobile applications.

However, there is another serious aspect to this issue: people cannot obtain subsidised medications. We are receiving a large number of messages about this problem, and it affects more than just diabetics.

Vladimir Putin: Yes, yes, yes, I have seen similar questions.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Exactly. And this is only a small portion of what has been submitted. People suffering from a wide range of conditions are writing to us: cancer patients, people with kidney failure, epilepsy, hypertension. The list goes on.

Let us watch a video message from Dmitry Otstavnykh, the Sverdlovsk Region.

Dmitry Otstavnykh: Good afternoon, Mr President.

My name is Dmitry Otstavnykh. In the city of Krasnoturyinsk, the Sverdlovsk Region, the distribution of subsidised medications that citizens need after illnesses and surgeries has stopped. This is going on every year starting in November. Local clinics explain that funding has run out. As Viktor Chernomyrdin once said: “Never before but once again.”

I would like to ask for your help in ensuring that Sverdlovsk Region officials restore this funding and provide residents with the subsidised medications they urgently need.

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Mr Otstavnykh, I will not deny that there are many such appeals. I read them yesterday and the day before. Before coming here, I spoke with the relevant officials: senior representatives of the ministries and the Government. They assured me that everything falling under federal responsibility, including the compulsory medical insurance system, has been fully financed and that all funds have been transferred to the regions without a single delay.

The issue you raise – and I repeat, many appeals mention the same problem, in fact, Dmitry Peskov gave me a pile this thick – concerns how this work is organised at the regional level: logistics, the timely conclusion of contracts, and the proper distribution of medications within the pharmacy network.

I promise that we will pay close attention to what is happening. I hope this problem will be resolved. The documents I reviewed also point to the closure of state-run pharmacies, which has led to shortages of subsidised medications. I want to emphasise to my colleagues in the regions that subsidised medications must be available at fixed prices even in private pharmacies. This is critically important, and the Ministry of Health and other regulatory authorities must strictly monitor compliance.

Moreover, we need to further develop the pharmacy network, including through mobile pharmacies, which are already being successfully introduced in many regions. This practice is expanding and proving effective. Certain medications can also be dispensed through village first aid stations, which helps address the issue, at least in part. We have also discussed expanding this approach through the Russian Post system. In general, the solution is clear: we simply need to ensure that it is properly implemented. We will definitely do this. And in your specific case, I am confident the issue will be resolved promptly.

Dmitry Peskov: Let’s take our next question from the audience.

Vladimir Putin: Let us: it looks nice first saying USSR and then TF1.

Dmitry Peskov: That is, first a placard saying USSR and then a placard saying TF1.

Vladimir Putin: A colleague of ours is already on his feet. Please, go ahead.

Remark: Good afternoon, Mr President.

Vladimir Putin: Good afternoon.

Remark: May I present a gift first, and then ask a couple of questions?

Dmitry Peskov: Please let us know what it is, and we will take it from you later. Thank you.

Remark: Yes, of course. It is a book titled “The Heart of Asia.” It features poems by126 Russian poets who praised Persia and Tajikistan. There is a dedication to you. The collection begins with Zhukovsky in 1743 and continues to the present day. We have compiled an anthology of the best Russian poets who praised Persia and Tajikistan, mostly Tajikistan. This is my gift to you. I know you love this.

Vladimir Putin: Thank you very much.

Question: Here is my question.

Mr President, you appreciate the poetry of Omar Khayyam. We – Tajiks and Persians – are his descendants. Could we ask the President of Russia to have a monument in honour of this great scholar erected, or an Omar Khayyam Centre created? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: That is a good idea. We will definitely give it a thought. Thank you very much. As they say in such circumstances, thank you for the tip. We will think about it, I promise.

Yes, I wanted TF1 to ask a question.

Dmitry Peskov: Our French colleagues, TF1. Please go ahead.

Vladimir Putin: Please.

Jerome Jerome Garro, from TF1 French TV.

Mr President,

One of my compatriots, the Frenchman Laurent Vinatier, has been put in jail for three years for an administrative offence. Now the Russian justice system is raising the issue of espionage, which worsens the situation.

Vladimir Putin: Pardon me, could you say again the name of the person who was sentenced to three years?

Garro: Laurent Vinatier, a Frenchman.

Vladimir Putin: Who is that? This is the first time I am hearing this name.

Jerome Garro: All right. He was a researcher in Russia, and he wasn’t registered as a foreign agent. He didn’t know that the law changed. He was put in jail for three years for this administrative offence. His parents and children are deeply worried right now. We know there are huge tensions between France and Russia. But as the New year approaches, can his family hope for a Presidential pardon or an exchange, and his return to France?

Vladimir Putin: I know nothing about this. This is the first time I am hearing about it, but I promise that I will look into it. If there is even the slightest chance to resolve this matter favourably, if the Russian law allows it, we will make every effort to do so. I cannot say anything specific at this point, because I know nothing about it. But I will find out, I promise.

Dmitry Peskov: Mr President, if you don’t mind, let's proceed. I see someone sitting modestly with their phone out. Please introduce yourself.

Valentin Petukhov: Good afternoon, Mr President. My name is Valentin Petukhov, and I’m a Russian tech blogger. For the past 15 years, I have been informing my audience about services and technologies, both Russian and foreign, and I represent a substantial audience, with several million subscribers across my social media accounts. Currently, extensive work is underway on import substitution and the construction of what we call technological sovereignty. Perhaps one of the most significant topics discussed this year has been the national messenger, MAX.

However, we are aware that there is a vast array of messaging platforms already in use by people, so my question is the following: Was the creation of a national messenger truly such an important and necessary development? Can MAX compete adequately with the existing messaging platforms? And what is your view on such competition? In a purely blogger-like fashion, I’d like to ask you to subscribe to my MAX channel about technology, but I understand that you are already well-versed in this matter. Listening to my colleagues, I recalled that today, December 19, is my father’s birthday. I would like to congratulate him and all Russians, because, using neural networks, I discovered that several hundred thousand Russian citizens are also celebrating their birthdays today.

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: We, too, would like to join in congratulating your father.

As for MAX and competition, competition is always necessary. I am confident that there will be competition.

Regarding Telegram and other messengers, the issue lies in one thing only – compliance with Russian laws. The problem with these messengers was that the political leadership of their countries did not allow them to adhere to our laws, imposing certain restrictions. This was the reason behind the corresponding measures, such as slowdowns and speed limitations, and so on. You are all aware of this.

I am sure MAX will have competitors. Was it necessary to create it or not? Of course, yes, it was absolutely necessary. I would like to draw your attention to the fact that, in principle, we had all the tools in the digital sphere except for a messenger. Now, we can confidently say – and this is very important – that Russia has achieved full digital sovereignty. Russia is one of only three countries that possess this digital sovereignty: the United States, the People’s Republic of China, and now Russia.

Moreover, there are a number of services we can provide to our citizens through the MAX national system, services that we could not previously offer through foreign systems for a variety of reasons, including security considerations. Therefore, this is unquestionably the right step. But I agree with you that competition should exist. It will.

Pavel Zarubin: Many questions about healthcare have also been submitted via MAX, and, by the way, many of them – we have also noticed this – were resolved even before the Direct Line. In total, half a million questions were received through MAX, including many video questions from children and young people…

Vladimir Putin: Excuse me.

“We in Ulyanovsk live as if in the 19^th century. When will your subordinates finally start working and listening to you and the people?” But we just need to understand… I will ask you to note this, Mr Peskov, make a note – we need to understand what this is referring to.

Pavel Zarubin: Is this a text message?

Vladimir Putin: Yes. And now this: “I am tired of these programmes about Ukraine.” I completely agree. We need to wrap it up. “Maybe we should focus on solving our own problems and covering them?” We are trying to do that.

Pavel Zarubin: We should focus more on our domestic issues. There are several video messages from children and young people.

Video question: Hello, Mr President.

My name is Daniil, and I am at the International Literature Fair in Moscow right now. There are very few young people here, almost none compared to the older generation. I would like to ask about your opinion on this trend. Children and teenagers are reading less these days. They mostly prefer reels.

How critical is this, in your opinion? What can we do about this? Is there a book that, in your opinion, every Russian should read?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: What can I say? Unfortunately, people are reading less everywhere in the world. We used to be proud that the USSR was the world’s most reading nation. That is what they used to say about us. Even these days, many people enjoy reading although, unfortunately, the number of readers is shrinking worldwide.

What could be done? Of course, it depends on school, family and parents. Children need more attention in this regard. We should keep up with the competition against modern means of communication, tablets, and so on. I mean that parents should keep up with this competition. Why? Because it is important to communicate the value of books to children in a colourful, vivid and engaging way. It is not an easy task but creativity makes it possible.

You know, I have already said this once, and I want to reiterate and share it with you. I asked a priest once what people usually talk about when they are dying. His answer was that people usually regret not giving enough attention to their children.

I don’t want to personify this answer or comment. And it is not specific. I am not breaking the seal of confession. It is just a general message. It concerns anything, be it education or teaching values.

By the way, in response to the young man’s question about what book to read. World literature, Russian literature, classics and modern books provide many topics for discussion and can be useful reads. The most important thing is that a book should shape one’s views and beliefs. It is difficult for me to name a specific book.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Next, we have a text message. Let me read it out; this one also came via MAX, from Diana Giniyatullina. She asks: “What are your working hours? And what’s the number plate on your car?” Two questions there.

Vladimir Putin: To be honest, I don’t even know if it has a number plate. I’ve never really noticed; I just get in and go.

As for my working hours, from when to when? Well, I used to finish quite late, and these days it seems to be getting later and later. I won’t give you a specific cut-off time, as that wouldn’t be appropriate – it would probably breach labour laws, and that wouldn’t be right. One needs to go to bed on time to be fit and alert. And that’s the kind of work-life routine I’d encourage everyone to adopt.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: The next question is from Viktoria Vasilyeva. And Mr President, it’s not just for you, but for Pavel as well.

Vladimir Putin: For Pavel?

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Let’s have a look.

Viktoria Vasilyeva: Good afternoon, Mr President.

My name is Viktoria. I’m a big fan of Pavel Zarubin’s programme format. So I have a proposal for you. I’ll finish school and university, Pavel will have retired by then, and I’ll take his place. So please, don’t go anywhere; wait for me. I’ll be reporting on your work.

I also wanted to wish you a Happy New Year, good health, and that you always make the right decisions.

Vladimir Putin: Thank you very much, Viktoria.

I return your New Year wishes. All the best to you too, success in your studies, and may you have good, loyal friends by your side.

Let’s not pension Pavel off just yet; he’s still got plenty of life in him. I’ve got a different proposal. I’ll have a word with him, and he won’t say no – he’ll take you on as a trainee. He’s still got a lot to offer; he’s quite young, I repeat. And by the time I retire, and you’re there gaining experience with him, it will stand you in good stead for getting into a journalism programme. Then you and Pavel can work on keeping all sorts of bosses on their toes, right up to the federal level.

Pavel Zarubin: We’ll make that happen.

But while I’m not retired just yet, if I may, I’d like to ask about something that’s concerning us all more and more. You’ve spoken a lot recently about the opportunities, but also the dangers, of artificial intelligence – how you can now solve any problem at the push of a button, without using your head.

Here is another video message from MAX.

Video question (the recording is cut off.) … and what could be the right balance between modern technologies and the task of teaching children to think independently? We would appreciate your response.

We would also like to invite you to the opening of the Point of the Future centre in Yakutsk on September 1, 2026.

Vladimir Putin: This is a pressing and complex issue, given both the topic itself and the nature of the problem.

Of course, today it is possible to obtain a great deal of information and accomplish various tasks using the capabilities of AI. Indeed, there is a risk that children, teenagers, school and even university students will stop thinking for themselves and searching for solutions, and instead, as Pavel said, simply press a button and get the required answer.

This is a major challenge, and it will only become more complicated due to the organisation of the educational process in schools and universities. It is therefore necessary to structure the educational process in such a way that core skills are still developed and practised directly in classrooms, so that the tasks facing school and university students are set right there, in the classrooms, and solved right there by the students themselves. That way, there will be a real need to engage one’s mind, to work and to think.

In the long run, the development of modern technologies should not lead to a situation where part of our population, part of society, remains intellectually active because it works within this paradigm, while another follows the easier path – able to use technology and press the right buttons, but intellectually degrading. This must not be allowed to happen under any circumstances.

This is a major challenge for the education system and for families as well. I believe that there is little more to add.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Let’s give the floor to the audience.

Vladimir Putin: Let’s hear from Spas. Please.

Ksenia Aksyonova: Forgive me, but this is very important for us. Thank you.

Ksenia Aksyonova, Spas TV channel.

Thank you for recognising the International Satanist Movement as extremist. However, occult services, esotericism, psychics, and fortune-tellers remain accessible: they appear on TV shows, social media, and in books. Children’s tarot products are also now available on every shop shelf.

Last year, Russian citizens spent over 2.5 trillion rubles on occult services. Of course, Spas TV channel produced the film Demons: The Whole Truth About Psychics and Sorcerers, where we shared many human stories profoundly and destructively impacted by the occult business. Yet people continue to visit sorcerers.

Tell us, please, is it possible to introduce a ban on magical and occult advertisements, which contradict your Executive Order No. 809 on preserving our traditions and, indeed, the Supreme Court’s ruling prohibiting international Satanism?

Vladimir Putin: As for legislative decisions, rulings by the highest judicial authorities – both the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court – must be observed by all. I will certainly revisit this matter and instruct the relevant regulatory bodies to monitor it very closely, ensuring that no violations of decisions adopted at the legislative or highest judicial levels occur. But here, of course, we must act carefully.

I fully agree with you. Satanism, occult services, all these sorcerers and so on – it is absolute nonsense, which simply misleads people, driving them into a dark corner, both literally and figuratively, causing substantial harm to citizens, their moral state, and indeed their mental and psychological well-being.

This must be combated. We just need to do so carefully, ensuring we do not infringe upon human rights, as your colleagues here have also mentioned, or overstep with these restrictions. Nonetheless, we must, without question, continuously analyse developments in this sphere, respond, and make timely decisions.

We will certainly address this, including with you, representatives of the mass media – such as yours – and with representatives of our traditional religions, including, of course, the Russian Orthodox Church.

Dmitry Peskov: Mr President, we didn’t have enough questions from that sector. I see the Avtoradio radio station there.

Vladimir Putin: Good, let’s have Avtoradio.

Dmitry Peskov: Go ahead.

Nadezhda Rumyantseva: Good afternoon. My name is Nadezhda Rumyantseva, Avtoradio.

Mr President, here is our question. It is believed that the generation of the 1990s was lost for the state. What about the current generation? Do you feel its support?

Vladimir Putin: I can’t agree that the generation of the 1990s has been lost.

The problem of fathers and children is an evergreen issue, as you can clearly see in Turgenev’s novel Fathers and Sons. It has always been said, by every generation, that it was different “in our time,” that “fathers” did it differently, and life is not like it used to be.

I entered the security service immediately after graduating from university, and I was transferred to the Soviet foreign intelligence service soon afterwards. One of the ways to assess people and their ability to serve in intelligence services, especially undercover, is to place them in a difficult or critical situation, especially a life-threatening situation. That is when they reveal their true nature.

Yes, some things and some habits of our young people may seem absurd or inappropriate to the older generations, but it is in a critical situation that your true nature is revealed. It has always been like this throughout our history.

We are living in conditions of the special military operation. We have 700,000 people in the zone of the special military operation, and most of them are young people, including many from the generation of the 1990s. How have they been acting? Naran, how would you describe young people, the individuals you are serving with, those who are serving under your command?

Pass the microphone, please.

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: The children of the 1990s constitute the core. They are the heroes you can look up to.

Vladimir Putin: Thank you, Naran. That answers the question.

As for the younger generation, there is an interesting observation. Yesterday we analysed the information we received in the form of questions during the preparation of the Direct Line. Many questions have come from young people. This means that they are also very active in public life, even more active than in the past few years. Thank you.

Let’s proceed without any notes; you just raised your hand. Please go ahead.

Andrei Belov: Good afternoon. Andrei Belov, Ulyanovsk, Media 73.ru.

I’ve got a question about transport: aviation and public transport. Next year marks the 50^th anniversary of the unique Aviastar plant, which produced the extraordinary An-124 Ruslan aircraft and is now working on the Il-76. What do you think: are modern Russian aircraft like the Ruslan needed? How will Aviastar and Russia’s aviation industry be supported moving forward?

Public transport is a major issue specifically for the city of Ulyanovsk, and I know you discussed both topics with Governor [Alexei] Russkikh. Will there be more concrete steps to support public transport in Ulyanovsk, including procurement with federal assistance?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: We had an entire programme, and we are continuing this work to support the procurement of public transport for the needs of various regions of the Russian Federation. This has always been seen as a measure to support the automotive manufacturing sector, and in one form or another, we will certainly continue it.

As for road transport in the Ulyanovsk Region, I promise you that we will discuss this with the governor. Right now, I probably can’t say with absolute precision what the most pressing issues are or what the Ulyanovsk Region needs most, but we will talk it over with the governor and, if necessary, provide the required support.

Regarding Aviastar and aviation in general – this is a pressing and important issue for us. We have strong traditions in aviation, both military and civilian. The issue has always been that civilian aviation was developed from military-transport aviation, and military aviation involves entirely different approaches – in terms of lifecycle, fuel consumption, noise levels, and so on.

Even though we rightly took pride in our Tupolev, Ilyushin, and Yakovlev aircraft, purely civilian aviation – where these planes were designed from the outset for civilian purposes – was clearly underdeveloped in the Soviet Union. Now, we absolutely need our own modern domestic aircraft. Part of the reason for rising airfare prices is the shortage of such aircraft.

On the one hand, the companies that supplied us with Western aircraft have, for various political reasons, decided to stop working and cooperating with us. This is bad for them because it undermines their reputation, but to some extent, it’s good for us because it forces us to work independently, to engage in this effort, and to leverage the opportunities of our own market.

At one point, I told the incumbent Deputy Prime Minister [Vitaly Savelyev], then the head of Aeroflot, that we needed to buy more Russian-made aircraft. It seemed simpler and cheaper to purchase foreign-made aviation equipment, and we weren’t producing anything digitally controlled. But the aircraft we have now, like the MC-21, are very good machines, fully competitive in global markets. The Superjet 100 has become a fully localised aircraft – this is very important. Naturally, we need our own domestically produced aircraft for regional transport. We will certainly work on all of this.

Are aircraft like the Ruslan needed? Of course they are, and the modernised Il-76 is also needed – we will develop it. All of this is essential. Moreover, this is a high-tech industry requiring extensive cooperation at the same technological level. There are issues that require additional solutions, and there are many matters requiring resolution, but we will certainly address all of them.

Dmitry Peskov: Mr President, we’re coming up on four hours.

Vladimir Putin: Let’s give Dmitry Peskov a chance to speak, shall we? Just a moment, please. Everyone, settle down.

Dmitry Peskov: We really are coming up on four hours, which is practically a record. Frankly, I’d suggest we start wrapping things up.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Shall we do a quick-fire round, then?

Dmitry Peskov: Yes, I know that’s the tradition.

Vladimir Putin: Hold on a moment. Let’s do the quick-fire round, and then we’ll carry on a bit longer.

Pavel Zarubin: Short questions, short answers.

Vladimir Putin: Go ahead.

Pavel Zarubin: Centuries from now, schoolchildren will be studying the history of our time. What would you put in a “time capsule” to define our era?

Vladimir Putin: Is that what they call a “quick-fire” question? This sort of thing requires you to sit down and really think. I believe each of us thinks about the future of our children, our grandchildren, and the future of the country. I also know more or less what needs to be said, but it’s important to lay it out so that it all fits together without tripping over itself. Let’s give it a go. I’m not sure I can do this off the cuff, but I’ll try.

Take a pen and write this down: “We, who lived in Russia in this incessant flux of time, in the 20^th and 21^st centuries, received everything done by our predecessors, our ancestors with gratitude.

We lived, as everybody did everywhere and at all times, with our routine needs. But we were not at a standstill: we made headway, we struggled, we worked, we fought, and we tried to resolve the issues that our time posed for us.

We thought about our future and about you. If you are holding our message right now, that means that you also feel yourselves being part of our shared infinite flux of time, and you are aware of the continuity of time. This is very important, congratulations. That means that we, too, did not live our lives in vain when we worked, struggled and thought of you, and that we succeeded in many respects.

We wished you to be blessed with luck always and be happy, and for your kids, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren to be proud of you as we are proud of our fathers, grandfathers, and great-grandfathers.” Full stop.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr President, another question: are you gathering material for future memoirs, as many world leaders do?

Vladimir Putin: No. I generally believe one should just get on with the work. After all, memoirs are essentially a form of self-assessment. Let others, if they see fit, assess my work and the work of my team, the people who stand with me.

Pavel Zarubin: You speak about the country’s successes – perhaps you could tell us about your personal achievements this year.

Vladimir Putin: My achievements cannot be separated from those of the country. This is what I live by and work on from morning until night – that is precisely what it is all about.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Have you ever, even once in your life, sent a message to your loved ones – your children or grandchildren – via a messenger app, or recorded video messages for them?

Vladimir Putin: No, I have never done that.

Pavel Zarubin: There is one question I am particularly curious to ask. I have seen your Kremlin flat. Everything there seems bleak: an empty refrigerator and just a bottle of ryazhenka. Where is the comfort?

Vladimir Putin: You know, everything that was done there, in the Kremlin, was carried out under the previous Head of the Presidential Property Management Department, during Boris Yeltsin’s time, and nothing has changed since then – no renovations at all. Perhaps the chairs were replaced. I believe this was done, though one would have to ask Pavel Borodin because Kremlin interiors require a certain careful approach. Everything remains as it was done at the time. I think it was arranged so that one could rest there during the day if necessary. I doubt that Boris Yeltsin ever spent a single night there. But I do live there now – that is true, it is how things have worked out. First, I am satisfied with everything there. And second, comfort is created above all by people. And when my loved ones come, which is not often, that is when it feels comfortable.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Does the President experience professional deformation?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, I think so, as does anyone who becomes fully immersed in their work.

Pavel Zarubin: Which moment or event of the outgoing year do you remember most vividly, and which would you prefer to forget and not recall?

Vladimir Putin: It is difficult to single out just one. You know, I have the feeling that the New Year we last celebrated was two or three weeks ago. I say this without any exaggeration – everything has been so compressed, and so much has happened in that time. I believe there has been a great deal of positive development. I recently said at a meeting of the Defence Ministry Board that our Armed Forces have probably become the most combat-ready in the world, taking into account new weapons systems, including strategic weaponry. These are major events in the country’s life, and not only in the life of the Armed Forces. As I said at the outset, we are maintaining economic resilience. Many very important decisions were taken to ensure this, and they have all delivered results. These are all positive developments.

As for what one might want to forget, I have my own view on that. If you want to forget something, it means that something did not work out, something went wrong. That must not be forgotten. We should always remember it, draw conclusions and correct mistakes.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: What personal trait do you hate?

Vladimir Putin: I’ll try to formulate an answer. I’m living virtually all my life in the open, and saying that some of my traits are good and others are bad would be like giving ground for unnecessary gossip. Let people look and draw their own conclusions, which everyone certainly has.

Pavel Zarubin: Do you have a true friend?

Vladimir Putin: First, it is necessary to define true friendship. Definitions are necessary. At first glance, true friendship implies complete selflessness. It must be said that communication with people of my stature can produce a temptation to become part of it, one way or another. However, I can tell you confidently that those whom I regard as friends – there are such people – behave very reservedly and with dignity, and I am not ashamed of them.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: What motivates you and makes you keep moving? And what keeps you from losing heart?

Vladimir Putin: People’s trust is what keeps me motivated and moving. You know, I feel a lump in my throat when I come across or hear certain things that may have been said out loud before. This is what certainly motivates me. I think that anyone would be motivated by this. And belief in the future of Russia is what keeps me from losing heart.

Pavel Zarubin: What do you think is most important for a 13-year-old boy: to study well, to be strong, to have loyal friends, or something else?

Vladimir Putin: To love his mother. I’m not joking; this is not irony.

And again, I want to address Naran. He doesn’t need to say anything now; I’ll speak for him. We discussed this when I invited him to the Kremlin, just yesterday or the day before, and earlier, after his report from the frontline, I asked my colleagues to inquire if he had any issues, including everyday concerns.

They talked with him – Naran, excuse me, but I will disclose your secret now. I asked them what you wanted. “My mother is elderly; she has health problems. Please help my mother.”

Look, this attitude toward one’s mother – it’s not just one person’s attitude toward another; it’s a worldview. And people with this approach, with such values in life, become Heroes of Russia.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Is there love at first sight?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, I think so.

Pavel Zarubin: Where does the Motherland start from, for you personally?

Vladimir Putin: For me personally, well, it starts with my parents.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: A person must believe in something. What do you believe in?

Vladimir Putin: In God, who is with us and who will never abandon Russia.

Pavel Zarubin: The number of questions submitted has now passed three million. That is an all-time record. And for our final question: “What will Russia be like in 200 years, and will it even exist?”

Vladimir Putin: “In 200 years.” Well, you’ve just asked me – I don’t know if I did it correctly – to send a message to those living centuries from now. And as you said, it’s very difficult to make any firm predictions. Given the timescale of centuries, with the growing role of technology, the increasing influence of artificial intelligence on breakthroughs in genetics and nanotechnology – how will this alter human consciousness? Will there even be borders? What will the world be like in hundreds of years? It’s hard to say. So, my message to our descendants centuries from now – that was how I tried to frame it based on our current understanding. But what of the country itself in 200 years? That is quite conceivable. As my colleagues and I were discussing only yesterday, the Bolshoi Theatre is about to turn 250. So, for Russia, 200 years isn’t really that long. However, I very much hope that the country will be highly educated, and that, founded upon this learning, upon the high level of education of our people, it will be technologically advanced. That it will use these technologies to solve all the challenges we face in the economy, in healthcare, and in social policy. And that it will live in peace and prosperity, building relationships with all members of the international community based on mutual respect.

Pavel Zarubin: Thank you very much.

Vladimir Putin: Hold on a second, I promised we wouldn’t stop here. Let’s go sector by sector. What does Ychchuu mean?

Anna Yarygina: Good afternoon, Mr President.

My name is Anna Yarygina. I am from Yakutia. I represent the Sakha State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company. Ychchuu is Yakutian for “cold.” Yakutia is a cold place, indeed, but we are warm at heart. You know this better than anyone else. Here is my question. I’m sorry, I’m very nervous. I have been waiting a long time for you to call on me.

In Yakutia’s Arctic, electricity rates for hospitals, schools, and other social institutions have increased tenfold over the past four years from five rubles to 50 rubles per kilowatt-hour. This is, of course, an onerous burden to carry, especially given that efficiency has not improved at all. I apologise, I’m very nervous.

Vladimir Putin: It’s all right, please do not be nervous.

Anna Yarygina: The incidence of power failures remains high. As you may be aware, power outages are a disaster in the North, in the Arctic. I have a request: is it possible to reinstate the Far Eastern markup to replace the current reduced one at least in the Arctic territories? Thank you.

Mr President, one more question. You visited us in the summer, and before that in the winter. Perhaps, next time you come in the winter. With all due respect to the Kremlin press pool and the presidential press pool, we, regional journalists, would also like to interview you. Next time you come to see us I would be delighted to interview you. Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Good. Thank you very much. Thank you both for the invitation and for your assessment of the press pool’s performance.

Energy is a critical issue for the North in general and for Yakutia in particular. I promise I will pay attention to it. Overall, your economy is growing and needs more energy at affordable and competitive prices.

The coal-fired energy sector in Yakutia is strong, but we should and must consider alternative sources as well. This work is underway, including under designated urban areas effort to create corresponding social and economic infrastructure.

I will not go into details now, but this matter is clear and widely known. We will definitely address it, including, oddly enough, through the development of environmentally friendly modern energy sources. However, we should not forget about gas and oil – in a word, hydrocarbon – power generation. Fuel oil is prohibitively expensive, and we will certainly work to expand grid capacity; both the grid and power generation need to be expanded.

We will definitely work on this. It is extremely important for Yakutia, because it is truly a treasure trove of natural resources, and there is much to be done there. Rest assured the energy sector will also be at the centre of our attention.

I have taken note of your question, and we are working on it separately. Yes.

Artificial intelligence – this is probably a relevant topic.

Please.

Regina Orekhova: Good afternoon, Mr President. This is Regina Orekhova, from Channel 360.

The topic of artificial intelligence has already been touched upon today. You recently stated that you would not allow Russia to become dependent on foreign neural networks.

My question is as follows. Does this mean that ChatGPT and other foreign neural networks will be banned, and will there be any special regulation in this industry?

My second question, if I may, is this: you said today that you believe in love at first sight. Mr President, are you in love?

Vladimir Putin: Yes – that is the answer to the final part of your question.

Regarding your first point: we are not planning to ban anything; we simply demand compliance with our laws. If market participants fail to comply with these laws, then appropriate restrictions may be introduced. We are not planning to ban anything.

Now, let’s go to Tomsk, please.

Dinara Mindubayeva: Good afternoon, Mr President.

Dinara Mindubayeva, Tomskoye Vremya [Tomsk Time].

Tomorrow marks the end of the Federal Agency for Youth competition, and our Tomsk is leading the race for the title of Youth Capital of Russia.

I’d like to take a moment to appeal to those who haven’t yet voted for our student city to cast their votes. We have a lot of young people there. One in seven residents of our city is a student. But nevertheless… Let’s give Tomsk a round of applause.

Vladimir Putin: Yes, Tomsk is indeed a student city, that’s true.

Dinara Mindubayeva: Have you voted, if it’s not a secret?

Vladimir Putin: Absolutely.

Dinara Mindubayeva: Let’s hope so.

Here’s my question. Despite our city being full of young people and students, there is still a severe shortage of personnel, particularly in vocational trades. We lack drivers, seamstresses – a whole range of blue-collar professions.

In your opinion, to what extent is state policy focused on reviving the prestige of blue-collar professions – well, not from scratch, but on elevating it? Or, given the extensive discussion about artificial intelligence today, may I ask whether we no longer need drivers or seamstresses, and if AI will replace them?

Vladimir Putin: I’m almost offended by your question, because it seems to me that we are systematically addressing the issue of training highly skilled blue-collar workers. This is happening at all levels. I don’t even want to enumerate all the measures being taken in this direction right now.

Blue-collar professions are becoming prestigious – we can confirm this unequivocally. They are becoming more complex, which is why vocational training is also provided in secondary specialised educational institutions. Specialised training is a very important focus of our work. We will hold competitions, we will improve the quality of education, and we will integrate training with practical experience at enterprises.

We will continue to engage businesses in this effort. By the way, they are the most invested parties and have long been involved in this work – ensuring that young people can both study and gain practical experience simultaneously.

We will definitely continue all initiatives related to targeted personnel training. There is a whole set of measures, and we will only strengthen them; we will undoubtedly keep working in this direction.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr President, I’m sorry but we have breaking news. This news is important for at least one person in the audience. TASS reports that Kirill Bazhenov’s girlfriend has accepted his proposal.

Vladimir Putin: Kirill raised a question about the material side of marriage. And it is fair: a man is supposed to think about his substantial financial contribution. But we can send a hat around the room and at least raise money for your wedding.

I see somebody from A Different Ukraine in the middle. Although we have already talked about Ukraine, we have not talked about A Different Ukraine. Please.

Galina Merkulova: Good afternoon, Mr President.

My name is Galina Merkulova, I represent the online media outlet of the A Different Ukraine international public movement. My question is about Ukraine, of course. Because this matter directly concerns our Motherland, Russia, now.

When Trump said that Zelensky is using the war to avoid holding the presidential election, Zelensky answered that he is willing to hold it in 60˗90 days, which is, of course, a cynical lie. Zelensky has destroyed and ruined the country, choosing terror, violence and lawlessness over guarantees of democracy. How is it possible to hold an election or a referendum – and you, Mr President, said that it is necessary to hold a referendum on the de jure recognition of the new territories in Ukraine, according to its constitution – in a country where he and his corrupt gang have usurped the entire power vertical, destroyed parliamentarism, the judicial system, and turned law enforcement into his pocket puppets?

Naturally, before an election or referendum can be scheduled, it is necessary to restore the constitutional order, scrap the ban on the activity of 18 opposition parties, adopt a law prohibiting the persecution and prosecution of the people who have been persecuted for political reasons since the very beginning, since 2014 when the state coup took place, and continue to be under political persecution to this day, as well as a law on amnesty and exoneration. Those who conducted the state coup in 2014 granted amnesty that not only exonerated those involved in the state coup but also, absurdly enough, those who committed plunder and looting – apparently, for the sake of their independence.

It is necessary to ensure that people can exercise their election rights – because half of the population, or, according to official data, 18 million people, have fled the country because of Zelensky’s criminal regime. Where and how are they supposed to vote? What opportunities do they have for this?

It is necessary to abolish sanctions against citizens of Ukraine and the deprivation of citizenship affecting those who disagreed with the regime’s neo-Nazi policies.

It is necessary to resume the operation of the media outlets prohibited unlawfully since 2019, abolish the monopoly on information established by Zelensky’s executive order, and much more.

Pavel Zarubin: Can you formulate your question please?

Galina Merkulova: Yes, certainly.

Holding elections or a referendum without implementing these measures would legalise the criminal dictatorial regime, and would be elections without true choice. It is obvious that Zelensky’s criminal regime will not do this voluntarily.

Mr President, in March this year, you offered a way out of this situation by placing Ukraine under temporary international administration led by the UN, Russia, the United States and European countries, which would help create conditions for democratic elections.

Here is my question. Do you uphold your idea of a temporary international administration in Ukraine? If this does not help create conditions for holding elections, would you recognise the results of such elections or referendum as legitimate?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: This is more like a political statement than a question. I’ll try to be brief.

Speaking about elections in Ukraine or placing it under external administration, it is true that I have mentioned the idea but only hypothetically. If there was a will to do it, including by Western countries, the idea could be given more though in light of the corruption revelations.

As for the elections, we have heard the leaders of the Kiev regime demand that Western countries, including the United States, guarantee Ukraine’s security, which means a ceasefire, during the elections, for which they are allegedly ready.

What would I like to draw the attention of the Russian audience to? We have held elections, both presidential and municipal and regional ones. We held elections this September. Has anyone ensured our security? Quite to the contrary, attempts were made to disrupt them so as to undermine our internal stability. They deliberately targeted polling stations. I will never forget that when such a threat arose – I believe it was in the Donetsk People’s Republic, people were standing in line at a polling station when the shelling began. They hid in the basements, and once the air raid was over, they returned to the line and cast their votes. We did not demand security; we just did what we thought necessary.

I think that the current representatives of the Kiev regime could do the same, if they wanted to. But if they want to use elections exclusively for stopping the advance of Russian forces, it is the wrong choice.

Nevertheless, I will tell you something that may come as a surprise to you: we are ready to consider ensuring security during elections in Ukraine. At the least, we might stop or refrain from striking into Ukrainian territory on election day.

This brings us to a question that we must ask: millions of Ukrainian citizens are living in the Russian Federation now. According to various estimates, there are between 5 and 10 million of them, and they all have a right to vote. If elections are called, we will have a right to demand that the Ukrainians who are living in Russia are given an opportunity to cast their voice in the territory of the Russian Federation.

There are many other issues which call for a thorough analysis. But this is not an idle question. I agree that the government in Ukraine must become legitimate, which is impossible to do without holding elections.

Let us go over there, to Siberia.

Denis Shalyuta: Mr President, good afternoon.

My name is Denis Shalyuta, and I am a blogger from Siberia, running a Telegram channel that covers political and economic news and the development of Siberia. In this regard, I have a question. Since October, there have been numerous rumours about plans to create an entire cluster in the Angara˗Yenisei region focused on the deep processing of non-ferrous, rare, and rare-earth metals. Could you clarify whether this approach is truly the optimal solution for supplying the Russian economy with critical metals and for launching a new phase of Russia’s industrialisation? The prospects here are certainly enormous. Can we already say today that there is sufficient political will at the federal government level to see this project through to completion and full implementation?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: This is a very interesting project, and your question is quite relevant. Overall, these plans were developed back in Soviet times. This region is extremely promising. Despite being located in Siberia, it reportedly has nearly 360 sunny days a year, and the climate is quite favourable. There are indeed significant opportunities to extract and process minerals, as well as to create new energy sources necessary to support such work. Overall, the logistics in the region are also quite good. Of course, these objectives cannot be achieved today in the same way they were during the Soviet period: solely through centralised planning and the targeted allocation of state resources. Cutting-edge approaches are required. What does this mean? It means attracting companies as investors, with the state providing the support they need.

Work is underway to assess the feasibility of implementing projects in this promising territory. I believe this effort holds great potential.

Potential investor companies are being identified, and the task of the state is to provide them with every possible form of support through incentives, services, logistics, assistance in developing energy generation capacity, and more. This is a large-scale, historic task that could be addressed in this region. We will definitely continue working in this area.

“Mail”, please.

Remark: Good afternoon.

Vladimir Putin: Good afternoon.

Question: Good afternoon! Thank you very much for this opportunity.

Mr President, you have repeatedly stated that Russian culture is the core… Excuse me.

Vladimir Putin: Please, don’t worry. Don’t fret, and don’t rush.

Question: You have called Russian culture a powerful foundation for the development and cohesion of society, emphasising the importance of preserving historical memory and Russia’s ethnic and cultural diversity.

What cultural projects and initiatives do you personally consider a priority in the coming years? And will Russia protect Russian speakers and the Russian language abroad?

Vladimir Putin: What are the priorities, you say? Go on.

Question: What are the priority cultural projects you wish to support? And will Russia protect Russian speakers abroad? And, in this connection: will Russia develop a programme to train specialists to counter the aggressive and unprecedented information warfare being waged by the West? That is, a programme for training information warfare specialists?

If I may, a second question: will the prestige and salaries of teachers in Russia be increased? This is especially urgent in the regions. Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Regarding the protection of our compatriots abroad – of course, we will continue this work. We are already engaged in it, and we will carry on.

But I would like to underline one point for you. Regarding how this is to be done. It must be done in a way that does not worsen the situation of our compatriots, which means it must be handled carefully, ideally using non-confrontational methods.

As for training “information warfare specialists” – those two things do not fit easily together. Although we naturally have such specialists within the military sphere, and we will continue their training as part of the broader modernisation of our Armed Forces.

Regarding our work with compatriots overall: this work is ongoing and we will certainly continue it. But, of course, we probably need to introduce more modern tools to make it effective, to ensure it reaches its audience, and so forth.

Concerning specific, major cultural projects – we have many. I simply wouldn’t want to single any out individually just now, as that would create unhealthy competition, as if we weren’t supporting others. But the fact that such projects exist and that we intend to support them is certain; you can be assured of that.

“HSR: Speed.”

Dina Gazalieva: Good afternoon.

The young man was holding the sign because my arms grew tired, so I asked him to hold it for me.

Dina Gazalieva, TNV Media Holding, Tatarstan. I drew this sign after my colleague from Kazan asked his question.

Mr President, I’d like to thank you for the M12 motorway. We drive to Kazan as if on a breeze; it’s wonderful. There are rest stops, and we already take our children – but still, one always wants more. And as you’ve already gathered from my sign: the high-speed railway. There’s a lot of talk; it flares up and then dies down. Is there a chance, will at least our children get to ride on it?

Vladimir Putin: The railway?

Dina Gazalieva: Yes, the high-speed project. When?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, we will build it.

Dina Gazalieva: What’s the timeline?

Vladimir Putin: The design phase is currently underway, and this is also true for the Moscow – St Petersburg line. The Moscow – Kazan line will indeed be built.

Thank you all very much for your contributions today.

Pavel Zarubin: Thank you.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Thank you very much.

Media statements by the President of Russia and the Prime Minister of India

2025-12-05T20:17:14+04:00

Following Russian-Indian talks, Vladimir Putin and Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi made statements for the media. The statements were preceded by a ceremony for the exchange of signed documents.

Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi (retranslated): Your Excellency Vladimir Putin, my dear friend,

Representatives of the two countries, and our friends from India, good afternoon.

I am delighted to welcome President Putin to the 23^rd Russia – India Annual Summit.

President Vladimir Putin’s visit to India is taking place at a time marked by several historical dates in our relations. President Putin laid the groundwork for our strategic cooperation 25 years ago, and 15 years ago, in 2010, we upgraded our partnership to the level of a special privileged strategic partnership.

Over the past 25 years, President Putin has been relentless in promoting these relations by demonstrating his wise leadership and vision. Regardless of the circumstances, it is his leadership that has reinforced our mutual relations and enabled us to achieve new heights.

I would like to express my sincere gratitude to President Putin for his friendship and for his unwavering commitment to working with India.

Friends,

The world has faced numerous ups and downs over the past 80 years, during which humankind has had to endure many crises and challenges. And throughout this time, the friendship between Russia and India has successfully weathered these storms. These relations are based on mutual respect and deep trust and have invariably stood the test of time.

Today, we discussed our ties and cooperation in all their aspects with a view to creating an even more solid foundation.

We want to reinforce our economic cooperation and elevate it to a new level. This is the objective we share and it is our shared priority. To make this a reality, we have agreed to implement a programme for economic cooperation until 2030. It will provide for diversifying our trade and investment, making them more balanced and sustainable. At the same time, it will help unlock new dimensions in our cooperation.

Today, President Putin and I will be taking part in the Russia – India Business Forum. I am convinced that this platform will also help strengthen our business ties and open new doors for exports, joint manufacture and technical innovation.

Both countries have been proactive in working on a free trade agreement between the Eurasian Economic Union and our country.

Our cooperation in agriculture and fertilisers is extremely important for our food security and the prosperity of our farmers.

I am happy that our countries will work together to promote our mutual production of urea.

Friends, promoting connectivity between our countries is another priority for us.

We will redouble our efforts regarding the discussions on the North-South International Transport Corridor and the Vladivostok-Chennai Maritime Corridor.

I am confident that we will effectively cooperate in the interests of promoting polar trade via local trade routes. We have offered an opportunity to strengthen our cooperation in the Arctic, which will create new jobs for Indian young people.

At the same time, our deep cooperation in shipbuilding will help us boost our joint initiatives. This is yet another important example of our mutually beneficial cooperation, which is increasing the number of jobs and skills while strengthening regional connectivity.

Energy security is another important pillar of partnership between Russia and India. Our cooperation in the field of civilian nuclear energy, which is rooted in our history, has helped us uphold our commitment to providing clean energy, which is extremely important for both countries.

I have no doubt that our mutually beneficial cooperation in the field of critical minerals will also be important for a safe and diversified provision of resources to the world.

We also maintain our cooperation in such areas as clean energy, high technologies and modern industries.

Friends,

Our cultural relations and ties between individual representatives of our countries are of special importance for relations between Russia and India. Over the past decades, our peoples have demonstrated respect and admiration for each other’s cultures, and we have coordinated various measures to further strengthen this cooperation.

The recent opening of two Indian consulates in Russia is a significant step forward, facilitating contacts for all our citizens and bringing our nations even closer together.

This October, hundreds of thousands of pilgrims received blessings at the sacred relics of Buddha Shakyamuni in Kalmykia. I am confident that we will soon implement a 30-day visa-free regime for tourist groups, which will greatly enhance travel between our countries. This measure will not only bring our peoples closer but also invigorate our societies and unlock new opportunities. I am therefore pleased that today we were able to sign two key agreements to advance this initiative.

Our collaboration will also deepen in education and professional development, including through increased student and academic exchanges.

Friends,

Today, we discussed a range of pressing regional and global issues. On Ukraine, India’s position has been consistent from the outset: we stand for peace. We welcome all initiatives and efforts aimed at achieving a peaceful, long-term resolution of this conflict. India has always been ready to support such efforts, and we will continue to do so.

India and Russia have always supported one another and worked shoulder to shoulder in the fight against terrorism. The terrorist attack in Pahalgam and the cowardly atrocity at Crocus City Hall are connected by a common, hateful ideology. India firmly believes that terrorism constitutes a direct assault on universal human values. Our unity within the global community is the only effective way to combat this evil.

We cooperate closely within the UN, the G20, the SCO, BRICS, and other multilateral forums. We will continue this essential dialogue and cooperation across all these platforms.

Your Excellency,

I am confident that our enduring friendship will provide the strength needed to address global challenges. Together, we can help lead the way towards a more prosperous future.

Once again, I thank you and all members of your delegation for your visit to India. Thank you very much.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Mr Prime Minister, dear friend,

Ladies and gentlemen,

My sincere thanks to the President of the Republic of India, Droupadi Murmu, to you, Mr Prime Minister, and to all our Indian colleagues for the exceptionally warm and cordial welcome extended to the Russian delegation.

The discussions we have just concluded with our Indian colleagues, along with our highly productive one-on-one conversation last night – for which I thank you again, Mr Modi, for your generous hospitality – were held in a constructive and friendly spirit, reflecting the privileged partnership between Russia and India.

I would note that the Prime Minister and I have established a close working and personal rapport. We have met at the SCO summit in September, we maintain regular contact by telephone and personally oversee the development of our strategic cooperation across all key areas, as well as the progress of major bilateral projects.

Today, with the participation of our delegations, we conducted a thorough and comprehensive review of the entire spectrum of Russian-Indian cooperation. We also exchanged views on current international and regional issues.

The joint statement we have adopted outlines clear priorities for advancing our ties in politics, security, trade, the economy, and cultural and humanitarian affairs. As you have seen, this was complemented by the signing of a substantial package of intergovernmental, interdepartmental, and corporate agreements.

Many of these documents are aimed at expanding our economic partnership. This is only natural, as our nations are important partners in trade, investment, and technology. Last year, our bilateral trade grew by a further 12 percent, reaching a new record. While various estimates differ slightly, the consensus places the figure somewhere between US$64 and US$65 billion. We project trade will stand at a comparable level by year’s end.

That said, we believe there is clear potential to increase this volume to US$100 billion. To realise this ambitious goal, we have now agreed upon a joint Programme for the Development of Russian-Indian Economic Cooperation until 2030. This comprehensive roadmap provides clear guidelines. Our intergovernmental commission and the relevant economic ministries and agencies are tasked with removing barriers to the flows of goods and capital, implementing joint industrial projects, and deepening our collaboration in technology and investment.

Today, His Excellency the Prime Minister shared a comprehensive list of issues with us. It goes without saying that both Russia and India will be extremely diligent and responsive in reviewing them. Make no mistake, we will work on this matter.

Of course, having India create a free trade zone with the Eurasian Economic Union would help boost Russia-India business ties. The effort to draft an agreement to this effect is already in progress.

I must express my satisfaction with the fact that the two countries have been consistent in their commitment to switching to national currencies in mutual transactions. Their share in business deals has already reached 96 percent. Our two countries have developed resilient interbank channels for lending and financial transactions. Russian economic actors have been making wider use of the rupees they generate from export contracts. Major joint projects receive their funding in Russian rubles.

There has been positive momentum in our energy partnership. Russia is a reliable supplier of energy resources and everything India needs for developing its energy sector. We are ready to continue ensuring uninterrupted fuel supplies for the Indian economy to support its rapid expansion.

Of course, our bilateral energy cooperation goes far beyond this horizon. The flagship project to build India’s biggest NPP, Kudankulam, is underway. Two out of six reactors have been connected to the power grid, while the other four are in the engineering and construction stages.

Once this NPP reaches its full capacity, it will make a meaningful contribution to India’s energy mix, helping Indian companies and households access affordable and clean energy. We believe that building small modular reactors and floating NPPs could also be relevant, just as using nuclear technology for non-energy purposes, including in healthcare, agriculture and other sectors.

We are also working with our Indian partners to create new effective international transport logistics routes. This includes a project to create the North-South corridor linking Russia and Belarus to the Indian Ocean. Infrastructure development along the Trans-Arctic Transport Corridor, including the Northern Sea Route as its main artery, offers ample opportunities for expanding bilateral trade.

There are many other economic sectors in which Russia and India have built a positive track record. We are working on joint initiatives in manufacturing, machine building, digital technology, space exploration and other research-intensive domains.

For example, a business agreement that was signed as part of the visit provides for building a major Russian-Indian pharmaceutical plant in the Kaluga Region for producing high-quality anticancer medicine using cutting-edge Indian technology. At the same time, Russian companies will start producing their goods as part of the Make in India programme, which is Prime Minister Modi’s flagship project.

Prospects for strengthening interaction between Russian and Indian entrepreneurs and business communities are being discussed in detail at the business forum that is currently underway in New Delhi. Mr Prime Minister and I will attend its plenary session later today.

Russian-Indian humanitarian cooperation is ongoing in many spheres. Our peoples have been sincerely interested in each other’s traditions, history and spiritual values for centuries. Our scientific and educational contacts, as well as youth and public exchanges are actively developing. The regular cross festivals of Russian and Indian films invariably enjoy success. Mutual tourist flows grow every year.

The Russian RT channel will begin broadcasting to India today. This will certainly help the Indian audience learn more about Russia and Russians and acquire objective information about current developments in our country.

Our discussions on key global and regional issues have reaffirmed the similarity of our countries’ positions. Russia and India pursue an independent and sovereign foreign policy.

We are working together with our allies in BRICS, the SCO and other countries of the Global Majority to promote the shaping of a more just and democratic multipolar world order, and to protect the fundamental principles of international law enshrined in the UN Charter. These include the right of every country to its own path of development, the preservation of its own cultural and civilisational identity, respect for sovereignty and a delicate balance of interests of all members of the international community.

Russia and India, as the founding nations of BRICS, have done and continue to do a great deal to enhance the prestige of that organisation. As you know, India will assume the BRICS chairmanship next year. We will provide all-round assistance to our Indian friends in their work on the current BRICS agenda.

Of course, I would also like to say that Russia and India have traditionally worked closely together in the military-technical sphere. Our country has been assisting the modernisation of the Indian army, including the air defence, air force and navy, for over 50 years.

Overall, we are certainly satisfied with the results of our talks. Our plans include a meeting with President of India Droupadi Murmu. However, I can already express my confidence that this visit and the agreements reached will effectively promote the further strengthening of the Russian-Indian strategic partnership for the benefit of the people of India and Russia.

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin answered media questions

2025-12-02T21:51:13+04:00

Question: Over the weekend, you visited a command post of the Joint Group of Forces and brought the capture of the city of Krasnoarmeysk in sharp focus. Is it now fully controlled by the Russian Federation Armed Forces? And why is this city so important?

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: This city has indeed been given special importance both by the Ukrainian side and by the Russian Armed Forces, because it is not just a major infrastructure site that is part of the network of regional transport links. Most importantly, speaking in military terms, it is a good bridgehead for accomplishing all the objectives set at the beginning of the special military operation. That is, from here, from this bridgehead, this sector, the Russian army is well positioned to advance in any direction the General Staff deems most appropriate.

That is why it has always been designated by the Ukrainian side as a priority in the Donetsk People’s Republic, and our Armed Forces thought so of it and a number of other fortified areas as well. Krasnoarmeysk was a strong fortified area too. Today, it is fully in the hands of the Russian army, as the commander of the Centre group of forces reported not long ago.

Clearly, this question continues to arise, because some people are still not sure whether this is really so. For those who still have doubts – we have addressed this matter earlier – and I suggested that your colleagues from foreign and even Ukrainian media – we will let Ukrainian reporters visit Krasnoarmeysk and see for themselves, with their own eyes, the actual state of affairs and who actually controls this city.

I remember that when we did this a week ago, the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry issued a warning, stating it was totally against this idea and began threatening journalists. This time, however, the Foreign Ministry of Ukraine has nothing to do with this, as the city is fully in the hands of the Russian Armed Forces.

Of course, a certain level of danger remains, since the line of contact is very close to the city and drones are patrolling the airspace all the time. But Russian war correspondents are working there. I am sure that there are reporters in the West who honestly perform their professional duty and are ready to objectively inform their audience and readers about the developments around the world, Ukraine included. We will do everything to ensure their safety. We will be ready to take them around all parts of Krasnoarmeysk and Kupyansk, for that matter.

Question: Could you clarify the situation in Kupyansk? Just yesterday, President Zelensky said that Ukrainian forces were still in the city. What do you think he meant?

Vladimir Putin: You should ask Zelensky because Kupyansk has been effectively under our control for several weeks, completely and in its entirety.

I think the Ukrainian leadership appears focused on issues other than the situation in the active combat zone and seems to be living on another planet.

Perhaps, travelling and begging for money leave little time for dealing with current domestic matters, either in the economy or on the frontline.

Regarding Kupyansk. The city is divided into two parts: a larger central part of it is on the right bank of the river and a smaller part is on the left bank. Russian troops control both the right-bank and left-bank areas, entirely. A separate nearby settlement, Kupyansk-Uzlovoy, is located a bit further south along the river. I believe there are 2,000 buildings there. Fighting is ongoing there. The Russian army holds about 600 to 650 buildings and is advancing. I believe that the settlement will also come under full Russian control within a few days. But this is a different settlement.

I would also like to remind you that an enemy force of 15 battalions is blocked on the left bank of the river. Russian troops have begun eliminating it.

Question: You are about to meet with Steven Witkoff, who has come to Moscow specifically for this purpose. In effect, negotiations are currently taking place only with the American side. Why are the Europeans silent – why are they so removed from this process?

Vladimir Putin: The Europeans are not silent. They are insulted by what they perceive as their exclusion from the negotiations. However, I must note that no one has excluded them. They have excluded themselves. We once maintained close contact with them. Then they abruptly cut off contact with Russia. That was their initiative. Why did they do this? Because they embraced the concept of inflicting a strategic defeat on Russia and, by all appearances, continue to live under this illusion. Intellectually, they understand – they understand perfectly well – that this possibility has long since vanished, that it was never feasible; they once believed what they desired but they still can’t and won’t admit it. They withdrew from this process of their own accord – that is the first point.

Secondly, now, seeing that the outcome does not please them either, they have begun to sabotage the efforts of the current United States administration and President Trump to achieve peace through negotiation. They themselves abandoned peace talks and are now impeding President Trump.

Thirdly, they have no peace agenda; they are on the side of war. Even when they ostensibly attempt to introduce amendments to Trump’s proposals, we see this clearly – all their amendments are directed towards one single aim: to completely obstruct this entire peace process, to put forward demands that are utterly unacceptable to Russia (they understand this), and thereby subsequently to place the blame for the collapse of the peace process upon Russia. That is their objective. We see this plainly.

Therefore, if they truly wish to return to reality, based on the situation that has developed “on the ground,” as they say in such cases – let it be, we have no objection.

Question: [Foreign Minister of Hungary] Szijjártó said today that we might find ourselves in a state of war with Europe literally today. He says that the European portion of NATO plans to bring its forces to full combat readiness by 2029, and that by 2030 there is a risk of an armed conflict. This is a very serious, almost sensational statement. What do you think about it? Are we really preparing for something?

Vladimir Putin: We are not planning to go to war against Europe. I have said that a hundred times. But if Europe wants to wage a war against us and suddenly starts a war with us, we are ready. There should be no doubt about that. The only question is if Europe suddenly starts a war against us, I think very quickly… Europe is not Ukraine. In Ukraine, we are acting with surgical precision. You see my point, don’t you? It is not a war in the direct, modern sense of the word. If Europe suddenly decides to go to war against us and actually follows through with it, then a situation may arise very quickly where we will be left with no one to negotiate with.

Question: Please provide a comment on the attacks on tankers off the coast of Turkiye. Another such incident occurred just today.

Vladimir Putin: Frankly, I have not yet received that information. I am aware of the attacks on tankers in neutral waters, not even in neutral waters, but in the exclusive economic zone of a third state. This is nothing short of piracy. The Ukrainian armed forces tried to hit our seaports before as well. We responded – we did not start these operations – with reciprocal strikes. I assure you that ours were much more effective and devastating. They primarily targeted the ships that were used to deliver military equipment, materiel, and ammunition to Ukraine. We hit the targets we intended to hit, which we knew from secondary explosions we observed via aerial reconnaissance. However, what the Ukrainian armed forces are doing now is piracy.

How might we respond? First, we will expand the range of our strikes against port infrastructure and ships that enter Ukrainian ports. That is the first point. Second, if this does not stop, we will consider the possibility – I am not saying we will necessarily do so, but we will consider that possibility – of reciprocal attacks against the ships of those countries that help Ukraine carry out these acts of piracy.

The most radical option would be to cut Ukraine off from the sea. Then piracy would be impossible in principle. But these are the things to think about if other measures fail. I hope the Ukrainian military and political leadership and those who stand behind them will give it a thought to see whether this practice is worth continuing.

Answers to media questions

2025-11-29T00:52:26+04:00

Following the state visit to Kyrgyzstan and the CSTO summit, Vladimir Putin answered questions from Russian journalists.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Good afternoon. I am at your disposal.

First, I would like to express our gratitude to the leadership of Kyrgyzstan for organising this event and for the past year when Kyrgyzstan chaired the CSTO and hosted various events, which has certainly helped strengthen the organisation.

I believe that in the current turbulent situation it is a major factor of stability in our common space. This is important for Russia and very important for many CSTO countries.

We have coordinated everything without much difficulty, that is, all proposals advanced by the Secretariat. Everything we planned to sign has been signed. There were hardly any differences in any of the spheres we discussed. Everyone knows that it is necessary to work more closely together in the current situation. We do not threaten anyone, but we must be ready to respond to any actions that could be aggressive towards our countries.

There are many other spheres we are working in, and we will probably talk about this now. We have done good practical work in all of these vital spheres.

Overall, we can say, first, that we have achieved the desired result. And second, I see good prospects for the further development of our cooperation within the Collective Security Treaty Organisation.

As you know, Russia has taken over the CSTO chairmanship and will head the organisation for a year. I set out the priorities of our chairmanship during the expanded format meeting. I believe you are aware of this, so there is hardly any need to repeat it all. On the whole, we are very pleased with the results of our joint work.

Thank you. If you have any questions, which I am sure you do, I will do my best to answer them.

Pavel Minakov: Good afternoon, Interfax news agency.

The question concerns our priorities. So we are the chair of the Organisation, our slogan is “Collective Security in a Multipolar World.” Why was this chosen as the guiding principle for our chairmanship? Could you elaborate further on our specific priorities when we hold this position?

The second question also pertains to collective security. Prime Minister [of Armenia Nikol] Pashinyan has once again declined to attend the summit, while at the same time Armenia is conducting joint military exercises with the United States. The question is whether this poses a threat to our unity within the framework of the CSTO’s collective security. Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Let me reiterate: I outlined the priorities during the expanded-format meeting. This was done openly – you were likely present there, or at least, many of you have heard it.

There are numerous priorities: enhancing our cooperation, comparing the capabilities of our respective defence industries. As is known, since the time of the Soviet Union, this cooperation has been very extensive. We provide CSTO member states with preferential terms for the procurement of our arms and equipment. All of this is functioning and operating quite effectively.

It is perfectly clear that amid the special military operation, our capabilities for some components are currently not that great. That is to say, they are substantial, but we must meet our own needs. In specific sectors, we are achieving this in full, entirely.

I do not believe that our production capacities are excessive, but we not only meet our own needs but also continue to export our equipment, incidentally. This primarily concerns aviation technology – both aircraft and helicopters. Now we have achieved significant advancements – a revolutionary step for us, one might say – in the field of unmanned technology and unmanned aerial vehicles, drones. We are prepared to share all of this with our partners.

Another area of cooperation is enhancing the operational efficiency of CSTO management bodies. This is somewhat bureaucratic, yet it remains important, given that every country is interested in minimising expenditure and improving coordination.

We will continue, as before, to conduct corresponding joint exercises across all domains. This concerns not only cooperation between armed forces but also the work of security services.

Unfortunately, the threats posed by drugs and organised crime persist. All of this will remain within our focus. We intend to build on the work undertaken by our colleagues from Kyrgyzstan, as I have mentioned. There will be full and complete continuity. I am confident this will be to the benefit of every CSTO member state.

Concerning Armenia’s position, it, too, is well-known. It is as follows, as our Armenian colleagues inform us: “We support all decisions adopted by the CSTO, we consider ourselves members of the CSTO, but at this stage, we are abstaining from participation in the Organisation’s meetings.” That is their choice. If they deem this course of action possible for the time being, then so be it; we agree.

Since they remain members of the Organisation, we – Russia – maintain contact with them. As the country assuming chairmanship of the CSTO, we will, of course, maintain constant engagement with them in their capacity as members. Naturally, the decisions we prepare regarding each priority will be discussed and coordinated with them as well.

Leonid Kitrar: Mr President, Leonid Kitrar, Izvestia Multimedia Information Centre. I have a question about bilateral relations with Kyrgyzstan.

We are pursuing quite a few projects, among them in the energy sector. This year, Rosatom stated it was prepared to build a small nuclear power plant here. Was this discussed? Are there any concrete figures? What are the most promising areas in bilateral relations?

I have another quick question. Not long ago, there were issues with moving cargo between Kazakhstan and Russia. Are there similar issues here?

Vladimir Putin: I will start with bilateral cooperation.

I am grateful to the President of Kyrgyzstan for the invitation to come to Kyrgyzstan on a visit of high diplomatic status and for the hospitality accorded to our entire delegation.

Here is what we said during a press event following the visit. Indeed, our relations are following a very positive track, and our investors are working increasingly actively on the Kyrgyz market. Why has this become possible? I mentioned it briefly earlier, but it is crucial: this is happening in part because the current leadership of Kyrgyzstan has managed to ensure a stable domestic political situation, which is always extremely important for potential investors, because everyone hopes that the commitments undertaken by the recipient country will guarantee the implementation of all agreements. This is one of the most crucial matters. Kyrgyzstan’s leadership has succeeded in doing this. We wish them every success in strengthening domestic political stability and, as an EAEU and CSTO member, we will support and assist them in doing so.

Our relations cover many areas in addition to investment to include the mining sector and energy. As a reminder, Kyrgyzstan receives our resources at the lowest prices and exports are exempt from corresponding customs duties. Naturally, this makes our products highly competitive, to put it mildly, on the Kyrgyz market and provides strong support for the Kyrgyz economy. This includes oil and gas, but we are not limiting ourselves to this; we have plans that may include the construction of small NPPs.

As a reminder, Russia is the only country in the world that carries out such projects. Many are saying they are ready to do it, but so far we are the only ones to do it. If Kyrgyzstan decides to go ahead with this project – our colleagues are in contact with one another – we will implement these projects.

High-tech areas are also developing in the course of bilateral cooperation. I want to draw your attention to the fact that Yandex has been working here more and more actively. Hopefully, it will continue this way, meaning that Yandex is not only engaged in food delivery, transportation and taxi service; Yandex is keenly engaged in developing artificial intelligence. This is an extremely important and promising area for all of us. Yes, Kyrgyzstan is not a large country, but there is an educated part of society here, young people with good education, who have very good prospects. And this is important for us – to create a common space in this extremely promising area. So, naturally, we will work here, too.

Both us and Kyrgyzstan deem it very important to do everything so that Russian migration policy could reliably provide for the interests of native residents of the Russian Federation, our citizens, and our economy, as well as for the citizens of Kyrgyzstan who come to work in Russia. They should be ready for this, including in humanitarian terms; I mean above all their command of the Russian language, starting from an early age, from school age onwards.

In this regard, as you also know, we are assisting the leadership of Kyrgyzstan to promote the study of the Russian language. We will open schools here and work in the field of higher education. In general, there is a great scope for joint work. In Kyrgyzstan, as you know, the Russian language has the official status at the legislative level, which we appreciate very much. And we will go on working in all these areas.

Regarding cargo traffic. Yes, indeed, such a problem did occur. What caused it? I will not conceal the fact that, on my instruction, the Customs Committee – within the framework of the EAEU, our customs authorities are entitled to such actions – began random checks on the roads, so to speak. It turned out that a significant number of goods, a significant number of these lorries, as you said, cross the Russia-Kazakhstan border without any documents at all. Yes, we have a common customs space, a common market, and free movement of capital and goods.

But every such heavyweight, every such heavy lorry must have a certain set of documents agreed on between us – between the states. There aren’t that many of them, but they are a must. There should be a paper, a document about what is inside the lorry, and at least it should be clear who is the consignee of these goods. The first document clearly shows the customs value, what customs duty should be paid by the person who crosses our border with these goods, and who should pay VAT upon receiving the goods. As soon as the roadside checks started, it turned out that there were no documents at all. It is just illegal import, and forgive my manners, it’s just gushing into our customs territory. The Russian Federation is missing out on billions, tens of billions of rubles in our budget. Of course, I informed my colleagues about this situation.

We talked about this matter with President of Kazakhstan Kassym-Jomart Tokayev. He understood everything, and he has no questions or problems with that. We have agreed that we will do everything possible to ensure that this large number of lorries that have accumulated on our border, on the territory of Kazakhstan, move on to the Russian Federation.

Our customs authorities have agreed among themselves that the value of the goods being transported will be declared, and the final recipient will be indicated. And we will gradually let these lorries in. There will be no queue. Yes, it will actually be almost within the framework of the green corridor, at a minimum cost, let them pay at least something, to begin with. And starting next year, our customs officers will require all the necessary documents during random checks. If there are none, then the customs service will not send these goods back. I think that the customs authorities will come to an agreement, up to and including confiscation, probably.

You see, there are all kinds of goods in the lorries, from nails to diamonds and television sets. But let them at least write down shoelaces costing five kopecks, let them start paying something, let them declare the final consignee so that we can receive VAT, even if it is modest. We just need to put things in order.

Thousands of lorries have already passed through. I think the queue will be gone by the end of the year.

Pavel Zarubin: Good afternoon. Pavel Zarubin, Rossiya TV Channel.

The principal global topic of recent days has been the Trump peace plan. Naturally, we have many questions for you.

To what extent does the draft initially published unofficially take our position into account? Have we received an amended version of the document following negotiations between the United States and Ukraine? Consequently, when will Russian-American negotiations begin – which, as we understand, have not yet taken place regarding this document? When will Steve Witkoff visit you? What is your current assessment of the prospects for a peaceful settlement? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Regarding the draft agreement. There was no draft agreement per se; rather, there was a set of issues proposed for discussion and finalisation. In general, I have spoken about this on numerous occasions. Prior to my visit to the United States, before the trip to Alaska, we discussed this with American negotiators, and subsequently, a list of 28 potential points for an agreement was formulated. As I have already stated publicly, it was conveyed to us through certain channels, and we examined it.

Thereafter, negotiations were held in Geneva between the American and Ukrainian delegations. They, as I understand it, decided among themselves that all these 28 points should be divided into four separate components. All of this was passed on to us.

In general, we agree that this could form the basis for future agreements. However, it would be inappropriate for me to speak now of any final versions, as these do not exist.

Certain matters are of a fundamental nature, and overall, we observe that the American side is, in some respects, taking our position into account – the position that was discussed before Anchorage and after Alaska. There are, unquestionably, areas where we need to sit down and engage in serious discussions on specific points, and all such matters must be framed in proper diplomatic language. Because, generally speaking, one thing is to say that Russia does not intend to attack Europe. To us, that sounds ridiculous, does it not? We never had any such intentions. But if they want to have it formalised, let’s do it, no problem.

It is simply that there are individuals there – I believe they are either not entirely of sound mind or are a certain type of swindler – who seek to gain from this by publicly telling their population, their citizens, that Russia is preparing to attack Europe and that they must urgently strengthen their defence capabilities. Either they are serving the interests of the defence industry and private companies, or they are attempting to bolster their domestic political ratings against the backdrop of the dire state of their economies and social spheres. It is difficult to say what motivates them, but from our point of view, it is complete nonsense – an outright falsehood. Nevertheless, if this narrative has taken root in their public consciousness, if they have frightened their citizens who now wish to hear that we have no plans – no aggressive intentions – towards Europe, then very well, we are ready to formalise that in any manner they see fit.

Perhaps there is even merit in this, considering that we all wish to talk, to discuss, and to articulate matters of pan-European security. Probably so; we ourselves proposed this at one point. If our Western – let us once again call them “partners” – now want this, then very well, we are ready. But we all understand that this requires serious discussion, as every word carries significance.

Or, for example, one of the documents mentions that we should resolve the issue of strategic stability together with our American partners. For heaven’s sake – are we opposed to that? That is precisely what we proposed, having even suggested to the Obama administration that we should agree on certain matters. The response was, “Yes, yes,” and then, a month before the Obama administration left the White House, everything stalled. Now another treaty – New START – is expiring in February. If they do not wish to do anything, so be it.

From these papers, we see that, overall, there is a desire to revisit these issues. However, each of these issues is a separate, very serious area. We are certainly prepared for this serious discussion. Next week, an American delegation is due to arrive in Moscow.

Olga Matveyeva: Olga Matveyeva, Mayak and Vesti FM radio stations.

As a follow-up on the colleague’s question. Will you please name the main Russian negotiators?

And one more thing. There were reports on talks underway in Abu Dhabi. Does it mean a concurrent process is going on there? Could you tell us who is talking to whom and what is happening there? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Obviously, the negotiator from the Russian side is the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. When we really sit down at the negotiating table and start discussing each of the proposed items in substance and in detail, the Foreign Ministry – on our part, from the Presidential Executive Office – Vladimir Medinsky, Aide to the President who has been engaged in that from the outset. I also included my Aide, Yury Ushakov, to deal with current issues, to organise all this work, he is in touch with his American counterparts. But he cannot deal with all of this alone – the Foreign Ministry must step in and to some extent, the Presidential Executive Office. This is a big, very extensive set of issues that need to be discussed, formalised, and properly spelled out.

That is the way it should be done, I think. It’s not that I think so, but it is never done any other way.

As for the Abu Dhabi talks, yes, I have heard some information noise on this score. But there was nothing unusual, nothing secret happening there either. Our secret services, Russian and Ukrainian, have always been in contact with each other, even in the hardest times. And they are in contact now. What are they dealing with? They are resolving a number of humanitarian issues, primarily related to the exchange of prisoners of war. The Abu Dhabi platform is actively used for this purpose. We are very grateful to the President of the United Arab Emirates for the opportunities extended to us. Thanks to his efforts, hundreds of our men, our heroes, have returned to their homeland.

At the initiative of the Ukrainian side, one of such regular meetings was scheduled and took place in Abu Dhabi. On our side, one of Russia’s FSB leaders attended it. A representative of the US administration also came to this meeting. It was a bit unexpected for us, but we never give up on contacts. He spoke with the Russian representative and wondered if perhaps we should not wait until next week to continue contacts but rather hold a meeting in Moscow this week.

I only learnt about this when the plane landed in Bishkek, but nevertheless, I said that we were ready, you are welcome, at any time. The issue is so important for everyone and for us that at any time of the day or night – we will arrive tonight, we will return, so we can meet right on Thursday, or Friday, Saturday, Sunday – whenever they want. But we agreed that we would decide, and the administration of the US President would decide who should arrive and when.

The latest information was brought to my attention yesterday that President Trump had decided that, after all, as previously agreed – and there was such an agreement earlier – the meeting is proposed by the American side to be held in Moscow next week. OK, we are always open.

As to who will represent the United States from the American side, this should, of course, be determined by the President of the United States. Therefore, we are expecting them in the first half of the next week.

Andrei Kolesnikov: Andrei Kolesnikov, Kommersant daily.

Mr President, are you going to insist that the territorial issue, above all in Donbass, should be resolved here and now, and for good? Or, will you agree to postpone it, so to speak, until better days? One more question, with your permission: would you agree to return to G7, the Group of Eight, as one of the peace plan versions provides; that is, to all those people?

Vladimir Putin: As for G7 or G8, we have never asked to be there, we were invited there once and we worked there. It was a platform for coordinating certain positions. I must say, you know, please take note, even before the tragic events in Ukraine began, I stopped travelling there. Did you notice?

Remark: Yes, indeed.

Vladimir Putin: This is why, when the developments in Ukraine began, they said: “Well, we are not expecting you there.” And good riddance… I do not remember who it was, I think it was the Prime Minister who went there once. The first time I refused was because really, I do not invent anything, it was when the Government was formed after I was elected President, I think in 2012. However, we never reject contacts, we are always open for interaction. First, nobody invites us there, I have not heard of or received any official proposals. And second, we know how the great majority of that association, called the Big Seven, and I have already said it once that I do not quite understand why it is called the big seven: in terms of territory, population and contribution to the global GDP they are getting smaller and smaller. Well, it does not matter, they are our important partners anyway. In today’s situation I just cannot imagine how we can interact directly. Can you imagine it? Well, we've arrived, hello, and now we will be stare at each other, or what?

I believe that this should bring us to some normalisation. Maybe, if we implement all these proposals within the list that we have received from the US administration, maybe some conditions for bilateral or multilateral contacts will emerge, however, it is premature to speak about it.

Andrei Kolesnikov: And there was the second question …

Vladimir Putin: You know, I will tell you now very briefly, I think it will be clear at once what it is all about. We are still receiving proposals about ceasing hostilities there, there and there. When the Ukrainian troops leave the territories they occupy, then the hostilities will cease. If they do not leave, we will achieve it militarily. That’s that.

Yes, please.

Edmund Zhelbunov: Edmund Zhelbunov, NTV television company. A question on the progress of the special military operation.

Mr President, are the positive dynamics on the fronts continuing? If so, in which directions is the most active advance taking place? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: The positive dynamics persist in all directions. Moreover, our troops’ advance in each of these directions continues to pick up the pace, and quite noticeably. I would refrain from citing the precise number of kilometres, because I could be mistaken, but month after month, the size of the territory, so to speak, returned by our forces in all key areas is steadily increasing. In other words, the pace of our advance is accelerating.

However, the main problem for the enemy lies elsewhere: the widening gap between their losses and the number of personnel they are able to bring to the line of combat contact. In October, I believe, they suffered over 47,000 casualties, or about 47,500. Through mobilisation, or more precisely – forced mobilisation, they raised roughly 16,500, and an additional 14,500 to 15,000 returned from hospitals. If one calculates this precisely down to a tenth, the net deficit comes to around 15,000. In the previous month, the deficit was 10,000. Thus, the gap is widening.

We must also add those who desert the army. The scale of desertion is significant, and this is evident not only from our media or from Defence Ministry reports, but is also widely covered in Western media, and it is virtually impossible for them to hide this information. Therefore, there is little they can do about it, as they say.

In short, the dynamics remain positive in all directions.

Yes, please.

Yegor Piskunov: Yegor Piskunov, RT television channel. Thank you very much.

Mr President, are you aware of the fact that phone conversations between Yury Ushakov, Steve Witkoff, and Kirill Dmitriev have been leaked to the press? What do you think about it? The West, particularly numerous Western media outlets, has blown it up to a scandal. Witkoff has come under attack. What do you think about this? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: You know, speaking of leaks, that may be a fake claim, or maybe a conversation was actually eavesdropped on. Eavesdropping is a criminal offence. At least in our country, eavesdropping is illegal. You know how the joke goes, “they were instructed to spy, but they ended up eavesdropping.” Let them mind their own business. By the way, spying is a skill, too.

I will explain what I mean. I am not aware of what these wiretaps or leaks are all about. You see, we get up in the morning and work from morning till night. After the events ended, I joined you. Here is what I think the problem is all about. It is not about us. It is about the clash of opinions in the collective West and specifically within the United States regarding what is going on and what needs to be done to stop the war and to halt the hostilities.

I had a meeting with Mr Witkoff before the summit in Anchorage. After that meeting, I went to Alaska to have talks. Overall – I want to emphasise it – at least my impression was that we had an understanding of where we stood and what needed to be done to stop the hostilities.

Then we left because President Trump and I needed to return to our respective capitals, to think things over, to consult with our administrations, ministries, agencies, and allies. After that, we agreed to continue discussions.

[Sergei] Lavrov and [Marco] Rubio met in New York on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly and had a conversation. No conflict arose between Russia and the United States on these matters. We remained on the Anchorage platform. Suddenly, the United States imposed sanctions on two of our oil companies. Why? Frankly, I was not sure what was happening.

So, there is no reason for accusing Mr Witkoff of being overly polite with his Russian counterparts. I spoke with him, and then we had that meeting in Alaska, and then – boom – sanctions that undermine our relations were imposed on us. To reiterate, we are unclear what kind of message this is. That is the first point.

Second, Mr Witkoff is apparently travelling to Moscow on President Trump’s instructions to negotiate with us. It would be quite unusual if, in his conversations with [Yury] Ushakov, he had used cuss words to insult us, or said something extremely rude, and then reached out to us in order to improve his negotiating stance. That is nonsense. Not to mention that Mr Witkoff is, apparently, a well-mannered person; he knows he should create a proper environment for interpersonal communication. That much is obvious.

This brings me to the most important point. I have known Mr Witkoff for several months now. He and President Trump go back many years, maybe even decades. He is a US citizen, and he upholds the position of his President and his country. True, our dialogue is quite challenging. We are having a civil conversation. We are not spitting at each other. We are talking like civilised people do, but each one of us is upholding his own position. To reiterate, Mr Witkoff is upholding his position, the position of the United States and the interests of the United States as he sees them and as those who delegate him to negotiate with Russia see them. These people are not just President Trump. I think they also include people from the US military, diplomatic, and administrative spheres in the broad sense of the word.

Please go ahead.

Yelena Mukhametshina: Vedomosti newspaper.

Talks about confiscating Russian assets have intensified in Europe. I want to ask how Russia would respond to this. And do you agree with Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s remark that the confiscation can lead to legal disputes, multiple lawsuits and the collapse of the euro?

Vladimir Putin: Hungary is an EU member, therefore, the Prime Minister of one of the EU countries knows better how this could affect the European currency. Clearly, this will have negative repercussions for the global financial system because confidence in the Eurozone will sharply decline, will plummet. And amid problems in the economy, where the locomotive of the European economy – the German economy – has been in recession for the third year running, I think this will definitely be quite an ordeal.

On my instruction, the Government of the Russian Federation is working on a package of retaliatory measures in case this happens. It is clear to everyone, and everyone says it bluntly, that it would amount to stealing someone else’s property. In this regard, I naturally have a question: who is teaching whom? Either the thieving elite of Ukraine, which steals the money of its taxpayers and the taxpayers of Western sponsors – we are now well aware of the corruption scandal in Kiev – is learning from the Europeans, or the Europeans are learning from the Ukrainian elite. In any case, both are theft. That is how we feel about it, and we are working on retaliatory measures. However, the Government will make them public later, if that happens.

Anton Vernitsky: Anton Vernitsky, Channel One.

After Donald Trump admitted the possibility for the United States to test nuclear weapons, you gave instructions, at the Security Council meeting, to the relevant departments and security services to explore the feasibility of testing Russian nuclear weapons. Has a final decision been made yet? If so, what is it? If not, when can it be made?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: I issued instructions to collect additional information about the actions of the American side, analyse it and submit proposals to me on what we should do in this situation. One of the proposals that we have received is to work together on this topic, that’s what we take from what we see. And we are ready to think all the issues concerning strategic stability over together with the US administration.

Anton Vernitsky: Could it be at the next negotiations, in Moscow next week?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, if this issue arises. Actually, even if it does not arise, we will, of course, raise this issue, because both the United States and we are perfectly aware that preparations for real nuclear weapons tests need time. And we certainly cannot let ourselves get into a situation where the United States will have had a test whereas we will be preparing for it for another year and a half. Naturally, we have to think about it. It was not us who said that, but we must be ready for any possible scenario. And I assure you, we will be ready.

Alexander Yunashev: Good afternoon, Mr President. Alexander Yunashev, Life.

Right now, during this visit, Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov is not accompanying you…

Vladimir Putin: Do you miss him?

Alexander Yunashev: A little. Although he is not away on vacation, he has not appeared on your international visits for two weeks now. The media claim he has fallen out of favour allegedly due to an unsuccessful conversation with Marco Rubio. What do you say?

Vladimir Putin: This is absolute nonsense. He has not fallen out of favour in any way. He has his own work schedule, he reported to me, informed me of his plans, and he is implementing them. He is preparing for a meeting with our American partners.

Yes, please.

Anastasia Savinykh: Mr President, TASS news agency.

Allow me to return to the peace plan. There is an impression that the Western side, by proposing such swift, rapid meetings and insisting on them, is in some way pressuring Russia and you personally. Naturally, everyone wants to achieve peace as quickly as possible, but it seems such matters bear no haste.

In your opinion, is there a risk that if an agreement is railroaded or hastily assembled, there may arise a temptation later to interpret it rather loosely? You have just said that every word requires discussion. How long, in general, will this take?

Vladimir Putin: I deliberately drew your attention to the fact that every issue listed in the documents handed to us holds immense importance – each one is a key topic, do you understand? Therefore, this requires thorough consideration. Likely, some of our partners are eager to resolve these issues as quickly as possible. Why? Colleagues here have asked me about the developments along the line of contact, about the position of American negotiators. Well, what is happening? Take, for instance, Kupyansk – I will return to it shortly. Let us begin with the area of responsibility of our Centre group of forces: where are the main operations taking place? On the Krasnoarmeysk direction and around the city of Dimitrov. Krasnoarmeysk and Dimitrov are entirely encircled – just as Kupyansk was in its time. Seventy percent of Krasnoarmeysk is under the control of the Russian Armed Forces. In the southern part of Dimitrov, the enemy grouping has been cut off, it is being split across the entire city, and our forces are proceeding to systematically eliminate it.

Well, what is next? If you look at the map, shift your gaze further east, northeast – there lies Komsomolsk, and north of Komsomolsk – Kupyansk, Slavyansk, and a little further north, northeast – Seversk. In Komsomolsk, combat is ongoing within the city, and a significant number of buildings have already been liberated by our troops, with further advances underway.

As for Seversk, which, as I said, lies further northeast, our forces have approached this city from the east, south, and north. Fierce combat is taking place in the city – I believe out of 8,000 buildings, 1,700 are under our control. Do you understand, if they have approached from the north, south, and east, where is this all heading? This is a very difficult question for the Ukrainian side, for the Ukrainian armed forces.

If you look north – the city of Seversk: 1,700 buildings out of 8,000, and beyond that, further north (where our North group of forces is operating) – Volchansk is almost entirely in our hands, that is on the Kharkov direction.

Now take a look at the developments in the Zaporozhye Region. There, the enemy has spent the past ten years constructing a fortified area – they began this work back in 2014 and have reinforced it ever since – which is now facing our Dnepr group of forces. It is a heavily fortified area, and our Dnepr forces are actively operating against it. In several important sectors, thanks to the heroism of our soldiers, defences are being broken. But that is not the point. The point is that our East group of forces has broken through the enemy’s defensive lines and is rapidly advancing in the north of the Zaporozhye Region, along the border between the Zaporozhye and Dnepropetrovsk regions. I repeat: they are advancing very rapidly. They are already within 1.5–2 kilometres of Gulyaypole, an important logistics hub. Whether they take the city soon or somewhat later, they will undoubtedly continue their advance.

What does this mean? It means that the East group of forces is effectively enveloping the entire fortified area of the Ukrainian Armed Forces from the north. On one side, our Dnepr group is confronting them whereas the East group of forces is bypassing them from the north. This may lead to a collapse of the front in this sector.

Here lies the difference between those in the West who seek to achieve peace as quickly as possible, even at the cost of certain mutual concessions, including from the Ukrainian side, and those who prefer a different course. If the developments we witnessed in Kupyansk unfold in the areas I have just mentioned, the collapse of the front will be inevitable.

Some still choose to believe that Kupyansk… Let me remind you: on November 4, the head of the Kiev regime declared that the city would be in Ukrainian hands within five to seven days. We now know that the enemy forces there have been completely eliminated, the city is entirely under our control, and another 15 battalions – around 3,500 personnel – are encircled on the left bank of the Oskol River. According to some of our commanders, Ukrainian soldiers in that area now resemble homeless people. This is not a joke. Imagine trying to supply 3,500 people by drone: food, uniform replacements, ammunition. It is impossible. They have been stuck in these conditions for weeks and are now practically immobilised.

Those in the West who understand the implications of all this are the ones insisting on ceasing the fighting as soon as possible, even if it requires concessions from the Kiev regime. They understand: the front will begin to crumble in several directions, and then the Ukrainian armed forces will completely lose combat capability, including their most battle-ready units, as is currently happening near Krasnoarmeysk. “Enough: save at least the core of the armed forces and your statehood. That is what must be considered,” say those who hold this view.

And then there are others, those who still continue to believe that Kupyansk is somehow back under Ukrainian control and who insist on continuing the fighting until the last Ukrainian is killed. That is the difference in their approaches. The ones attacking Mr Witkoff are precisely those who align with this second point of view, those who want to join the Ukrainian establishment in siphoning off money while prolonging hostilities until the last Ukrainian dies. But I have already said publicly: in fact, we are prepared for this.

Please, go ahead.

Yekaterina Lazareva: Good afternoon, Mr President.

Yekaterina Lazareva, URA.Ru agency. I have a follow-up question. Back to the peace plans. There is Trump’s peace plan, and there is an alternative plan advanced by Europe. Is there an understanding of who to talk to, to negotiate with, and to sign final documents with on behalf of Ukrainian political leadership, or perhaps, the military leadership now?

Vladimir Putin: You know, signing documents with the Ukrainian leadership is pointless. I have mentioned this many times.

I believe the Ukrainian leadership made a fundamental and strategic mistake when it gave in to fear and chose not to hold presidential elections, after which the president lost his legitimacy. Russia is also amidst hostilities with Ukraine, but we held elections, presidential elections and, very recently, elections to municipal and regional bodies of authority. We did all of that, while they, for some reason, did not. As soon as a peace deal is signed, hostilities will stop, and the martial law will need to be immediately lifted. Once the martial law is lifted, elections must be announced immediately.

However, today, the current political leadership of Ukraine can hardly expect to be able to win the election without rigging it. It is almost impossible, I think. That brings to mind Stalin famously saying, “It does not matter who votes for whom; what matters is who counts the votes.” No one cancelled the use of the administrative resource. Still, they are facing a challenging situation.

Next, according to the Constitution, a referendum must be held on all territorial issues, after which the referendum must be confirmed by a Constitutional Court ruling.

What is happening with the Constitutional Court? I mentioned this earlier as well. As a reminder, when the political leadership requested that the Constitutional Court confirm the president’s powers, the Constitutional Court refused to do so and dodged the request. According to the Constitution, there is only one five-year term. That is it. It cannot be extended.

We could go into the legal details and intricacies, but extensions are not provided for even under martial law. Only the Rada can extend its own powers during wartime, not the president. So, as an officeholder, the president cannot sign it. He needs confirmation from the Constitutional Court. But when the Court was asked to confirm the president’s powers, and refused to do so, do you know what happened next? I am not sure I mentioned this before, but a funny thing happened next. The security service stopped letting him into his office. He came to work, and someone knocked on his door telling him to clear out. He ended by fleeing the country.

The Constitutional Court is not operational, and the President of the Supreme Court is doing time for corruption. Those in charge of anti-corruption activities are corruptionists of the first order themselves. The President of the Supreme Court was imprisoned on corruption charges. Meanwhile, the terms of the Constitutional Court members expired, and new members had to be elected. It is quite a lengthy procedure, you see?

So, as soon as martial law is lifted, presidential elections must be held, a referendum must be held, and a new Constitutional Court must be formed. That is a never ending story.

Well, of course, we want to work out a deal with Ukraine, but doing so right now is practically impossible, legally impossible. Whoever from their side can or is willing to talk, let them do so. What we need is for our decisions to be internationally recognised by the main global actors. That is all we need.

This matters, because there is a difference between decisions under which certain territories remain under Russian sovereignty have been recognised. If agreements get violated, it will constitute an attack on the Russian Federation, with all ensuing responses from Russia. Or, will it be interpreted as an attempt to restore law on the territory owned by Ukraine? These are different matters.

Without a doubt, we need recognition, but not from Ukraine as things stand today. I hope that in the future we will be able to work out a deal with Ukraine as well. There are enough right-minded people in Ukraine who are willing to build relations with Russia for the long-term historical perspective.

Kira Latukhina: Good afternoon. My name is Kira Latukhina, Rossiyskaya Gazeta.

Hungarian media have reported that Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban will arrive in Moscow tomorrow for talks with you. Could you confirm that such a meeting will take place, and what would be the purpose of his visit? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: We are in contact with the Hungarian side regarding a possible meeting. And we are always pleased to welcome any of our partners to Russia, including our European colleagues, despite their generally aggressive attitude toward us. Especially Viktor Orban. We know his position well. In my view, it is quite objective. He is one of the few people who assesses the situation based on real circumstances on the ground and formulates his political stance accordingly.

We also have bilateral matters to discuss. Our cooperation in the energy sector is extensive, not to mention the Paks Nuclear Power Plant. There are issues there requiring further clarification and coordination. This includes nuclear fuel supplies. For example, they used American fuel in Ukraine. We have nothing against that in principle, but in practice the fuel assemblies malfunctioned: the rods began to warp, leading to an emergency situation. Therefore, everything in this sphere must be thoroughly calculated; this is a very serious matter. But beyond that, we have many other bilateral issues. If Prime Minister Orban finds it appropriate to accept our invitation, we will be glad to see him.

Valentin Alfimov: May I, Mr President?

Valentin Alfimov, Komsomolskaya Pravda.

You have already partially addressed this, but I would like to clarify the legal aspect concerning Crimea and Donbas. In President Trump’s plan, it is stated that they recognise these territories as ours de facto but not de jure. How is that possible? As a lawyer, how do you see this distinction? How can something be recognised de facto but not de jure?

Vladimir Putin: This is precisely one of the issues that should be addressed in our negotiations with the American side.

Thank you for drawing attention to it. You are right, this is one of the key points.

Thank you very much.

All the best.

Press statements following Russia-Kazakhstan talks

2025-11-13T11:29:17+04:00

Following the talks in the Kremlin, President of Russia Vladimir Putin and President of Kazakhstan Kassym-Jomart Tokayev made statements for the media.

As part of the state visit by the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan to the Russian Federation, an extensive package of intergovernmental and interagency documents was signed. Vladimir Putin and Kassym-Jomart Tokayev signed the Declaration on the Transition of Interstate Relations between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan to the Level of Comprehensive Strategic Partnership and Alliance.

* * *

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, friends,

We are delighted to welcome in the Kremlin the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan who is in Russia on a state visit.

Our talks were held in a business-like and constructive atmosphere and yielded tangible results which is fully consistent with the truly friendly and neighbourly relations between Russia and Kazakhstan. We had a detailed discussion on bilateral cooperation in all its aspects, and shared views on pressing regional and international matters.

The key outcome of the visit is the declaration on the transition of relations between Russia and Kazakhstan to an entirely new and more advanced level of comprehensive strategic partnership and alliance. Also, an extensive package of intergovernmental and interagency agreements and memorandums was signed laying out specific long-term provisions for joint effort in terms of security policy, trade, investment, culture and humanitarian affairs.

Obviously, economic ties were a priority of these talks. Last year, trade reached US$28.7 billion, which accounts for a fifth of Kazakhstan’s foreign trade.

For Russia, Kazakhstan is one of the biggest trade partners within the Commonwealth of Independent States and across the Eurasian space in general. Moreover, our mutual trade is structured in a way that enables us to constantly diversify it by increasing the share of non-primary goods. As for the share of national currencies in our mutual settlements, it already exceeds 96 percent, which enables us to make our business transactions immune to negative external impacts, including political factors.

Russia is a leading investor in Kazakhstan, with cumulative capital investments totalling approximately US$10 billion. Over 17,000 enterprises with Russian participation operate on the Kazakhstani market, and the two countries are implementing around 70 major joint projects across all key sectors of Kazakhstan’s economy.

Bilateral energy cooperation is steadily advancing. The majority of Kazakhstan’s oil exports transit through Russia, while Russian oil is shipped via Kazakhstan to markets in Asia.

In turn, Russia imports Kazakhstan’s coal, and the two nations have established mutual electricity supplies. Russia is also participating in modernising thermal and hydroelectric power facilities in Kazakhstan.

I should note that for many years, Gazprom has been stably supplying gas to consumers in Kazakhstan. Currently, opportunities are being explored to expand these supplies, particularly to the northern and eastern regions where Kazakhstan’s major industrial capacities are concentrated.

Companies from both countries are successfully collaborating on projects in the automotive industry, agriculture, agricultural engineering, and mineral fertiliser production. There are also plans under discussion to step up cooperation in the chemical industry and rare earth mining.

Russia and Kazakhstan are connected by a network of key Eurasian transport routes. Our countries are working to increase the capacity of automobile border crossings, while freight traffic by air and water is expanding, including across the Caspian Sea and along the Irtysh River.

Significant new prospects are emerging with the development of the International North-South Transport Corridor, which runs from Russia to the Indian Ocean. The eastern branch of this route crosses Kazakhstan before connecting to Turkmenistan and Iran.

Close cooperation continues in space research, including the joint operation of the Baikonur space centre. The Baiterek project, which envisions creating a new rocket and space complex for launches of the Russian Soyuz-5 vehicle, is underway, with its first launch expected before the end of this year.

Regional partnerships significantly contribute to the practical development of our bilateral ties. The 21^st Russia-Kazakhstan Interregional Cooperation Forum is currently being held in Uralsk. President Tokayev and I have just addressed the participants of its plenary session via videoconference. The forum focuses on the pressing issue of training professional, highly qualified personnel for various economic sectors. It brings together representatives from more than thirty Russian regions and their counterparts from across Kazakhstan.

It is also symbolic that the latest Kazakhstan Culture Days in Russia are currently taking place in Moscow. Tonight, the President of Kazakhstan and I will attend a gala concert of Kazakh artists on the historic stage of the Bolshoi Theatre.

In general, I would like to note that Russian-Kazakhstani humanitarian cooperation has traditionally been rich and dynamic. Our countries closely collaborate in science, education, and sports, as well as through social and youth exchanges. Approximately 55,000 citizens of Kazakhstan are studying in Russia, with half of them on government scholarships. Branches of many leading Russian universities, including Moscow State University and MGIMO University, are successfully operating in Kazakhstan.

It is gratifying that the Russian language continues to be widely and freely used in Kazakhstan. I would like to express my gratitude to the President of Kazakhstan for this. According to the Constitution, Russian enjoys official status, and its use in various spheres of life is supported by the country’s leadership.

For its part, Russia is assisting in the construction of new Russian-language schools in Kazakhstan and in improving the overall quality of Russian-language education. Three additional schools are to open soon in the cities of Kyzylorda, Taraz, and Turkestan, in southern Kazakhstan.

When discussing key international issues, we reaffirmed that our approaches are close on most of them. Our countries coordinate their positions at the United Nations and other multilateral forums.

Russia and Kazakhstan were among the founding members of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, and are both actively involved in their work. With Russia’s support, Kazakhstan was granted partner state status in BRICS at the 2024 summit in Kazan.

Naturally, we are also working together to advance integration within the Commonwealth of Independent States and the Eurasian Economic Union. The next meeting of the Supreme Eurasian Economic Council, along with the now-traditional informal gathering of CIS leaders, is scheduled to take place in St Petersburg in late December. We certainly look forward to President Tokayev’s participation in these events too.

In conclusion, I would like to praise today’s talks. I am confident that their results will contribute to the further strengthening of the multifaceted Russia-Kazakhstan partnership for the benefit of our countries and peoples.

Thank you for your attention.

President of Kazakhstan Kassym-Jomart Tokayev: Mr President, colleagues, friends, members of the media,

First of all, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to President Vladimir Putin for his invitation to make a state visit to Russia and for the exceptional hospitality extended to us.

I believe this visit is of particular significance for the further strengthening of the strategic partnership and allied relations between our two countries.

The agreements we have reached today are a clear demonstration of the successful development of our multifaceted bilateral cooperation and the irreversible nature of this unique interaction.

In my view, the scale of comprehensive cooperation between the two leading states of the so-called post-Soviet space has, in essence, become an important element of the Eurasian security architecture – a concept currently under discussion and development by a number of interested states.

It is of critical importance that we are united by a shared history spanning centuries, active cultural and spiritual ties, common values, and similar approaches to contemporary challenges and future development. It is on such a solid foundation that the strategic partnership is dynamically advancing in all areas.

This year has been marked by a number of anniversary dates of immense significance for our peoples. We duly celebrated the 80^th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War, which served as a vivid testament to due respect we hold for the memory of the true heroes and patriots who demonstrated unprecedented unity in world history in defence of their Motherland and in the achievement of the Great Victory.

A landmark event was the 70^th anniversary of the legendary Baikonur Cosmodrome, a symbol of our longstanding scientific and technical cooperation in space exploration.

Another important milestone is the 20^th anniversary of the Treaty on the Kazakhstan-Russia State Border. The world’s longest land border, it stands as a striking symbol of our genuine neighbourly relations.

It is gratifying that our multifaceted cooperation is constantly enriched with new substance. Just now, President Vladimir Putin and I signed a Declaration on the transition of Kazakhstan-Russia relations to the level of comprehensive strategic partnership and alliance. This document is of historic significance, reflecting both the inviolability of mutual trust and the broad prospects for cooperation between our peoples.

In this context, I would like to express profound gratitude to Mr Putin for his personal contribution to strengthening our bilateral relations. In Kazakhstan, we know and respect the President of Russia as a statesman of global stature, whose name is recognised in all countries of the world and is perceived as a symbol of faith and will in defending the interests of the Russian people and the entire Russian state in this turbulent world.

Kazakhstan is genuinely interested in the prosperity of the Russian Federation.

I highly appreciate our talks. They have proceeded in an open and trust-based atmosphere and yielded practical results.

We have had a detailed discussion of the entire range of the bilateral and multilateral agendas and agreed to maintain intensive dialogue at all the levels.

We have given special attention to the development of industry, energy sector, transport, logistics, agriculture, high technologies, digitisation, humanitarian interaction, and implementation of new infrastructure projects.

We noted with satisfaction that, notwithstanding the complicated international situation, we actively develop our interaction and cooperation for the benefit of our peoples.

Russia is Kazakhstan’s key trade, economic and investment partner. The 2024 trade amounted to about US$28 billion, and in the eight months of this year it exceeded US$17 billion. We have set the goal of bringing the bilateral trade to US$30 billion.

The accumulated volume of direct Russian investments in the Kazakhstani economy has exceeded US$27 billion. In 2024, Russia became the largest investor in Kazakhstan by increasing its investments to the record US$4 billion. Kazakhstan’s investments in Russia are also rising, their total amount over 15 years has reached about US$9 billion.

More than 20,000 companies with Russian participation have been operating in Kazakhstan, which makes up almost a half of all businesses with foreign capital operating in our country. We are implementing 175 major joint projects. We have agreed to continue maintaining a high level of business contacts and create all necessary conditions for doing business. For this purpose, we have adopted a comprehensive programme of economic cooperation until 2030 and a corresponding plan of its implementation.

Strengthening of ties between the two countries’ regions plays an important role in developing trade and economic cooperation. We have just participated in the 21^st Russia-Kazakhstan Interregional Cooperation Forum held in Uralsk. The forum was dedicated to the topical issue of blue-collar professions. Supporting them is crucial for upgrading production facilities and for sustainable development of our economies in general.

The opening of Russia’s Consulate General in Aktau will also promote interregional ties. All the paperwork to this end has been finalised today.

We put a special focus on cooperation in the transit and transport sectors. We agreed to continue consistently expanding the capacity of projects such as the International North–South Transport Corridor, the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route, and the Ayagoz–Bakhty and Dostyk–Moiynty railway lines, among others. We emphasised the importance of improving cross-border logistics infrastructure and streamlining procedures at border checkpoints.

We intend to continue our collaboration in advancing what I consider to be a highly promising initiative: the Trans-Altai Dialogue. This format is designed to become an effective platform to deepen cooperation between Kazakhstan, Russia, China, and Mongolia in the spirit of neighbourliness and mutual benefit.

We devoted considerable attention to energy issues. In recent years, significant progress has been achieved in this area. I would particularly like to highlight the productive cooperation with Rosatom, especially regarding the project to build the first nuclear power plant in our country. We agreed to strengthen our partnership in the production, transportation, and supply of oil, petroleum products, coal, and electricity. We also discussed in detail the prospects for gas cooperation, including gas supplies to Kazakhstan’s regions bordering Russia, as well as potential transit to third countries.

Economic ties between Kazakhstan and Russia continue to expand, driven by new opportunities for innovative growth. A number of documents signed during the visit will enable our countries to make significant progress in space exploration (as President Putin has just convincingly said), in nuclear energy, and in the development of special economic zones and creative industries.

Extensive opportunities are also emerging in the IT sector, where Kazakhstan has accumulated successful experience.

The cultural and humanitarian sphere, which plays a special role in bringing our peoples closer together, is gaining a more practical dimension. The number of joint events, such as tours, exhibitions, concerts, and sporting competitions, is steadily increasing.

The Days of Kazakhstan Culture in Russia were recently held with great success in Moscow. Earlier, Kazakhstan artists performed in Yakutsk and Kazan as part of these Days. In May, the Alley of Eternal Friendship between Kazakhstan and Russia was opened in Astana; yesterday, Kazakhstan-Russia Friendship Public Garden was inaugurated in Moscow.

In addition, a street in Moscow was named after Shoqan Walikhanov, a distinguished scholar, ethnographer, officer of the General Staff of the Russian Army, honorary member of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society, and close friend of the famous writer Fyodor Dostoevsky and renowned scientist Grigory Potanin. Such events are welcomed in our countries.

The planned opening of a Kazakh information and cultural centre in Moscow is of great significance in this regard.

I would also like to acknowledge the events organised as part of my state visit. The volunteer rally, the forum of young leaders, and the meetings of historians and political scientists all deserve high praise. Tonight, a concert by masters of the arts of Kazakhstan will be held at the Bolshoi Theatre.

All matters of cooperation in education and sport were discussed in detail. In Kazakhstan, nine branches of leading Russian universities are operating successfully, making a significant contribution to the training of highly qualified specialists.

This year saw the completion of work to open a branch of MGIMO in Astana and a branch of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University in Omsk. The possibility of establishing a representative office of a Russian medical university in our country is also under consideration.

In secondary education, there are over a thousand schools with Russian as the language of instruction in Kazakhstan, with one third of all students receiving their education in Russian.

Furthermore, joint projects for the construction of schools, which take into account the educational standards of both countries, are being implemented. In Almaty, with sponsorship backing, a branch of the renowned Russian Sirius school will be built.

Kazakhstan pays due attention to the promotion of Russian culture and language. The International Organisation for the Russian Language, established on Kazakhstan’s initiative, is intended to contribute to this important endeavour.

During our negotiations, we exchanged views on pressing regional and international issues. Kazakhstan and Russia actively and successfully cooperate on multilateral platforms. We confirmed our readiness for further close coordination of our efforts within the Eurasian Economic Union, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, the Commonwealth of Independent States, the Collective Security Treaty Organisation, and other multilateral structures.

Colleagues,

Today’s negotiations have confirmed a shared commitment to the further development of our strategic partnership. The potential of Kazakhstan-Russia relations is immense; there are no limits to our joint work.

At present, there are virtually no spheres in which our countries have failed to achieve constructive cooperation. There are no unmanageable issues between Kazakhstan and Russia. This is a vivid example of the high responsibility of both sides and their sincere readiness for joint work.

Once again, I wish to express my gratitude to the President of Russia for the substantive negotiations and for the traditional warmth and heartfelt hospitality. I am confident that our genuine neighbourliness will continue to guide us forward on the path of strategic partnership and allied relations.

Thank you for your attention.

Answers to media questions

2025-10-24T00:46:09+04:00

Following a meeting of the Board of Trustees of the Russian Geographical Society, Vladimir Putin took questions from media members.

Question: Yesterday, we heard yet another statement by the US President regarding him either meeting with you or not meeting with you, and the Ukraine crisis, too. Almost at the same time, the United States imposed sanctions on Russian oil companies.

Today, the EU imposed another round of anti-Russia sanctions, this time placing a ban on toilet bowls, motorised toys, puzzles, and tricycles.

What do you think about this?

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: The fact that they cancelled imports of our toilet bowls will cost them dearly. I think they will need them if they keep the same policies with regard to the Russian Federation.

What can I say about the US President’s statement? In the most recent telephone conversation, the idea of a meeting and the venue were proposed by the American side. I agreed with the idea and expressed my views in this regard pointing out that, without a doubt, such meetings must be well prepared. It would be a mistake for me and the US President to approach it lightly and come out from this meeting without achieving the anticipated result.

Admittedly, the US President agreed with that completely and said that a number of officials from the current administration would work on preparing this meeting. He named some of them, and I said that once the American side finalises the list of those who will be preparing the meeting, we will also announce who will be involved from the Russian side. But at the initial stage, without a doubt, the first steps towards this end should be taken by Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov and US Secretary of State Rubio. That is what we decided.

Now I see – I have read the statement – that the US President decided to cancel or rather to postpone this meeting. What can I say? Dialogue is always better than confrontation, disputes, or, even more so, war. Therefore, we have always supported dialogue, and we continue to do so.

Now, regarding the new sanctions. First, there is nothing new about them. Clearly, they will have serious implications for us, but they will not significantly affect our economic well-being.

It is well known that during his first presidential term, President Trump imposed the largest number of sanctions ever imposed on the Russian Federation. Today, they have two aspects, namely, political and economic.

What are we talking about in terms of the political aspect? It implies an attempt to put pressure on Russia. But no self-respecting country and no self-respecting people ever make decisions under pressure. Without a doubt, Russia has the privilege of considering itself among those self-respecting countries and peoples. That is the first point.

The second point is purely economic.

Speaking of the political aspect this, of course, represents an unfriendly step with regard to Russia. That much is clear, and it does not help strengthen Russia-US relations, which have just begun to recover. Of course, actions like this by the US administration harm Russia-US relations.

Regarding the economic aspect, I reiterate once again that there is certainly nothing good or pleasant here. However, if we examine the economic side of these sanctions objectively and professionally, what do we observe?

At present, the United States, in my view, produces approximately 13.5 million barrels per day, ranking first. Saudi Arabia is second with around 10 million barrels, and the Russian Federation is third with roughly 9.5 million barrels per day. However, the United States consumes 20 million barrels. They sell some and purchase even more, primarily from Canada. Thus, they produce 13.5 million but consume 20 million.

Meanwhile, the Russian Federation and Saudi Arabia sell more oil and petroleum products. I may be mistaken in some details, perhaps mixing something up on the spot, but the general order aligns with reality. And what is that reality? Saudi Arabia exports approximately 9 million tonnes of oil and petroleum products to external markets, while the Russian Federation exports 7.5 million. That is to say, our contribution to the global energy balance is very significant, exceedingly so. Currently, this balance serves both consumers’ and producers’ interests. Disrupting this balance is a highly thankless task, including for those attempting to do so. Why?

First, it must be noted that overall production is currently at a plateau. Of course, a portion – though certainly not all, as that would be impossible – of Russian oil and petroleum products could be substituted on the global market. But, first, this requires time. Second, it demands substantial investment.

Recently, for the first time, we heard from the International Energy Agency that it is urging and encouraging economic actors to invest in hydrocarbon energy.

Until now, the opposite had been advocated, including within the framework of the International Energy Agency, with calls to invest in alternative energy sources. Indeed, that is necessary. However, it has become clear that hydrocarbons will remain indispensable for at least the coming years, if not decades. This is evident given rising consumption. The global economy is growing, and energy resource consumption is increasing.

Thus, it is not feasible to sharply increase production in the immediate term. However, if the quantity of our oil and petroleum products on the global market were to decrease abruptly, prices would rise, and I have discussed this with my American counterpart as well. What would this lead to? It would result in a sharp increase in the cost of oil and petroleum products, including at petrol stations – and the United States is no exception. If we consider the domestic political calendar in the United States, it is clear how sensitive certain processes could become in this context. Those advising the current [US] administration on such decisions should consider whom they are actually serving.

However, that is not the main point. What is significant for us is something else – we feel confident and stable, and despite certain losses (which will inevitably occur, as this is tied to many circumstances), our energy sector remains sufficiently confident.

I hope this will not lead to significant changes in the global market, although everyone must now reflect – I concur with the International Energy Agency – on the necessity to invest in traditional energy, in conventional energy sources. We are doing this and intend to continue doing so.

If, in the end, we move away from pressure and instead engage in serious discussions about the future, including in the economic sphere, we have many areas for joint work. We are generally prepared for this, but, as we see, it depends not only on the Russian Federation but also on our partners, in this case, the Americans.

Question: Regarding the use of Western long-range weapons, how do you personally assess the evidently contradictory signals coming from Washington? Recently, The Washington Post and The Wall Street Journal reported that the US has lifted a key restriction on the use of such weapons. Then Trump stated that Tomahawks would not be supplied after all. Just an hour ago, Zelensky once again claimed that Ukraine will receive weapons capable of striking targets up to 3,000 kilometres away.

In your view, is this still an escalation?

Vladimir Putin: This is an attempt at escalation. However, if such weapons are used to strike Russian territory, the response will be very serious, if not overwhelming. Let them think about that.

Vladimir Putin answered media questions

2025-10-11T01:06:22+04:00

Concluding his three-day stay in the Republic of Tajikistan, the President of Russia answered questions from representatives of the mass media.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Good evening.

I will forgo any opening remarks or statements. If there are questions, I will gladly endeavour to answer them.

You are welcome to proceed.

Anastasia Savinykh: Mr President, good evening.

Anastasia Savinykh, TASS news agency.

You have been working here, in Dushanbe, for three days now, with approximately half of this time dedicated to the programme of your state visit to Tajikistan. You have spent many hours in negotiations with your counterpart, President Rahmon – both in a restricted format and within the delegation framework, the composition of which underscores the mutual commitment of our two countries.

Could you please summarise the outcomes of this state visit and highlight which areas are currently demonstrating the most active and dynamic development, as well as the prospects ahead?

If I may, a brief follow-up question on this topic: we have signed a programme with Tajikistan on developing labour migration. The Ministry of the Interior is opening representative offices both in Russia and Tajikistan. In your view, does this help regulate migration flows? Does it assist in minimising illegal migration and criminal activity, and are there plans to sign similar programmes with other countries in the region?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: I will begin with bilateral relations. Tajikistan is an important partner for us, both in general and specifically within Central Asia. Its significance lies in its position on the frontiers of the CIS – on the southern flank of the Commonwealth. While our two countries do not share a common border, this remains an issue of utmost importance for the security of the Russian Federation. It is not by chance that our border service personnel continue their work here, in close cooperation with their Tajik colleagues, and that our military base is stationed here.

Naturally, we have devoted considerable attention to reviewing all these matters. Indeed, we observe that the current government in Afghanistan is taking all necessary steps to normalise the situation in the country. Nevertheless, numerous challenges persist, as acknowledged by the Afghan leadership itself. Therefore, the border between Tajikistan and Afghanistan must remain entirely secure. That is the first point.

Secondly, we maintain substantial and serious economic cooperation. It suffices to mention our collaboration in the energy sector, including hydropower. Tajikistan, with its mountainous rivers, is one of the most robust hubs for this industry. Our projects – both those already completed and those under development – are well known. There are other areas of cooperation as well, including the extraction of mineral resources.

All this holds significant interest for our economies – mutual interest, I would clarify, for both Russia and Tajikistan. We observe the establishment of joint enterprises and continued investment from Russian businesses. I would also note Tajikistan’s competitive advantages in areas such as cotton cultivation and others. This is of considerable importance to us.

Of course, humanitarian cooperation is an essential area of our relations. It is extremely important that some time ago the President of Tajikistan proposed opening schools that not only teach Russian but where education is entirely in the Russian language and the curriculum is similar to that in our schools.

Many of our teachers are working here, and we will certainly help improve conditions for the branches of Russian universities that have opened here, and will also support the ambitions of young people from Tajikistan to study at Russian universities. One of the largest, if not the largest, quotas in the CIS has been approved for Tajikistan.

It is widely known, yet I would like to repeat that special attention is given in Tajikistan to the study of the Russian language and Russian culture. This includes theatres, but the most important thing is that the status of the Russian language has been enshrined in law. This is extremely important; it is the basis for the further development of our interstate ties.

As for migration, we are aware of the demographic situation in the Central Asian republics, of course. Several years ago, slightly more than five million people lived here [in Tajikistan]. The current figure is above 10 million. The population growth is rapid here, while Russia needs an additional workforce.

At the same time, we are interested in attracting the trades we need. This is the first point. And second, we want these people to live in good conditions, to respect our laws and rules and to be law-abiding citizens, as I always point out. Incidentally, this is primarily connected with knowing the language of the host country.

Nevertheless, there are quite a few problems, which the citizens of the Russian Federation point to. We must above all think about our own citizens. In this context, it is essential for the personnel of the concerned departments, in this case the interior ministries, to work in Tajikistan, I mean Russian police officers, and for their Tajik colleagues to work in Russia. This is extremely important.

Why? The reason is that they, as the legal representatives of the Tajik authorities, will be able to see for themselves what is going on, and second, will take part in adopting relevant administrative decisions together with their Russian colleagues.

In this case, the citizens of Tajikistan who live and work in Russia will see this in a totally different way. It is one thing when the police demand that they comply with some rules and laws, and it is quite another matter when law enforcement personnel from Tajikistan are involved. This will build trust on both sides and enhance the effectiveness of [law enforcement] efforts.

Kira Latukhina: Good evening, Mr President.

My name is Kira Latukhina, and I am from the Rossiiskaya Gazeta newspaper.

Two major international summits have been held – the CIS summit and the Russia – Central Asia summit yesterday. How successful are they? And to what extent do we need such a format as the Russia – Central Asia summit? How popular is it and what “added value” does it have?

Vladimir Putin: Some time ago, when the Soviet Union ceased to exist, the establishment of the CIS was announced. I believe that an overwhelming majority of our countries’ citizens did not have a very clear idea of what was going on – they believed that the CIS had replaced the Soviet Union. They believed that, in essence, very little would change. In reality, everything changed drastically.

Unfortunately, the citizens of our countries were not informed in detail about the changes underway. But we are living in conditions that have evolved historically. Apart from living in these conditions, we should see how we can improve this vast region, how to move forwards and what should be done so as not to lose competitive advantages that emerged following the establishment on the territory of the former Soviet Union of common logistics, common industrial cooperation projects, and a common cultural code, despite the cultural diversity of the Soviet Union’s nations. The CIS is called on to preserve all this.

It became obvious at a certain stage that the level of intra-CIS collaboration was not enough for addressing current complicated economic issues. For this reason, on the initiative of Kazakhstan and its President, Nursultan Nazarbayev, another association emerged – the EAEU, where its members are working within the framework of more profound cooperation between countries that deemed it possible, expedient and advisable to establish this association. But the CIS is not losing its significance; it essentially aims to maintain this common space, including its cultural and humanitarian aspects.

Regardless of the scale of cultural differences between the most diverse nations of the former Soviet Union, Soviet people had their own common and distinctive moral code, which is very significant. The CIS is called on to preserve the heritage of the Soviet Union, and it is accomplishing this objective rather successfully.

People-to-people contacts remain robust. Again, we are committed to preserving a seamless transport space, which is of paramount importance, and we actively support the Russian language as a language of interethnic communication. This is a fundamental element in uniting our efforts and preserving the competitive advantages that I mentioned earlier.

This collaborative spirit extends to addressing security challenges and combating the most dangerous types of crime, such as drug trafficking. If you examine the package of documents we adopted and signed today, you will see that it speaks directly to these priorities.

Ultimately, the preservation and strengthening of our unity is crucial for our shared future.

The situation in the Central Asian countries follows a similar logic, albeit with local specificities. We all recognise the region’s rich ethnic diversity. The further, the more each nation is developing based on its own foundation – its own economy, its own cultural code, its own traditions. Russia is developing in the same way. This makes it all the more important that we do not drift too far apart. We must maintain our shared conviction that something unites us – a great deal actually – because that is the reality.

Consider the movement of people: is there no surplus workforce in other countries? There certainly is. Yet Russia remains a primary destination for workers from the former Soviet space. Why? Because they feel that fundamental connection. They want to learn Russian – why? For the same reason. This underscores the need to actively seek out and nurture all the common ground we share and value so deeply.

Our shared history is an important unifying force. Today, we have discussed the common Victory over Nazism – a shared legacy and a source of pride for all our nations. We will talk more about it in our ongoing meetings. That is, while we are connected by the past and the present, we must constantly seek and build upon the things that will unite us in the future.

This format has been designed precisely to give special focus to this track of our foreign policy.

Alexander Yunashev: Good afternoon, Mr President.

Alexander Yunashev, Life.

Yesterday, you met with Ilham Aliyev. During these negotiations, were you able to outline pathways to resolve the current crisis in bilateral relations, or does a certain chill remain?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: You know, I would not even describe it as a crisis in interstate relations. Why? Because if this had been a crisis in interstate relations, we would not have seen growth in trade and economic ties. Yet despite everything we have witnessed and encountered, growth – significant growth – has continued. So, what kind of crisis in interstate relations would this be?

I would say it was more likely a crisis of emotions. It is clear why. We were confronted with a very grave incident, a tragic event – the loss of an aircraft and its passengers. Therefore, we needed to calmly analyse the situation; we required time to properly examine it.

It was necessary to conduct highly complex technical examinations – that is true. We had to locate the so-called black boxes, decode them, cross-reference all the data obtained by investigators from the Ministry of Defence, verify this information, and compile all the records gathered from air traffic control services – both ours and those of Kazakhstan. All of this had to be pieced together and analysed. This demands extensive, meticulous, highly responsible, and professional work.

I myself once, while studying at the Law Faculty of Leningrad University, undertook an internship at the transport prosecutor’s office, where I was assigned to an investigator handling such cases. I understand what this entails, you see. It is extremely painstaking, seemingly tedious work where mistakes cannot be permitted.

But in the end, we accomplished this. We agreed with Mr Aliyev that we would do everything to ensure this investigation was conducted objectively, including by the International Aviation Committee (IAC), which carried out its inquiry using all the materials provided to it.

The investigation is now nearing completion, and overall, the situation is clear. There may still be some details or nuances that specialists need to document properly. I discussed this yesterday with the President of Azerbaijan.

I sincerely hope that we have turned this page, that we will move forward, and that we will continue to develop our contacts without complications, implementing the major, truly large-scale plans that both our countries share in logistics, industrial cooperation, and, I would add, in the cultural and humanitarian sphere as well.

Let me remind you that Azerbaijan is largely a Russian-speaking country: Russian is studied practically everywhere there. This also reflects the country’s deep and enduring commitment to developing relations with Russia. I very much hope this will remain so in the future.

Emotions are inevitable, but it is always better to keep them under control so that they do not interfere with our work or hinder progress. I believe all of this is now behind us.

Please.

Yelena Shiryaeva: Thank you.

Yelena Shiryaeva, Mir TV Channel.

Back to the topic of the summit. Today, during the meeting, an agreement was reached to create a new format, CIS+. Is there an understanding which international partners are ready to join the organisation in this format, under what conditions, and, most importantly, what benefits will it bring to the people of our countries?

Vladimir Putin: Thank you for the question.

This is indeed an important decision, as it marks the organisation’s transformation from what was essentially a family gathering into a full-fledged international structure. There are many countries interested in participating in our work, in developing cooperation, finding shared interests, and addressing common challenges.

We have agreed to establish this CIS+ format, and we also decided to invite representatives of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation as observers. I believe these are very sound and timely decisions. They will undoubtedly strengthen both the CIS’s capacity and standing as an organisation. I have no doubt that we will soon see the benefits of this decision.

Thank you very much.

Please.

Andrei Kolesnikov: Good afternoon, Andrei Kolesnikov, Kommersant daily.

Prior to your visit to Dushanbe, one of the Deputy Foreign Ministers of Russia said that the potential of Anchorage has been exhausted. Do you agree with this assertion? Is that the end of the matter?

One more question, if I may. It has just been announced that Donald Trump did not receive the Nobel Peace Prize. In your opinion: should he have received it, did he deserve it, was he worthy of it?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Regarding the first part of your question. What exactly would you like to hear?

Andrei Kolesnikov: I can say, yes. I would like to hear that it has not, in fact, been exhausted.

Vladimir Putin: Do you understand the issue? We did not fully disclose what was discussed in Anchorage. We simply stated that, in general, there is an understanding – both on the part of the United States and the Russian Federation – of where we should move and what we should strive for in order to end this conflict, and by peaceful means at that. These are not simple matters.

We agreed with Donald that I, too, would need to consider the matter in Moscow and discuss it with our colleagues, as well as consult our allies. He told me the same.

These are complex issues requiring further elaboration. But we remain grounded in the discussions that took place in Anchorage. We are not changing our position on this and believe that some additional work is needed on both sides. However, overall, we remain within the framework of the Alaska agreements.

Now, regarding Trump. You know, it is not for me to decide who should be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. First of all, I doubt anyone here – among you, your viewers, or your listeners – would object. Let me clarify what I mean.

There have been cases where the committee awarded the Nobel Peace Prize to individuals who had done nothing for peace. In my view, these decisions inflicted enormous damage on the prize’s prestige. A person comes along – good or bad – and within a month or two, boom. For what? They had done absolutely nothing. Is that how it should work? It ought to be awarded for actual merits. Consequently, I believe, its prestige has been significantly undermined. But that is neither here nor there – it is not for me to judge.

Whether or not the incumbent President of the United States deserves the Nobel Peace Prize, I do not know. But he has genuinely done much to resolve complex crises that have persisted for years, if not decades.

I have said this before – I know for certain: regarding the crisis in Ukraine, he sincerely strives for a resolution. Some things have worked out, others have not. Perhaps much more can still be achieved based on the agreements and discussions in Anchorage. But he is certainly making an effort, certainly working on these issues – issues of achieving peace and resolving complex international situations.

The most striking example is the situation in the Middle East. If everything Donald has sought to accomplish, everything he has spoken about and attempted to achieve, is brought to fruition – it would be a historic event, truly a historic event.

If you noticed, I spoke yesterday with the Prime Minister of Iraq [Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani], who currently chairs the Arab League. We agreed with him that we would even postpone our meeting – between Russia and the Arab League. This was my initiative. I did this precisely because I did not wish to interfere with the process that has now, as we hope, been set in motion – incidentally, at the initiative and with the direct involvement of Trump – in the Middle East. Is that not an achievement? It is an achievement.

But I repeat, it is not for me to decide whether he deserves this prize or not, and whether the prize itself is worthy of such accomplishments.

Sargon Hadaya: Could you clarify something about Gaza?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, please.

Sargon Hadaya: Good afternoon, Mr President. Sargon Hadaya, Russia Today.

You have said that you will continue to cooperate with Arab colleagues on the Gaza issue. May I know in what format? And will Russia take part in various working groups, which will be set up on monitoring, on humanitarian issues – everything related to settlement and recognition of the Palestinian state?

Vladimir Putin: We have a very high level of trust with our Arab friends and with Palestine. I said it from the very beginning when I spoke at the Valdai Club meeting that we support the US, President Trump’s initiatives in this area at this track.

Still, the question of establishing a Palestinian state is one of the key issues. And, of course, this is the question for the future. As far as I understand – I haven’t yet looked closely at all the proposals – there is a question related to the transfer of power in the enclave to the Palestinian Authority after some time, its formation, there are questions related to ensuring security and the creation of local police.

You know, given the level of trust existing between Russia and our Arab, including and above all our Palestinian friends, of course, I think that our participation may be required. If our friends think it might help, of course, we will always be ready to take part in this process.

And we participated in it for decades. I think Russia has something to say and propose for resolving the issues, which will certainly arise in implementing the agreements achieved.

Welcome.

Pavel Zarubin: Good evening,

Pavel Zarubin, Rossiya TV Channel. Happy belated birthday to you.

Vladimir Putin: Thank you.

Pavel Zarubin: On that day, we were again wondering where you were and what you were doing, because normally nobody ever sees how you celebrate your birthday. In the evening, we saw you with the military at the Peter and Paul Cathedral in St Petersburg, in the sepulchre with the tombs of Russian emperors, beginning with Peter the Great. Why there? And why with the military at that?

Vladimir Putin: I think it is clear why I was with the military. Because Russia’s fate is largely, is always exclusively in the hands of the Russian people. And right now, our military are in the foreground, on the frontline – in the literal and figurative sense of the word. They are resolving the tasks fateful for our country – both the men at the front, on the line of engagement, and their commanders, of course.

As you have noticed, I met with the commanders of all our groups of forces that are active on the line of engagement. I invited them to the Peter and Paul Cathedral, the cathedral of the Peter and Paul Fortress, namely, to the sepulchre of our sovereigns, our tsars. And indeed, we first laid flowers at the tomb of Peter I.

Why? I think it is also clear. Because it was Peter I who laid the essential foundations of the contemporary Russian state, whatever you call it – the Russian Empire or the Soviet Union, but the basic essential foundations were laid exactly by Peter I.

Meanwhile, our military in general – both commanders, soldiers and officers on the ground – are, in fact, defending what Peter I created and what his successors continued to strengthen.

Russia’s fate has evolved differently throughout history – it has grown larger or became smaller in size at different times. Under Catherine II – her tomb is actually next to Peter I’s – Russia made the greatest acquisitions of territory, as you know. That is, on that day we paid tribute to those persons who had made a unique, fundamental contribution to the establishment of our state.

And then we just had a briefing with the military colleagues. They reported to me on the situation at each section of the front, the sections they were personally responsible for. Following the meeting, we had a luncheon together, while, in fact, continued the same conversation informally.

Pavel Zarubin: Traditionally, people come to someone’s birthday with gifts. Did they give you a birthday present?

Vladimir Putin: They did, indeed. There were different military-themed presents – figurines and books. Yet two of them are of special value. One of the commanders gave me two icons our soldiers had on them, and those icons saved their lives. The icons were indented by bullets, and the soldiers sent them to me as a present. I am very grateful to them. I will make sure to find them and talk to them.

Even now, taking this opportunity, I would like to convey to them, via the media, my most sincere words of gratitude. And may the Lord protect them as he did before.

Pardon, what? About which Tomahawks?

Stanislav Ivashchenko: The American ones.

Vladimir Putin: Go ahead.

Stanislav Ivashchenko: Stanislav Ivashchenko, Zvezda TV channel.

In Kiev, Zelensky threatens to strike Russia with Tomahawks, even targeting the Kremlin itself. There is even talk that this constitutes a form of posturing… blackmail against Russia.

Vladimir Putin: You did not misspeak – posturing as well. There is certainly an element of showing off here.

Stanislav Ivashchenko: In this context, a question. The Americans say that whether they will transfer the Tomahawks or not depends entirely on Russia’s negotiating position regarding Ukraine. If our negotiating position does not suit them, they will proceed with the transfer. Is our response to this ready?

Vladimir Putin: Our response is the strengthening of the Russian Federation’s air defence systems.

Konstantin Kokoveshnikov: May I ask about START?

Vladimir Putin: Go ahead.

Konstantin Kokoveshnikov: Good afternoon.

Konstantin Kokoveshnikov. Thank you for the opportunity to ask a question.

As is already known, you have proposed extending the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty, which expires very soon, in February 2026. Judging by initial statements from Washington, Trump appears not to oppose this.

Are there any signals through closed channels, perhaps, that Washington is indeed prepared to hold such consultations? Will four months be sufficient to complete this process? Am I correct in understanding that a new personal meeting between you and your American counterpart will be required?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: We maintain contacts through the Foreign Ministry and the Department of State. Will these few months be enough to reach a decision on extension? I believe it will suffice if there is goodwill to prolong these agreements. Should the American side deem this unnecessary, it is totally not critical for us – everything in this regard is proceeding according to plan.

I have spoken about this before, and it is no secret: the novelty of our nuclear deterrent systems surpasses that of any other nuclear state, and we are advancing this very actively. What I mentioned in previous years is all being developed. We are refining these systems, and I believe we will soon be able to announce new weapons that were previously unveiled. They are materialising and undergoing successful tests.

Regarding the intercontinental components at sea and in the air, I reiterate: the novelty and modernity of our systems, as military experts say, are at a very high level, which we maintain. We are prepared to negotiate if this proves acceptable and beneficial for the American side.

If not – then so be it. It would be regrettable, as nothing would then remain in terms of strategic offensive arms control.

Please.

Anna Sedykh: Good afternoon.

My name is Anna Sedykh, Interfax news agency.

My question follows up on the Nobel Peace Prize topic. Zelensky stated that he would support Trump’s candidacy if he supplied Tomahawk missiles to Ukraine: essentially, a peace prize in exchange for weapons. How would you assess this “businesslike approach”?

Vladimir Putin: I do not think the Nobel Committee was interested in the opinion of the current Kiev regime’s leader when making its decision. This is the first point.

Second, linking the Nobel Peace Prize to arms supplies is absurd. It simply speaks volumes about the current Kiev regime’s level.

Thank you very much.

Anything else?

Olga Matveyeva: Olga Matveyeva, Mayak and Vesti FM radio stations.

At the Valdai Club meeting, you mentioned that one country is preparing to test nuclear weapons. Could you please clarify whether that country is the United States? If, as you said, Russia responds in kind and also conducts a nuclear test, wouldn’t that throw our countries and all of humanity back to the 1990s, when the entire world refused to test nuclear weapons? And wouldn’t this provoke a new nuclear arms race between Moscow and Washington?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: I think that, frankly speaking, a certain arms race is underway. Whether it will be a throwback or not is hard to say.

However, I never said the United States is preparing for such tests. I said that some countries are preparing. This is well known to specialists, because there is always a temptation to test the effectiveness of the combat fuel that has been stored in missiles for many, many years.

All of this is currently simulated on computers. Specialists believe this is sufficient, but some of those same experts think that full-scale tests should still be conducted. As far as we know, some countries are considering this and even making preparations. So I said that if they do it, we will do the same.

Is that good or bad? From the standpoint of ensuring security, it is good; from the overall perspective of deterrence and efforts aimed at – if not reducing, then at least containing – the arms race, it is probably not bad either.

But our proposal to extend the New START Treaty for at least one year is in the same context. Let everyone think about it.

Goodbye, thank you very much. All the best.

Press statements following Russian-Tajikistani talks

2025-10-09T17:25:23+04:00

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Mr Rahmon, ladies and gentlemen, friends,

First of all, I would like to once again express my gratitude to President of Tajikistan Emomali Rahmon for inviting me to make a state visit to Tajikistan, for the warm welcome extended to the Russian delegation, and for the friendly meeting I had with him yesterday evening. It was not just pleasant but also extremely useful for our business interaction.

Of course, I agree with Mr Rahmon that our talks were held in a business-like and constructive atmosphere, and that they were substantive and fruitful. This is fully in keeping with the friendly and allied nature of our relations.

We had a detailed discussion on a broad range of issues related to our bilateral interaction in political, security, economic, trade, social, cultural and humanitarian cooperation. We exchanged views on a number of current matters on the international and regional agenda.

The joint statement we have adopted with the President of Tajikistan sets out new ambitious tasks aimed at further strengthening Russian-Tajikistani allied interaction. These efforts will be promoted by the interstate, intergovernmental and interdepartmental documents we have signed just now.

I would like to note that Russia is one of the largest foreign trade partners for Tajikistan. Last year, our trade increased by over 7 percent, reaching $1.5 billion, and it has continued to grow this year as well. I have already said, but I would like to repeat that it has already increased by 17.3 percent this year.

Russia is a leading investor in Tajikistan’s economy. Over 300 enterprises with Russian capital are working in the republic, and the aggregate Russian investment has exceeded $500 million.

Russia and Tajikistan have almost fully converted to the use of national currencies in their financial relations. The share of our currencies in commercial transactions exceeded 97 percent in 2024. We are developing reliable channels of lending and banking cooperation. Russian and Tajik citizens can make cross-border transfers via a fast payments system. Russian Mir payment cards are accepted in Tajikistan.

Our intergovernmental commission is actively working to implement economic cooperation programmes until 2027. A plan of joint actions to increase our trade by 150 percent by 2030 has been approved today as a follow-up to that programme.

Our country ships significant amounts of petroleum and refined products to the republic, almost fully meeting the energy needs of Tajikistan’s economy. Energy supplies are exempt from export customs duties. This issue was raised by the President of Tajikistan at some point, and we accommodated his request as agreed.

Russia helps Tajikistan develop its hydropower industry. The Sangtuda Hydroelectric Power Plant built with Russia’s involvement, generates about 12 percent of the electricity consumed in the republic. Russian companies are prepared to continue supporting the operation and modernisation of Tajikistan’s existing power generation facilities, offering cutting-edge technologies that meet the highest modern safety and environmental protection standards.

We also see potential for partnership in the peaceful use of nuclear energy. The state corporation Rosatom is open to cooperation and possesses unique expertise unmatched anywhere in the world, including in the construction of small modular reactors.

Russia and Tajikistan are implementing major joint projects in industrial cooperation. In particular, the two countries are jointly creating a full-cycle light industry cluster that includes cotton cultivation and the production of finished textile goods. Active work is underway to build a Russian-Tajikistani Industrial Park in Dushanbe.

Our country helps Tajikistan rehabilitate areas affected by mining and uranium extraction activities. A roadmap for joint action to reclaim the Digmai landfill was approved today.

As you may be aware, about one million, in fact, over a million, Tajik citizens live and work in Russia. They are employed across a wide range of sectors, especially in fast-growing areas such as construction, housing and utilities, transport, and logistics, and make a weighty contribution to the Russian economy. Importantly, their remittances home serve as important support for their families and, more broadly, the Tajikistani economy. We strive to ensure decent working conditions and social protection for citizens of Tajikistan. The relevant Russian agencies maintain close contact with their Tajikistani counterparts on all important issues of migration policy.

Cooperation is making strides in the cultural and humanitarian spheres as well. As is known, the Russian language in Tajikistan enjoys the constitutional status as the language of interethnic communication. We are aware of the importance the President of the Republic attaches to this matter, and we express our sincere gratitude to him for doing this.

We are successfully implementing a project of Russian-language school education. About 5,700 children are studying in accordance with Russian educational programmes at five schools in Dushanbe and several other cities.

Over 100 Russian teachers were sent to work in Tajikistan last year within the Russian Teacher Abroad project. About 35,000 young people are studying at Russian universities, their branches in Tajikistan and at the Russian-Tajikistani (Slavic) University. One of the largest quotas in the CIS – 1,000 government scholarships – has been approved for Tajikistan.

The construction of an international educational centre for gifted children and a new building of the Mayakovsky State Russian Drama Theatre is underway in Dushanbe with Russia’s support, also in accordance with the Tajik President’s initiative. We hope that these cultural facilities will open as early as in 2027.

This year, our countries widely celebrated the 80th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War. It truly is a common victory of all peoples of the Soviet Union. We know very well and understand how much we paid for it. We cherish the memory of our heroic fathers, grandfathers and great-grandfathers who defended the lives and freedom of our countries’ future generations.

I would like to take this opportunity to once again express my gratitude to Mr Rahmon for accepting our invitation and attending Victory Day celebrations in Moscow on May 9, and for sending a detachment of the Armed Forces of Tajikistan to participate in the Victory Parade in Red Square.

Our discussions on current foreign policy issues have once again reaffirmed the shared positions of our countries. Russia and Tajikistan are committed to the principles of the primacy of international law, sovereignty and non-interference in each other’s internal affairs.

We closely coordinate our stances at the main international platforms, such as the UN, the CSTO and the SCO. This year, Tajikistan is successfully holding the chairmanship of the Commonwealth of Independent States, and we are providing all-round assistance to our Tajikistani friends. As you know, a summit of the CIS leaders will be held tomorrow.

Russia traditionally makes a substantial contribution to peace and stability in the Central Asian region. At the same time, we are actively cooperating with our Tajikistani colleagues and strengthening our defence, military-technical, counterterrorism and drug enforcement ties. The 201st Russian Military Base located in Tajikistan is one of the guarantors of security in Tajikistan and the region as a whole.

In conclusion, I would like to emphasise once again that we remain committed to promoting our cooperation. We are also satisfied with the talks we have held today. I am confident that their outcome will facilitate the further strengthening of multifaceted Russia-Tajikistan relations for the benefit of our nations.

Thank you.

President of Tajikistan Emomali Rahmon: Ladies and gentlemen, Mr Putin.

Once again, allow me to sincerely and wholeheartedly welcome you and the Russian Federation’s official delegation to the Republic of Tajikistan.

Today, we held meaningful and constructive talks to discuss a wide range of bilateral and multilateral matters.

We conducted this dialogue in an atmosphere of mutual trust, which demonstrates once again the high level of relations that Tajikistan and Russia have forged.

In this context, we spoke out in favour of continuing our political dialogue at various levels. We also noted the steadily increasing mutual trade, reaffirmed our mutual understanding and shared interest in stepping up our trade and economic ties, as well as diversifying our trade.

In addition, we discussed efforts to attract investment, establish joint ventures and carry out joint projects in priority sectors. This primarily includes various industrial sectors, including mining, textile, food and processing industries, as well as the non-ferrous metal industry. We also advocated for increased investment cooperation in energy, transport and agriculture.

At the same time, we attach special importance to promoting our cooperation in the digital economy and artificial intelligence.

We agreed to facilitate closer ties between our respective business communities and create a favourable investment climate for them.

In view of our recent agreements, we noted the need to carry out the agreement to create an industrial park in Tajikistan as quickly as possible, and emphasised the importance of promoting region-to-region ties.

I must note that today, about 80 regions of the Russian Federation have agreements with regions in Tajikistan to promote trade, economic, cultural and humanitarian cooperation.

Regarding humanitarian affairs, we focused on science, education, culture and arts.

We expressed our satisfaction with the decision of the Russian Government to offer a bigger scholarship quota to students from Tajikistan. We are grateful to the Russian Federation for supporting efforts to train Russian language teachers, publishing Russian language textbooks and study guides for Tajikistan’s schools, as well as for building five schools offering a Russian-language curriculum.

We are also grateful for Russia’s support in constructing the Centre for Gifted Children and the Vladimir Mayakovsky Russian Drama Theatre in Dushanbe. In this context, we emphasised the need for the continued training of theatre and film professionals at leading Russian educational institutions.

We reached an agreement to support academic exchanges, joint research initiatives, and forums for our creative and scientific communities.

We also emphasised the importance of further expanding ties in tourism and sport, recognising them as a key factor in bringing our peoples, especially the youth, closer together.

A particular focus of the talks was on regional and international security. We held a thorough discussion on the situation in the region, with special attention to challenges and threats such as terrorism, extremism, arms smuggling, and cybercrime. We underscored the importance of further coordinating our efforts to counter these threats effectively.

We highly valued the well-coordinated interaction between our respective law enforcement, intelligence agencies, and defence ministries.

We also emphasised the importance of strengthening cooperation in training professionals for our law enforcement, intelligence, military and military-technical agencies.

Furthermore, we exchanged views on enhancing collaboration within international and regional organisations, where our countries traditionally share similar approaches.

Following the talks, we signed a substantial package of bilateral documents covering important areas of cooperation. Of particular note are the agreements on labour migration, which strengthen the legal framework for deepening our cooperation in this area. In this context, it was noted that our migration cooperation is progressing constructively.

We reaffirmed our shared commitment to further deepening our strategic partnership across all areas and to the practical implementation of the agreements reached.

I am confident that the results of today’s talks will give a fresh impetus to the development of Tajikistani-Russian cooperation. They will provide additional momentum for the implementation of joint projects and open new horizons for our collaboration.

It is with great pleasure that I now give the floor to President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin.

Please, go ahead.

Vladimir Putin answered media questions

2025-09-04T12:20:48+04:00

In conclusion of his official visit to the People’s Republic of China, Vladimir Putin took media questions.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Good afternoon.

Let us begin.

Konstantin Panyushkin: Konstantin Panyushkin, Channel One.

Your visit to China has been unlike any other. You have been working here for four days. During this time, you have held many meetings with President Xi. How would you assess the results of the Russian-Chinese talks, and what do you consider to be the most important outcome of this multi-day visit?

Vladimir Putin: It was a multi-day visit indeed, just as you said. The reason is that several events were to be held here. So, when we planned my visit, we did it so as to avoid moving a long distance many times. I would like to remind you that the schedule included a SCO summit, a trilateral Russia-Mongolia-China meeting, and a visit to the People’s Republic of China proper.

It should be said that this format is not only good for meeting at the negotiating table but, more importantly, for holding many informal discussions on any issue of mutual interest in an informal and friendly atmosphere. This is extremely important, and it has turned out to be very useful.

As for the results, I believe they are extremely positive. The documents that have been adopted by all participants look to the future. In this context, I would like to point out China’s global governance initiative. I believe that it has been advanced at the right time. More importantly, this initiative is aimed at promoting positive sentiments between the countries that attended the summit in China and our potential partners among the countries that are not willing today to proclaim their readiness for this partnership.

All this taken together, along with the unity of the attendees amount to an important demonstration of a positive resolve and confidence in our ability to achieve the goals set before us.

Next, please.

Lana Samsoniya: Lana Samsoniya, Interfax.

I would like to follow up on your visit to China, but my question is about the bilateral agenda. A substantial package of documents has been signed following your visit, and perhaps these documents are primarily related to the Power of Siberia 2 project. This project has essentially become the key topic of all top-level negotiations recently and even an indicator of Russia-China relations.

Do you think it is fair to say that these agreements negate the speculation about Russia-China relations, the attempts to interfere from the outside, and to influence bilateral relations?

Vladimir Putin: Frankly, I am not even sure what you are talking about, because I am busy doing current work and try not to get distracted by rumours or speculations, as you said.

This work has indeed been underway for a long time, and we have been discussing it with our partners for a long time as well. Several routes were under scrutiny, each with its pros and cons. The talks took years. But as we know, it is a known fact that the global economy – even though we witness a recession in many countries, including in the leading EU economies – the global economy is nevertheless growing, especially in the Asia-Pacific region.

The demand for energy is up, including in the Chinese economy, which continues to be one of the global economy’s drivers, posting over five percent of growth, and this growth is measured against the baseline number. Some say that their GDP growth rates are down. True, they are, but the baseline number has increased over this time, and the five-plus percent we are seeing today is not the same five-plus percent that was 10 to 15 years ago. What does this lead to? This leads to a greater demand for energy.

So, the negotiating parties have at long last arrived at a consensus. You know, there is no charity on either side. These are mutually beneficial agreements that are being implemented on market principles, based on market principles that are specific to this particular region. By the way, pricing strategy for this product relies on a specific formula, rather than today’s prices, and this formula is purely objective and based on market variables.

Therefore, the growing Chinese economy has demands, and we have the capability to supply raw materials in demand. In the end, this issue is not timed to our meeting. It is simply the outcome of many years of work by the economic agents on both sides.

Sure enough, this will create competitive advantages for our Chinese friends because, to reiterate, they will receive the product at balanced market prices, not inflated prices, as is the case in the eurozone. Most importantly, these supplies are steady and reliable.

Everyone is satisfied and happy with this result. Truth be told, I am, too. After all, Gazprom is one of our leading companies that keeps gaining access to new markets. Through Mongolia, we will have 50 billion [cubic metres of gas]. What we have now is 38. And then a couple more routes, which will also expand. In all, it will amount to over 100 billion cubic metres of gas.

Pavel, please.

Pavel Zarubin: Good evening. Pavel Zarubin, Rossiya TV channel.

You often speak about the root causes of the Ukrainian crisis, and yesterday you mentioned this as well, when they started dragging the country into NATO. But now we can see that the European leaders, who declare and discuss certain “security guarantees” for Ukraine, are almost entirely focused on deploying their troops there, while many of them also continue to insist on Ukraine’s accession to the EU.

However, we can also see that the European Union is quickly turning, before our very eyes, from a once economic union into a kind of a military-political bloc, with practically non-stop aggressive decisions and aggressive rhetoric.

How would you comment on these developments?

Vladimir Putin: I agree with those who believe that every country has the right to choose its own system of ensuring its security. This applies to all states, including Ukraine. But this also means that the security of one side cannot be built at the expense of the security of another party – in this case, the Russian Federation.

We have always opposed Ukraine’s membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation. But we have never questioned its right to conduct its economic and business activities as it wishes, including joining the European Union.

Alexander Yunashev: May we continue with Ukraine?

Vladimir Putin: Yes.

Alexander Yunashev: Alexander Yunashev, Life.

When Russia and the United States’ efforts to achieve peaceful settlement in Ukraine are being discussed, the formula “security guarantees in exchange for territories” is increasingly mentioned. Does this correspond to what you talked about with [President] Trump in Alaska?

And what do you mean when you say that Russia is ready to join in working out these guarantees? Who do you think should act as guarantor?

And, if I may, one more question about Zelensky: is there any point in meeting with him now, under the current circumstances? Is it possible to work out real agreements at such a meeting?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Please repeat the first part once again.

Alexander Yunashev: As for US efforts, there are speculations now that a formula exists of “security guarantees in exchange for territories.”

Vladimir Putin: No, we have never raised the issue in this way, nor have we ever discussed it in such terms.

Security guarantees are a natural necessity, as I often stress. We proceed from the fact that every country should have them, a security system, and Ukraine is no exception. But this is not connected to any swaps, especially those of territories.

To be honest, and I want to emphasise it, we are fighting not so much for territories as for human rights – for the right of people living in these territories to speak their native language, to live within their culture and within the traditions passed down from previous generations, from their fathers, grandfathers, and so on. This is the main point.

If these people expressed their will to become part of the Russian Federation as part of democratic electoral procedures, such as referenda, this choice must be respected. This is democracy. I want to remind those who keep forgetting it. Moreover, this fully complies with international law. The very first articles of the UN Charter explicitly affirm the right of peoples to self-determination.

However, we do not tie the issue of territories in with security guarantees. Of course, one can argue that these topics are related, but we do not directly tie them together. This issue was not even framed like that during the discussion in Anchorage.

Regarding possible meetings with Mr Zelensky, I have addressed this matter on earlier occasions. In general, I have never ruled out the possibility of such a meeting. Is there any point in holding these meetings? Let us take a closer look at it.

According to the constitution of Ukraine – you may agree with it or not, but you just need to read the text carefully – there are no provisions for extending the powers of the president of Ukraine, none at all. The president gets elected for five years, and five years later the term is over, end of story.

There is a provision stating that elections shall not be held under martial law. That is true. But this does not mean the president’s powers shall be extended. It means his powers expire, and his authority is transferred to the speaker of the Rada, including his authority as supreme commander-in-chief.

So, what should the incumbent authorities do if they want to stay legitimate and participate fully in the settlement process? They must first hold a referendum. According to the Ukrainian constitution, questions regarding territories – any questions – are decided only by a referendum, as far as I recall. But a referendum cannot be held under martial law, and this is also a provision of the constitution. Therefore, to hold a referendum, martial law must be lifted. But as soon as it is lifted, elections must be held. And this process would drag on and on.

The outcome of the elections is unclear, but whatever it may be, a corresponding ruling from the constitutional court must be obtained, as stipulated by the fundamental law. How can a ruling from the constitutional court be obtained when, after the authorities demanded that this very constitutional court of Ukraine confirm the renewal of the president’s powers, and it essentially refused to do so, do you know what they did in Ukraine? It may look laughable, but it is a fact: the security denied the chairman of the constitutional court access to his workplace.

That is it, end of story. Not quite, because he, as far as I know – I have no idea of his current whereabouts – but at one point he left the country. The terms of some members of the constitutional court have expired over the past years. It lacks a quorum to pass rulings. Therefore, meeting with the current head of the administration – let us put it mildly – is a road that leads nowhere.

If a meeting in question is well-prepared and may potentially lead to positive results, we can have it, and I never turned this idea down. By the way, Donald [Trump] asked me, if possible, to hold such a meeting. I told him it was possible. After all, if Zelensky is ready, he can come to Moscow, and we will have such a meeting.

Andrei Kolesnikov: Andrei Kolesnikov, Kommersant daily. Good evening.

Do you think that the multipolar world, the need for which you stated in your Munich speech back in 2007 – and whose new poles are apparently Russia, India, and China – has finally taken shape? Or is there still something to strive for?

And, if I may, one more question. Just a few hours ago, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz called you, quote: “perhaps the most serious war criminal of our time.” What do you think of it?

Vladimir Putin: When did he say this?

Andrei Kolesnikov: Literally a couple of hours ago.

Vladimir Putin: I see.

As for whether the multipolar world has formed or not –generally, its contours have certainly taken shape. However, I would not speak about any dominants in this multipolar world. Multipolarity does not mean the emergence of new hegemons. No one raises such a question, either within the SCO, or within BRICS. All participants in international affairs should have equal rights, and all should be in the same position, from the standpoint of international law.

Yes, of course, there are economic powerhouses, such as India and China. By the way, our country, too, is among the world’s four largest economies in terms of purchasing power parity. These are today’s realities. These are not our calculations but the data of international organisations. Yet this does not mean that anyone should dominate in a political or in any other sphere, including security.

Therefore, we do not proceed from the idea that some new dominant powers should appear. Everyone should be on an equal footing.

As for the statement you just mentioned, Mr Peskov told me about it just a few minutes ago. What do I think? I see it as an unsuccessful attempt to shift responsibility – not from him personally but from his country and from the collective West as a whole, for the tragedy unfolding in Ukraine today.

What do I mean to say? Let me remind you: I have spoken about this repeatedly. In 2014, ministers from three European countries came to Kiev and signed a document which was essentially an agreement between the then President Yanukovych and the opposition. Under this agreement, all contentious political issues were to be resolved within the constitutional framework, peacefully and legally.

Yet literally on the following day, a bloody and violent coup d’etat took place. None of those guarantors lifted a finger to channel the situation back to legal framework. This is where the conflict began. Right after that, developments in Crimea began, and immediately afterward, the Kiev regime sent in armoured vehicles and aircraft against civilians in those regions of Ukraine that had not put up with the coup. And later, they sabotaged every one of our attempts to resolve the problem peacefully, even publicly, refusing to implement the Minsk Agreements.

So, who bears responsibility for the current tragedy? Those who drove the situation to this point, while completely ignoring Russia’s legitimate security interests. If anyone thinks they can treat the people of our country with such disregard, they should understand: Russia will never allow such a thing. We will never sit idly by, meekly watching as events unfold around us without any response. We will never allow this.

Olga Skabeyeva: Good evening. Olga Skabeyeva, Rossiya television channel.

Some in Europe keep saying in increasingly louder voices and more often than before that our money – US$300 billion – should be taken away from us and given to Ukraine. There are, of course, old schoolers, who believe this would be a rather unseemly thing to do that is fraught with dangerous outcomes, but more people are pushing for and promoting the idea of stealing. What do you think about this?

I have one more important question about the special military operation. Mr President, is there any chance it will end soon? Do you have a sense that we are on the way to ending it?

Vladimir Putin: I will start with the second part, because it is of key importance.

Back in 2022, we proposed that the Ukrainian authorities treat with respect the choice of the people residing in southeastern Ukraine, withdraw their troops, and put an end to this conflict immediately. Admittedly, this proposal was not dismissed out of hand.

However, after we, complying with the urging of our Western European colleagues, withdrew troops from Kiev, the tables have turned, and we were told almost verbatim that from now on we would fight until either you twist our head off, or we do it to you. I am not sure I ever went public with that, but it sounded something like that, only in harsher language, but quite openly and, strangely enough, in a comradely manner: now it is either us, or you. This situation is still ongoing.

Nevertheless, if common sense ultimately prevails, an acceptable option for ending this conflict can be agreed upon. I operate on this belief.

All the more so, since we see the commitment and sincere desire of the current US administration led by President Trump to find a solution, not just to issue appeals. I think there is light at the end of the tunnel. We will see how it goes from here. If not, we will have to achieve the tasks set before us by military means.

Olga Skabeyeva: You did not answer my question about Europe trying to steal our money.

Vladimir Putin: We have covered the theft of money many times. I do not think I can add anything to it. You said, some people want to take it, some do not. The smarter ones do not want to take it. That is true, and I said this without irony and without any intention to take a swipe at those who are less intelligent.

Why? Because the smarter ones who deal with financial and economic matters know that this would ruin all principles of international economic and financial activity and would, without a doubt, devastate the global economy and global finance.

Because even now, alliances are being formed in many countries around the world that are trying to implement their own economic growth plans in individual regions, and in this case, such economic separatism will only intensify, and the overall financial and economic world order will be destroyed.

Konstantin Kokoveshnikov: May I ask about the special military operation?

Vladimir Putin: About the special military operation? Go ahead, please.

Konstantin Kokoveshnikov: Good afternoon. Konstantin Kokoveshnikov, Zvezda TV.

Could you please share the latest update on the situation in the special military operation zone? What reports, if this is not a secret, do you receive from the front commanders? And overall, how much has the situation on the battlefield changed recently?

Vladimir Putin: All groups of the Russian Armed Forces are advancing in all directions. They are advancing successfully, at different paces, but virtually in all directions, I will not list them. Since you represent Zvezda TV, you know the names of these groups and the areas of their combat operations.

How does the enemy react? We can see that they are trying to “plug holes,” so to say, transferring the most capable units from one difficult sector to another, which they consider more critical. For example, if I recall correctly – we would need to double-check, since we are in Beijing and not Moscow – recently the 95^th Brigade was transferred from the Sumy direction to a different sector.

Does this mean it is easier for them in the Sumy area? No. They simply replaced the 95^th Brigade with a less combat-ready unit, sending the better formation where they thought it more important. And this is happening all along the line of contact. Of course, we cannot relax as this may indicate preparations for building up reserves somewhere for some larger-scale actions.

However, a preliminary analysis by our military specialists shows the Ukrainian Armed Forces do not currently have such capabilities. They are not capable of conducting large-scale offensive operations, and are only focused on holding their existing lines, precisely in the way I have just described.

This is not an isolated case: this is happening across almost the entire line of contact. It shows what both we and Western experts have noted: the Ukrainian Armed Forces are increasingly running out of reserves, with combat-ready units staffed at no more than 47–48 percent. The situation for them is already at a most critical point.

Nevertheless, combat operations remain difficult and cruel. Therefore, we should refrain from making predictions. But the analysis stands as I have just outlined it.

Please.

Igor Zhdanov: Good evening. Igor Zhdanov, RT.

Mr President, back to Alaska. You began talking with US President Donald Trump right after landing, literally on the red carpet. Then, after photos were taken, you got into a car with him and continued the conversation. Could you tell us what you discussed, and what language you spoke? Some details of that exchange, maybe.

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Of course, we spoke English, though more broken English: just what little remains of my vocabulary. At the very beginning, I said what I had already mentioned at the news conference: “I’m very glad to see you, dear neighbour, healthy and alive.”

And while we were driving in the limousine – it was a 30-second drive – we exchanged only general phrases. That was all.

Remark: You talked with Prime Minister Modi for an hour in the car.

Vladimir Putin: Yes. There is no secret. I told him about the talks in Alaska.

Nikolai Ivanov: A cultural question.

Vladimir Putin: Everyone here is cultured; there are no uncultured ones among us.

Nikolai Ivanov: In addition to the economy and energy, our ties with China cover culture. The release of the Red Silk co-produced film is a cultural landmark of the year. You mentioned this to Xi Jinping during his visit to Moscow in May and in an interview with the Xinhua agency. Will there be more projects like this one?

If you had a chance to see the film, could you share your emotions?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: The idea came from President Xi Jinping. During a joint event, I brought his attention to the fact that our film makers find it hard to enter the Chinese market. He gave me a sly smile and said, “Let us do movies together, and the market will open.”

This is true. Red Silk is the first such project. I have not seen this film, but I know it will be presented here literally tomorrow, or the day after tomorrow. The word I am getting is that the film enjoys popularity, and people like it. Of course, we have other plans. If you are interested, you can ask the Minister of Culture, Olga Lyubimova. She will have more to say about the plans.

As far as I know, work on other co-produced films is underway. This is really the way forward to access the enormous and attractive Chinese market.

Please go ahead.

Anastasiya Savinykh: Mr President, if I may, let us stick to the cinema. A film has been released in the West with you as one of the characters. The film is titled “The Wizard of the Kremlin.” Have you seen it? Have they shown you any frames? By the way, British actor Jude Law played you in this film. Have you met?

Vladimir Putin: No, I have not seen this film. This is the first time I am hearing about it. I cannot say anything about it, because I have not seen it.

Anastasiya Savinykh: Then, if I may, I will follow up on yet another topic. You just touched on the topic of health. Some footage accidentally made it to the air today where you and Chairman Xi discuss age, immortality, and organ transplantation.

Vladimir Putin: I did not focus on that. And?

Anastasiya Savinykh: Do you really think people can live to 150 and older?

Vladimir Putin: Ah, I get it. The President mentioned this on our way to the parade. Yes, Mr Berlusconi was big on this topic in his own time.

The latest health improvement techniques and medical means, and all kinds of surgical procedures, including organ transplantation, give humanity hope that active life will last longer than today, even though the average age varies across different countries, but nevertheless life expectancy will increase significantly.

You know, I am not sure about the year, but the UN data show that by 2050, I need to check the year, but by this year, I think by 2050, there will be more people over 65 on the planet than five- and six-year-old children. This will have social, political and economic consequences. We should certainly keep this in mind, too, when we talk about life expectancy.

Roman Sobol: Mr President, may I ask a question about the programme? Thank you.

Returning to the topic and the programme of your visit: this SCO summit is probably the largest in the history of the organisation. What role does this organisation play in the current turbulent world? And will the SCO be able to become a kind of political union that will more effectively counter the threats coming from the West?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: The SCO is not intended to confront anyone. We do not set such a task for ourselves. I would also like to draw your attention to the fact that during the discussions and bilateral meetings, never, not once in these four days, did anything arise that could be described as confrontational.

All of us are focused on work, above all work among ourselves, with a constructive and positive approach. We are not thinking about how to outmanoeuvre or outplay someone, or about achieving results in the spirit of competition. No. We are focused on how to organise our own cooperation in the best way possible and achieve positive results by combining efforts.

This is the philosophy of the SCO.

Igor Baldin: May I ask a related question?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, please.

Igor Baldin: Mr President, now Europe is preparing the 19^th package of sanctions and is threating not Russia but Russia’s partners. How do we view this? You have spoken with a large number of SCO members and partners who could be seriously affected, in particular India and China. What do they think about this? How can we respond? And who, in your opinion, will suffer more?

Vladimir Putin: You know, oddly enough, we have mostly stayed away from this issue. Why? Frankly speaking, it does not concern us very much. Events in Ukraine are being used merely as a pretext for resolving economic issues with some countries whose economic ties and advantages do not suit someone.

For example, there is indeed a trade imbalance between the United States and India, or between the United States and China. But there is no such imbalance in economic relations between Brazil and the United States.

The deadline was set for August 8, and by August 6, additional duties had already been imposed against Brazil. What does Ukraine have to do with this? References were made to Ukraine, but what connection is there? None. The real issues lie elsewhere: in domestic politics, including tensions between the current authorities and former President Bolsonaro. Again, what does Ukraine have to do with this? Nothing at all. This is my first point.

Indeed, there are trade issues and imbalances. We believe they need to be addressed during the negotiating process. We have just held very long and detailed consultations with some of our partners. I will not talk about them now. With some of them, we have such imbalances that are not in our favour.

What are we striving to achieve? We want to come to an agreement with our partners on what they could supply to us, and what we could supply to them, and find solutions in the course of joint work. And it is coming together for us, by the way. With one of our partners, their supplies to our market are three times larger than our supplies to their market. Three times. So what? We stay patient and keep looking for a solution.

Second, after all, countries like India – almost 1.5 billion people, and China – 1.3 billion people boast powerful economies and live by their own domestic political laws. You know, when people from the outside say, “We are going to make things hard for you and punish you…” How are the leaders of these countries – large economic powerhouses which have lived through very rough periods in their history, periods of colonialism and attacks on their sovereignty over a long historical period – supposed to react to that?

Should any of them go soft, their political career will be over, just as is the colonial era. Talking to such partners in such a tone of voice is unacceptable. I think everything will fall into place and return to normal economic dialogue in the end.

Dmitry Peskov: The last question please.

Vladimir Putin: Let the ladies ask their question about talks. Which particular talks? We have had quite a few.

Olga Matveyeva: You said you were ready to raise the level of the negotiating group in contacts with Ukraine. Who could it be? Sergei Lavrov, your Aide, Mr Ushakov, or Defence Minister Belousov?

Are you satisfied with the outcomes of the talks held by the previous group, in particular, with Medinsky’s performance?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: I am satisfied with Medinsky’s performance. Should there arise the need to raise the level of talks to the political level, we are ready to accommodate. I would not go into details now and give any specific names, but we are ready to raise it to a truly high political level. The result is important.

Things that our negotiating group led by my Aide, Vladimir Medinsky, is doing now is a good example of restraint and professional approach.

Gleb Ivanov: May I ask you about another aide?

Vladimir Putin: Why do you not ask him about him?

Gleb Ivanov: The thing is that I want to talk with you about Steve Witkoff’s work.

The point is that now he has come under a barrage of tough criticism from the media and politicians in the West. He is accused of misunderstanding you at the talks, of wrongly conveying to President Trump the contents of his negotiations with you and of being too sympathetic with Russia. How could you assess his work?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: This is not my task and not my business to assess the work of the US President’s aide. This is for his employer, namely, President Trump.

I am absolutely convinced that Mr Witkoff conveys in his contacts with me and other members of the Russian team the position of the US President and not of anyone else. Our talks in Anchorage have shown – it was clear from the context of our talks – that he conveys to President Trump the position of the Russian side quite correctly.

And the fact that he accurately and unbiasedly conveys this position, the position of the US leadership, became absolutely clear to me during the discussion in Anchorage. It is because what I and Mr Witkoff had discussed was reaffirmed in full before President Trump, and he did object that this was his position.

True, there are a lot of complex issues there. Yet I believe that the criticism against Mr Witkoff is voiced by those who do not like this position, but they do not like Mr Trump’s position either, that’s the reason.

Approaches to settlement may be different. Some say that the fight should go on till the last Ukrainian as some people in Europe are trying to present the situation, but there are those, who, like the current US administration and the President himself, are attempting to find a solution, using peaceful means at that. And now the first party, the war party, always attacks the other party, the party of peace, and all the rest are speculations and innuendos, attempts to secure their position, nothing than that.

Go ahead, please.

Yelena Mukhametshina: Today, even before the parade began, President Trump made a comment saying, “Many Americans died in China’s quest for victory and glory. I hope that they are rightfully honoured and remembered for their bravery and sacrifice.” And he had the following to write, sarcastically or not, “Please give my warmest regards to Vladimir Putin and Kim Jong-un, as you conspire against the United States of America.”

What can you say about this?

Vladimir Putin: The President of the United States has a sense of humour. It is clear, and everyone is well aware of it. I get along very well with him. We are on a first name basis.

I can tell you and I hope he will hear me, too: as strange as it may appear, but during these four days, during the most diverse talks in informal and formal settings, no one has ever expressed any negative judgment about the current US administration. This is my first point.

Second, all of my dialogue partners without exception – I want to emphasise this – all of them were supportive of the meeting in Anchorage. Every single one of them. And all of them expressed hope that the position of President Trump and the position of Russia and other participants in the negotiations will put an end to the armed conflict. I am saying this in all seriousness without irony.

Since I am saying this publicly, the whole world will see it and hear it, and this is the best guarantee that I am telling the truth. Why? Because the people whom I have spoken with for four days will hear it, and they will definitely say, “Yes, this is true.” I would have never said this if it were not so, because then I would have put myself in an awkward position in front of my friends, allies and strategic partners. Everything was exactly the way I said it.

I would like to follow up on what I told your colleague to my right. The activities of the SCO and activities of our partners, including strategic partners, are not aimed at antagonising anyone. They are aimed at finding the best ways to develop ourselves, our countries, our peoples, and our economies.

Please go ahead.

Olga Samsonova: Olga Samsonova, RIA Novosti.

Mr President, we heard all kinds of statements about Russia coming from Baku lately. We would like to know your assessment of the current state of relations between our countries. What happened between our countries, and how can we resume the dialogue?

Thank you

Vladimir Putin: You said you had a question and asked four instead. Can I give you short answers? Issues invariably arise between countries due to ongoing developments or political situation.

There are issues. Today, President Aliyev and I greeted each other. I greeted him and his wife, and we had a brief exchange. I believe that fundamental relations between Azerbaijan and Russia and mutual interest in promoting them will, in the end, set things straight.

Please, about the service members, please.

Valentin Alfimov: Valentin Alfimov, Komsomolskaya Pravda.

Mr President, we talked a lot about peace in Ukraine today and about agreements between countries, about what Europe is proposing, and what people in Ukraine are afraid of. I think we have not touched upon the most important issue.

Vladimir Putin: Each of you will come up with the most important one.

Vladimir Alfimov: You regularly receive reports from the battlefield, and we are aware that you regularly communicate with commanders and service members in the trenches. What are they saying about peace? Are they prepared to accept a ceasefire, these agreements, or are they insisting on fighting to the very end, the victorious end?

Vladimir Putin: The overwhelming majority of them, I want to emphasise this, the overwhelming majority of them are in favour of Russia achieving all of its goals that were outlined at the beginning of the special military operation. Everything else is of secondary importance.

How? It is better, of course, to do so by peaceful means. We have repeatedly offered this to the opposing side. Let us see how this process unfolds, including with the assistance of the current [Trump] administration.

Please go ahead.

Dmitry Peskov: Mr President, this may last for a long time.

Vladimir Putin: No, we are about to finish. Please go ahead.

Alyona Nefedova: Mr President, Alyona Nefedova, Izvestia newspaper.

At the summit in Anchorage, you invited Donald Trump to visit Moscow and hold a meeting there. Are preparations for this meeting underway? Are any agreements already in place, and perhaps even the approximate timeline of the meeting is known?

Vladimir Putin: The dates are unknown, and no preparations for the meeting are underway, but the invitation is on the table.

Please go ahead.

Lyudmila Aleksandrova: Lyudmila Aleksandrova, Moskovsky Komsomolets.

You say Russia and China advocate a fair world order based on the global majority. Please share with us what exactly is unfair in the current world system, in your opinion, and what mechanisms could be used to address this?

Vladimir Putin: Clearly, the unipolar world is what is unfair about it.

The fact is that we get together and build our relations not on the basis of the majority, that is, not on the quantity, but on the basis of an idea, we build our interaction based on ideological considerations.

The idea – I mentioned this earlier – is that the world should be multipolar, meaning that all participants in international communication should be equal, and more equal than others should not exist, and the unipolar world must cease to exist, including in the interests of those, at least in the interests of the peoples of those countries, whose leadership still upholds this moribund and, one might even say, already obsolete system.

Let us wrap it up. Thank you very much.

Joint news conference by the President of Russia and the President of the United States

2025-08-16T15:13:29+04:00

Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump held a joint news conference following Russia-US talks.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Mr President, ladies and gentlemen,

We held our talks in a constructive and mutually respectful atmosphere, and they have proved substantive and productive.

I would like to once again thank my US counterpart for the proposal to come to Alaska. It is quite logical to meet here since our countries, albeit separated by oceans, are, in fact, close neighbours. When we stepped out of our planes and greeted each other, I said, “Good afternoon, dear neighbour. I am glad to see you alive and in good health.” I believe it sounds very friendly and neighbourly. Our countries are separated only by the Bering Strait — essentially, there are two islands, one Russian and one American, separated by a mere four kilometres. We are close neighbours, that’s a fact.

It is also important to note that our shared history and many positive events are largely related to Alaska. There is still an enormous cultural legacy preserved since the age of Russian America, with Russian Orthodox churches and more than 700 place-names of Russian origin.

During World War II, Alaska served as the starting point for the legendary air route that delivered lend-lease supplies, including military aircraft and other equipment. It was a dangerous and challenging route over enormous ice-covered territories. Nevertheless, the pilots and experts of both countries did everything they could to bring victory together. They risked and sacrificed their lives for our common victory.

I have just visited the Russian city of Magadan. A monument honouring Russian and American pilots stands there, adorned with the Russian and American flags. I know that here, too, there is a similar monument, and at a war cemetery a few kilometres away from here, there are graves of Soviet pilots who lost their lives in that heroic mission. We appreciate the efforts of US officials and citizens to preserve their memory. This is a dignified and noble undertaking.

We will always remember other examples from history when our countries stood together against common enemies in the spirit of combat camaraderie and alliance, rendering each other help and support. I am certain that this legacy will help us restore and develop mutually beneficial and equal ties at this new stage, even in the most challenging conditions.

As you know, Russian-American summit talks have not been held for over four years. That is a long time. This period has proved exceptionally difficult for bilateral relations, and, let’s face it, they have deteriorated to their lowest point since the Cold War. And this does not benefit either our countries or the world in general.

Obviously, sooner or later we had to remedy the situation, to move from confrontation to dialogue, and in this regard, an in-person meeting between the two heads of state was really overdue – of course, with serious and thorough preparations, and this work has been done.

President Trump and I have established very good direct contacts. We have had frank conversations on the phone multiple times. As you know, the US President’s Special Envoy, Mr Witkoff, has visited us in Russia several times. Our aides and heads of foreign ministries have maintained regular contacts.

As you are well aware, the situation around Ukraine is one of the key issues. We acknowledge the commitment of the US administration and President Trump personally to help resolve the Ukrainian conflict, and the President’s willingness to understand the root causes and its origins.

I have repeatedly said that the developments in Ukraine present fundamental threats to Russia’s national security. Moreover, we have always considered the Ukrainian people – and I have said this many times – a brotherly people, no matter how strange it may sound in today’s circumstances. We share the same roots, and the current situation is tragic and deeply painful to us. Therefore, our country is sincerely interested in ending this.

Yet, we are convinced that, for the conflict resolution in Ukraine to be long-term and lasting, all the root causes of the crisis, which have been repeatedly explained, must be eliminated; all of Russia’s legitimate concerns must be taken into account, and a fair security balance must be restored in Europe and the rest of the world.

I agree with President Trump. He said today that Ukraine’s security must be ensured by all means. Of course, we are ready to work on this.

Hopefully, the understanding we have reached will bring us closer to this goal and open up the road to peace in Ukraine.

We hope that Kiev and the European capitals will take the current developments constructively and will neither try to put up obstacles nor attempt to disrupt the emerging progress with provocative acts or behind-the-scenes plots.

By the way, under the new US administration, our bilateral trade has been on the rise. So far, it is a symbolic figure but still, the trade is 20 percent higher. What I am saying is that we have many interesting areas for cooperation.

It is obvious that the Russian-US business and investment partnership holds tremendous potential. Russia and the United States have much to offer each other in trade, energy, digital and high technologies, and space development.

Cooperation in the Arctic and the resumption of region-to-region contacts, including between the Russian Far East and the West Coast of the USA, also appear relevant.

Overall, it is crucial and necessary that our countries turn the page and get back to cooperation.

Symbolically, as I have already said, there is an international date line nearby, on the border between Russia and the United States, where you can literally step from one day into another. I hope that we can do the same in political affairs.

I would like to thank Mr Trump for our joint work and for the friendly and trust-based conversation. The main thing is that there was a commitment on both sides to produce a result. We see that the US President has a clear idea of what he wants to achieve, that he sincerely cares about his country’s prosperity while showing awareness of Russia’s national interests.

I hope that today’s agreements will become a reference point, not only for resolving the Ukrainian problem but also for resuming the pragmatic business relations between Russia and the United States.

To conclude, I would like to add the following. I remember that in 2022, during my last contacts with the former US administration, I tried to convince my former US counterpart that we should not bring the situation to a point fraught with serious repercussions in the form of hostilities, and I said directly at the time that it would be a big mistake.

Today, we hear President Trump saying: “If I had been president, there would have been no war.” I believe it would have been so. I confirm this because President Trump and I have established a generally very good, businesslike and trustworthy contact. And I have every reason to believe that, as we move along this path, we can reach – and the sooner the better – the end of the conflict in Ukraine.

Thank you for the attention.

President of the United States of America Donald Trump: Thank you very much, Mr President. That was very profound, and I will say that I believe we had a very productive meeting.

There were many-many points that we agreed on, most of them, I would say, a couple of big ones that we have not quite gotten there, but we have made some headway. So, there is no deal until there is a deal.

I will call up NATO in a little while. I will call up the various people that I think are appropriate, and I will, of course, call up President Zelensky and tell him about today’s meeting. It is ultimately up to them. They are going to have to agree with [what] Marco [Rubio] and Steve [Witkoff] and some of the great people from the Trump administration who have come here, Scott [Bessent] and John Ratcliffe. Thank you very much. But we have some of our really great leaders. They have been doing a phenomenal job.

We also have some tremendous Russian business representatives here, and I think, you know, everybody wants to deal with us. We have become the hottest country anywhere in the world in a very short period of time. We look forward to that, we look forward to dealing, we are going to try to get this over with.

We really made some great progress today. I have always had a fantastic relationship with President Putin, with Vladimir. We had many tough meetings, good meetings. We were interfered with by the Russia, Russia, Russia hoax. It made it a little bit tougher to deal with, but he understood it. I think he has probably seen things like that during the course of his career. He has seen it all. But we had to put up with the Russia, Russia, Russia hoax. He knew it was a hoax, and I knew it was a hoax, but what was done was very criminal, but it made it harder for us to deal as a country in terms of the business and all of the things that we would like to have dealt with. But we will have a good chance when this is over.

So just to put it very quickly, I am going to start making a few phone calls and tell them what happened. We had an extremely productive meeting, and many points were agreed to. There are just a very few that are left. Some are not that significant. One is probably the most significant, but we have a very good chance of getting there. We did not get here but we have a very good chance of getting there.

I would like to thank President Putin and his entire team, whose faces, who I know, in many cases, otherwise, other than that, whose faces I get to see all the time in the newspapers. You are almost as famous as the boss, but especially this one right over here.

But we had some good meetings over the years, right? Good, productive meetings over the years, and we hope to have that in the future. But let’s do the most productive one right now. We are going to stop, really, five, six, seven thousand, thousands of people a week from being killed, and President Putin wants to see that as much as I do.

So again, Mr President, I would like to thank you very much, and we will speak to you very soon, and probably see you again very soon. Thank you very much, Vladimir.

Vladimir Putin: Next time in Moscow.

Donald Trump: Oh, that is an interesting one. I do not know. I will get a little heat on that one, but I could see it possibly happening. Thank you very much, Vladimir. And thank you all. Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Thank you so much.

Answers to media questions

2025-06-29T11:31:21+04:00

Following the EAEU summit in Minsk, Vladimir Putin answered questions from Russian journalists.

Question: Anton Vernitsky, Channel One.

Mr President, could you please summarise the outcomes of today’s proceedings? What took place behind closed doors, particularly during the restricted-format meeting with your EAEU counterparts? Were there any bilateral meetings, perhaps ones we are not yet aware of? The term “sanctions” was repeatedly mentioned during the discussions. To what extent do sanctions impact the operations of the Eurasian Economic Union? Thank you.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Regarding bilateral meetings, I have just concluded one – a working session without media presence – with the President of Uzbekistan [Shavkat Mirziyoyev]. We discussed our current affairs, prospects for the near future, and aligned our positions on potential major joint investment projects. In my view, as well as in President Mirziyoyev’s assessment, these are entirely feasible undertakings. The focus was on energy, including potential cooperation in nuclear energy, infrastructure projects, and the metallurgical industry. In short, there are substantial initiatives that our governments have been deliberating for some time, and we are gradually moving towards their implementation.

The second meeting was with the Crown Prince of the United Arab Emirates. We also reviewed our current bilateral relations and look forward to hosting the President of the United Arab Emirates on an upcoming visit to Russia.

Naturally, in both instances, we touched upon the situation concerning Ukraine and developments in the Middle East.

As for the outcomes of today’s EAEU summit, we are satisfied with the results and have drawn certain conclusions.

The President of Belarus has already noted that our development strategy, which was designed to run until this year, is nearing completion. We are considering how to structure our joint efforts moving forward. However, overall, the results of our work cannot but satisfy us. They satisfy all of us. Why? Because the key aggregate indicator of economic performance is the growth rate.

In the EAEU, it exceeds the global average. As is known, global growth stands at 3.3 percent. The EAEU’s growth is over 4 percent – significantly higher. In some countries, it is substantially greater, reaching 5 percent or even approaching 6 percent, in my view. This is, among other things, a direct result of our joint efforts, as the very purpose of our work is to eliminate trade and other economic barriers to cooperation. Without exaggeration, this multiplies the potential for economic growth.

One of the social indicators of economic development is the unemployment rate, along with the growth of real wages – and these trends are broadly similar across various countries. As for Russia, our unemployment rate stands at 2.3 percent. This is, undoubtedly, one of the principal indicators of economic health globally, and we see comparable figures in other our nations as well.

Another crucial indicator is the level of investment, which continues to grow. In Russia, despite the well-known challenges we face, this process remains ongoing.

Naturally, while we are certainly satisfied with the overall progress, there always are areas that require closer attention. In a restricted format, we discussed the removal of barriers within the services sector. Certain aspects here still warrant further analysis.

Of particular importance is the matter of electronic signatures. This is far from being a mere formality; if introduced at the international level, it could create favourable conditions for broader cooperation. Today, we discussed related issues, such as the verification of authenticity and how sanctions might be regulated in case of violations. The goal is to ensure that economic operators do not shift arbitrarily between jurisdictions, but instead operate within a unified economic space.

There is nothing in this area that would present any political complications. On the contrary, we all recognise this as the right direction. These are primarily legal and technical matters, and they need to be addressed and formalised at the governmental level. We have agreed to take these steps in the coming months.

Our next meeting, though informal by tradition, will, as always, include a substantial business agenda. It is scheduled to take place, as per tradition, on the eve of the New Year in St Petersburg.

As for sanctions, yes, they were mentioned as a mere formality – but truthfully, no one engaged in any detailed discussion of this topic.

Question: Good afternoon, RIA Novosti. I have an important question on a different topic. You mentioned earlier that Ukraine was discussed during recent bilateral contacts.

How is the Ukraine settlement progressing? Specifically, when will the third round of Russia-Ukraine talks take place? Two rounds have been held in Istanbul so far. We know that the sides have exchanged draft memorandums on the settlement. What is your assessment of Kiev’s draft memorandum? Has there been any reaction from Kiev to Russia’s draft memorandum?

Vladimir Putin: Regarding the memorandums, as expected, there were no surprises. I will not tell you anything surprising, either. These are two absolutely opposing memorandums, but that is precisely why talks are set up and held – to find ways to bring positions closer. The fact that they were diametrically opposed does not seem surprising to me, either. I would not like to go into details, as I believe it would be counterproductive – even harmful – to get ahead of the talks.

With regard to what has been achieved so far following the talks, I think you can see it for yourself. Today, if I am not mistaken, another exchange took place… or was it yesterday? Today, right? And this is important. The humanitarian aspect matters because, as diplomats say, it creates conditions for substantive discussions on core issues. We agreed that after completing these exchanges and the humanitarian operation which we proposed – specifically, the transfer of the servicemen’s bodies – we would press ahead with more contacts. We have already handed over more than 6,000 bodies and are ready to transfer nearly 3,000 more, but it is now up to the Ukrainian side to agree to accept the remains of their fallen soldiers.

We agreed that after this phase is completed, we would hold the third round of talks. We are ready for it overall. The venue and the time need to be agreed upon. I expect President Erdogan to keep unchanged his supportive stance with regard to this process. We are very grateful to him for that. We stand ready to hold this meeting in Istanbul. As for the exact timeframe, the heads of the negotiating teams from both sides – who remain in constant, direct contact and regularly get on the phone with each other (which, I believe, is a good sign) – are discussing the date for the next meeting. The agenda? In my opinion, the discussion should focus on the memoranda from both sides.

Please go ahead.

Question: Good afternoon. Pavel Zarubin, Rossiya TV channel.

You and your colleagues have just concluded the Eurasian Union summit. Meanwhile, our former partners recently held a NATO summit, where a decision was made to increase defence spending to 5 percent of GDP. Europe is engulfed in a flurry of voices calling for militarisation, and such an aggressive stance from Europe is something unprecedented in modern history. How do you assess what is happening?

Vladimir Putin: First, the so-called Western community – the collective West, if one can even refer to it as collective at this point – is turning everything upside down. Why? Because both the increase in military spending and the militaristic fervour you mentioned are based on a single premise: the alleged aggressiveness of Russia. But in reality, the exact opposite is true.

The year 2022 – the start of the special military operation – is now being used as the cut-off point for all these discussions. Yet no one says a word about how we, how all of us, arrived at this special military operation. How did it begin? It began with them deceiving us, blatantly lying to us, or as our people say, simply “conned” us regarding NATO’s non-expansion eastward. After all, the whole world knows what was promised to Russia: not one inch eastward would NATO advance. And then came wave after wave of expansion.

What have we always said? That the security of one country or a group of countries cannot be ensured at the expense of the security of another country – a principle enshrined in international documents agreed upon by all. But what happened in practice? Expansion after expansion. Meanwhile, we were constantly told: “You shouldn’t fear this, it poses no threat to you.”

When we responded that we considered it a threat, what did they say? Nothing at all. They simply dismissed our concerns, refusing to acknowledge or even consider our position.

We know better than anyone what threatens us and what does not. It is our right to determine the level of our own security and the threats that may approach us from any direction. Yet no one listened, and they all continued down this path.

Is that not aggressive conduct? It absolutely is – aggressive behaviour that the West refuses to acknowledge.

The same thing happened within our own country when the collective West supported separatism in our country and used terrorism as a tool against Russia. No one wanted to pay attention to groups like ISIS operating in Russia, the explosions in Moscow, or any of the recent attacks. No one cares – as long as it is against Russia. Did we not see this?

They see and understand it perfectly well, yet they speak of something else – of our so-called aggressiveness. They should look at themselves. We have a good saying: they notice the speck in another’s eye but fail to see the log in their own. And what is happening? Against the backdrop of this rhetoric about Russia’s imaginary aggressiveness, they start talking about the need to arm themselves. Let them arm themselves.

Let us look at the structure of these expenses and these armaments. I have said that we consider reference to Russia’s aggressiveness to be totally unsubstantiated. We are not aggressive, it is the collective West that is aggressive.

The same was happening in Ukraine, by the way. Exactly. How can you otherwise call the developments following the coup backed up by the collective West?

First they [European leaders] arrived, signed guarantees between the President and the opposition. A few days later, they helped stage a coup, supported it, paid for it and publicly admitted it. And then they began talking about Russia’s aggressive behaviour. What can that be? Are they idiots, or do they take us for simpletons?

Next, we all know what was happening in Donbass for eight years. Eight years of a bloody war against a civilian population. For eight years, we had been trying to come to terms to resolve the issue peacefully.

We were cheated, and they publicly admitted it. Both the former German Chancellor and ex-president of France publicly said that they were not going to fulfil the Minsk Agreements which they had signed with the sole purpose of pumping up weapons into the Kiev regime. And they were waging that undeclared war for eight years. To stop that war, we ultimately had to use our Armed Forces, having recognised the independence of both republics in strict compliance with the UN Charter. Nobody takes note of that, they only look at things from that moment onward: Why? What happened? What’s their fault? As if they were innocent infants born yesterday. This won’t do.

A lopsided game is over. If they want to increase their military spending, let them. But it also testifies to their aggressiveness. Here is why.

Indeed, we have considerable [military] spending today, 6.3 percent of the GDP. Is it much or little? I believe it is much. This is obviously one of the problems, including for the budget, that we must address, and we are solving it in a worthy manner.

By the way, I don’t want to make political analogies now because the causes of the conflict are totally different, but from the financial and economic point of view, the United States was spending 14 percent of the budget on its war in Korea, and ten percent during the Vietnam war. They were addressing the issue by collecting more taxes from high-income individuals. During the first war, they disregarded macroeconomics, while during the latter war they approached it with more consideration. Meanwhile, we are after a healthy macroeconomy.

And now about the spending proper. Is 6.3 percent much or little? Russia’s 6.3 percent of the GDP on defence equals 13.5 trillion rubles, whereas our total GDP is 223 trillion. Is 13.5 of 223 too much or too little? It is not little. We have paid for it with inflation. But now we are making efforts to counter this inflation. Yes, we are determined to send our economy to a “soft landing” in some areas. Nevertheless, we have a very sound approach to it.

By the way, I have already said that the wage level is rising in all the EAEU countries as well as in Russia. Last year, it went up by 9.7 percent and in this year’s first four or five months, it added four percent in real terms. This is, at least, a satisfactory indicator, by the way.

What is happening in Western countries? They have been burying us all the time. They themselves will die soon enough. Nevertheless, they bury us all the time, never stopping.

Our last year’s economic growth is 4.3 percent, and in the previous year, it was 4.1 percent. This year, it will be much more modest in view of our efforts against inflation. But we are doing it on purpose. As for the Eurozone, its growth is 0.9 percent. The European leading economies and industrial centres, such as West Germany and France, almost all have been balancing on the brink of recession.

As for the Armed Forces, they are speaking constantly about us having problems and about achieving Russia’s strategic defeat very soon. This rhetoric still continues unabated. And at the same time, they keep saying that we are going to attack NATO countries. Where is the logic here? If we have everything on the brink of collapse, then why should we attack NATO? They are talking rubbish, and they don’t believe it themselves, but they try to convince their own population [that Russia is going to attack] in order to squeeze more money out of people, to make them agree to the heavy burden of expenses in the social area.

By the way, we spend those trillions largely on what? On maintaining our defence industry, on us, on the loved ones, on our families. And what will they spend their five percent [of the GDP] on? On arms purchases from the United States and on the support for its defence industry. But this is not our problem, it’s theirs. If they want, let them do it.

Now we are coming to the main thing. We are planning to cut the defence expenses next year and the year after, as well during the next three years. The Defence Ministry, the Finance Ministry and the Ministry of Economic Development have yet to reach the final agreement, still, in general, everybody is thinking along these lines. And Europe is thinking about raising its defence expenses. So, who is getting ready for any aggressive actions, us or them?

Yes, we do want to complete the special military operation with the result we need. Certainly. This is what we take into account when planning our defence expenses, not aggressive aspirations against Europe and NATO countries. And we want to decrease the expenses, while they want to increase them. So, who is more aggressive? This is what the defence and security policy is grounded in.

This is why all their speculations about their intention to increase defence spending – let them do it. But this will not improve their situation in terms of security, and will make it much worse in the economy and social area.

Question: Ksenia Chernyayeva, Interfax.

Mr President, recently the President of France said another package of sanctions must be introduced against Russia. Judging by the statements that European officials make, this package may include such measures as lowering the price ceiling for Russian oil to $45 and secondary sanctions for its buyers.

What do you think about such measures and the President of France’s rhetoric? What consequences can such decisions entail?

Vladimir Putin: I have already answered this question in part. The more sanctions are imposed, the greater the damage to the imposers. This is true for France and for the European economy as a whole. If we examine the statistics, we can see that gas imports have actually increased at the expense of LNG – with Europe now purchasing more.

What are today’s prices – over 400 euro for a thousand cubic metres? Yes, oil prices have dropped somewhat recently – from 75 dollars to 65 or 66 dollars – they now fluctuate a bit.

But what would happen if tensions escalate again in the Middle East? What if our oil exports are blocked, at least partially? Although, to be honest, it is almost impossible today.

Global demand for oil and petroleum products continues to grow, driven by overall economic expansion. This is undeniable. While demand is growing, production is increasing only in accordance with the quotas agreed upon within the OPEC+ framework, which are calibrated to meet this rising demand, especially during the summer. Frankly, I see no upside here for the European economy.

Will this harm Russia? This will depend on how events unfold. But I do not believe there will be any serious impact on us, especially given that we have already faced hundreds, if not thousands, of sanctions – and yet, here we are. Last year, Russia’s economy grew by 4.3 percent, while in the Eurozone, growth was just 0.9 or even 0.8 percent.

Please, Andrei.

Question: Good afternoon.

Andrei Kolesnikov, Kommersant daily.

Mr President, do you not consider it timely to arrange a personal meeting with Donald Trump? From an external perspective, one might observe a degree of mutual distancing, so to speak. While telephone communication serves its purpose, face-to-face engagement, as the saying goes, carries distinct significance. What are your thoughts?

Vladimir Putin: I hold the incumbent President of the United States in the highest regard. His path to returning to power and to the White House has been exceptionally arduous, complex, and hazardous – a fact of which we are all cognisant, particularly given the assassination attempts he has survived, indeed multiple attempts on his life. He is a courageous man, that much is evident.

Naturally, we highly value both his domestic policies and his endeavours regarding the Middle East situation, as well as his efforts toward resolving the Ukrainian crisis. I have previously articulated this position and wish to reaffirm it publicly: I am convinced that President Trump is genuinely committed to resolving the issue on the Ukrainian track.

Recently, I believe he observed that the matter has proven more intricate than external appearances suggested. That is indeed the case. Such complexity is unsurprising – there exists a substantial difference between distant observation and direct engagement with the issue. The same is true of the Middle East crisis. Although he may have greater experience there, having been more deeply involved in Middle Eastern affairs, complexities persist there as well. Real life is always more complex than any notion of it.

I have consistently maintained openness to dialogue and meetings. I am aware President Trump has similarly referenced potential discussions. Like him, I contend such encounters require meticulous preparation and must yield tangible new milestones in cooperation. Overall, thanks to President Trump, Russian-American relations are demonstrating initial stabilisation, at least to some extent. Not all issues in diplomatic relations have been resolved, but the first steps have been taken, and we are moving forward.

We have established operational contacts between respective agencies – notably between the Department of State and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, alongside coordination between our security services, which is also very important. For example, counterterrorism remains a priority for us in any circumstances, as do interactions along certain other operational collaborations.

We have good prospects for economic cooperation. We are aware that American businesses are demonstrating interest, showing intent, and sending signals about their desire to return to our market. We can only welcome this. However, all such developments require consistent preparation. That said, overall, such a meeting remains entirely possible, and we would be pleased to arrange it.

Thank you very much. All the best.

Meeting with heads of international news agencies

2025-06-20T13:05:22+04:00

Vladimir Putin held a meeting with heads of the world’s leading news agencies.

First Deputy Director General of TASS News Agency Mikhail Gusman, moderator of the meeting: Mr President, colleagues,

First of all, I would like to say that I am honoured to moderate this meeting as a representative of the host organisation, TASS News Agency. I would like to express my gratitude to President Putin for accepting our initiative. Incidentally, this is your ninth meeting in this format.

It is notable that interest in these meetings is growing. I remember that my colleagues from Reuters told me after such a meeting last year that they did not recall so many breaking news reports published after a political meeting before.

You can imagine the interest in this year’s meeting. So many events took place over the past year, which seems to have flown by so quickly, that our colleagues were fighting for an opportunity to take part in this meeting, but not everyone managed to succeed. We have representatives from 14 leading news agencies with us today.

If I may, I suggest starting with questions and answers immediately because we know that you have had a very busy day today.

Shall we proceed?

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Yes, but first I would like to say a few words.

Mikhail Gusman: Certainly, Mr President.

Vladimir Putin: I would like to welcome everyone. Thank you for your interest.

We have just attended a short but very enjoyable concert, a high-quality performance. It is late, and we are in a good mood, so let us not prolong this. Let us all begin with the second octave C, which is a sign of professionalism for tenors, according to experts. Let us give each other the opportunity to do our best before retiring for the day. You will have a lot to do tomorrow and the day after.

Go ahead, please.

Mikhail Gusman: Our first speaker is our colleague from Vietnam, an outstanding journalist and General Director of the Vietnam News Agency Vu Viet Trang. It is worth noting that she is the first woman to head the Vietnam News Agency in its 75 years of existence. She enjoys high standing in Vietnam as a highly experienced and distinguished professional.

Ms Vu, the floor is yours.

General Director of the Vietnam News Agency (VNA) Vu Viet Trang: First of all, I would like to express our sincere gratitude to TASS News Agency for arranging this very special interview with President Vladimir Putin. And thank you for your time, Your Excellency.

Mr President, in your greetings to the 28th St Petersburg International Economic Forum, you affirmed that the discussions within the forum could help shape the future agenda and initiatives capable of changing the world for the better. Could you please elaborate on the initiatives and vision that the Russian Federation is pursuing to foster peace in the world built on mutual development? And what role does Russian cooperation with Asia and particularly South Asia, including Vietnam, play in advancing this agenda?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Everyone is familiar with our official agenda today, so I see no need to go over it. However, our goal is not as ambitious as trying to use this forum to exert influence on the international agenda or change anything. No, this forum has been held for a long time now, since the 1990s. It has been growing slowly and gaining more popularity.

As Mr Gusman just mentioned, with growing numbers of our partners joining us, the very fact of communicating and signing a considerable number of agreements, treaties, and memoranda is the ultimate purpose of our efforts in the current circumstances, which are, frankly, quite challenging. I do not think I need to explain what makes them so challenging, as there are armed conflicts, trade wars and so on out there. All of that hampers global trade. There is every reason to believe that forecasts predicting a slowdown in world trade are not without grounds.

If we think beyond the official agenda, our goal is to look for ways to overcome these challenges, one way or another, and to indirectly influence the global economic situation.

The forum will be attended by our colleagues from leading economies, which are significant in terms of the size of their economies and their influence on global economic processes. We expect that their involvement will be a factor in exerting a positive impact on these processes.

There is probably no need to repeat that we advocate for a just world order and for respecting the rules of the World Trade Organisation, rather than changing them month to month based on shifting political agendas. We firmly oppose all forms of trade wars, restrictions, and so on.

Our cooperation with Southeast Asia is making progress year in and year out. Trade is up. I will not cite absolute figures to avoid any inaccuracies, but growth is undeniable, and these are absolutely reliable facts that apply to all countries in the region, including Vietnam.

Regarding the region as a whole (I will speak about Vietnam separately in a moment), we consider it extremely promising, because the share of Southeast Asian countries in the global economy and their growth rates exceed the global average. We believe these countries are very promising partners.

We have special relations with Vietnam – everyone is aware of this – dating back to the 1950s and 1960s, especially during Vietnam’s quest for independence. Much time has passed since then, the world has changed, and our countries have changed, too, but the bonds of friendship and cooperation have remained intact.

We are pursuing many excellent joint projects, not to mention the well-known Tropical Centre and our energy cooperation, in which we are working both in Vietnam and the Russian Federation. We are willing to expand this cooperation, including by offering our Vietnamese friends opportunities to work in the Russian hydrocarbon sector.

However, our collaboration is not limited to that. We are cooperating in agriculture as well. It may seem unusual to some, but Vietnamese businesses have invested significant amounts – billions of dollars – into Russian agriculture. These projects have been functioning quite successfully in recent years. Our colleague is surely aware of the investments I’m talking about. We will continue to create all the necessary conditions to ensure Vietnamese entrepreneurs feel confident operating in Russia.

We have also made considerable progress in the humanitarian sphere, primarily professional training. Several thousand Vietnamese students are studying in Russia across various disciplines, both in higher education institutions and vocational schools. We will do our best to support this process, being fully aware that it benefits not only the Vietnamese side but also us, as we are building a strong human foundation for promoting future cooperation across all areas.

You may have noticed that during my last visit to Vietnam, the entire Russian delegation, including myself, met with graduates of Russian universities. It felt like we were back home in Moscow or St Petersburg. The atmosphere was very warm and friendly. These people are very enthusiastic and eager to work together, and, importantly, their capacity to do so is growing.

The most recent visit by General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Vietnam [To Lam] to Russia confirmed that our and our Vietnamese friends’ plans are absolutely realistic and achievable. I am confident that we will fulfil our goals.

Mikhail Gusman: Thank you very much, Mr President.

We will stay with the Asian region for now. I must admit, it is with a special feeling that I would like to pass the floor to our great friend, President of China’s Xinhua News Agency, Mr Fu Hua, who is sitting right next to you.

Aside from being a journalist, he is also a member of the Chinese Communist Party’s Central Committee, an expert in the history of the Chinese Communist Party and holds a doctorate in law. Last year, he attended the BRICS Media Summit in Russia. Overall, Xinhua is our long-term and reliable partner.

Mr Fu Hua, please.

President of Xinhua News Agency Fu Hua (retranslated): Thank you for the opportunity to ask a question. You have been a good friend of the Chinese people for a long time. Last time, you provided Xinhua journalists with a platform to speak, which was a great opportunity and we are grateful for it. Now, to the question that we would like to ask you.

In recent years, the comprehensive partnership and strategic cooperation between Russia and China have shown consistent growth, yielding considerable benefits in strengthening political trust. In your opinion, what other areas of cooperation exist for Russia-China relations to deepen further?

Last year, during the interview with Xinhua News Agency, you spoke about your family’s interest in learning Chinese. Could you elaborate on the significant role that, in your opinion, people’s diplomacy plays in strengthening the foundation of Russia-China relations?

Vladimir Putin: You know, when I mentioned that some of my family members are learning Chinese, I was referring to my granddaughter, who has a nanny from Beijing. She speaks fluent Chinese with her.

But back in the early 2000s, even before any significant and prominent events, my daughter decided she wanted to learn Chinese – simply out of her own interest. She found a tutor and started learning.

In addition to this, I can say that interest in learning the Chinese language is growing in Russia. This is not surprising, and there is nothing in this case that would make Russia-China relations any different from Russia’s relations with other countries when it comes to expanding contacts and economic activity.

Whenever economic activity expands, there is a demand for professionals who speak a foreign language – just as we once saw with English and earlier with German. In the 19th century, it was French, and this language is still considered a language of diplomatic communication. But what has become of its universal status? Unfortunately for French, it has been completely replaced by English.

As for growing contacts in all spheres, as I have said, this is encouraging the study of each other’s languages. We continue with student exchanges. For example, 51,000 Chinese young people are studying in Russia, and approximately 25,000 Russians are studying in China. Our universities, namely Moscow State University and Chinese universities, have established direct contacts.

We have also developed many humanitarian and cultural contacts. We regularly hold thematic years, the Year of China in Russia and the Year of Russia in China. If I remember correctly, we began this process with the Year of the Chinese Language in Russia and the Year of the Russian Language in China, which was no coincidence. I believe that we did well because it encouraged our peoples’ interest in each other.

Look, $240 billion is a substantial sum. It is true that China’s trade with Europe is larger, not to mention its trade with the United States. But Russia is becoming a major economic partner for the People’s Republic of China. Our mutual projects alone, including investment projects, have been estimated at $200 billion. All of them are realistic and will be implemented. I have no doubt about that.

Of course, we need professionals in the Russian and Chinese languages. That is a given, and we will certainly train them. In fact, we will redouble our efforts in this sphere, considering that China is the largest economy and Russia is the fourth largest economy in the world in terms of purchasing power parity.

I would like to repeat – I said this last year as well – that this course is not connected to Russia’s supposed turn towards Asia. No, this is a natural sphere of cooperation. The reason is the growth of our economies. We noticed this trend back in the early 2000s, if not at the end of the 1990s, and started developing relations with China. This did not begin yesterday. That is the point at issue.

We are not doing this for considerations of momentary advantage. This is being done in large part – I will say this openly – because of the growing volume and quality of the Chinese economy, and hopefully, the growing volume and quality of the Russian economy. We will probably talk about this later.

What priorities do we see in this sphere? One of them is funding, of course. We must ensure reliable financial flows for the growing volume of our trade, which has reached $240 billion. This is a decent sum.

Vladimir Putin: If the Federal Chancellor wishes to initiate a call and engage in discussions, I have expressed this many times – we do not refuse any contacts and always remain open to them. A year and a half ago – or perhaps two – such discussions with Chancellor Scholz and other European leaders were regular. However, at a certain point, when our European partners adopted the idea of delivering a strategic defeat to us on the battlefield, they themselves terminated these contacts. They ended them – fine, let them resume. We are open; I have reiterated this on numerous occasions.

Can Germany contribute more than the United States as a mediator in our negotiations with Ukraine? I have doubts. A mediator must be neutral. Yet, when we observe German Leopard tanks on the battlefield, and now we are discussing the Federal Republic’s potential supply of Taurus missiles for strikes on Russian territory – not just the equipment, but also with the involvement of Bundeswehr officers – naturally, serious questions arise. It is well known that if this occurs, it will not alter the course of the hostilities – that is beyond question – but it will completely destroy our relations.

Therefore, as of today, we view the Federal Republic, as well as many other European countries, not as a neutral state but as a party supporting Ukraine – and, in some cases, perhaps, as a participant in these hostilities.

Nevertheless, should there be a desire to discuss this topic and present ideas on the matter, I reiterate once again: we are always ready and open to this.

Mikhail Gusman: Thank you, Mr President. We remain in Europe. The Reuters agency requires no special introduction. Representatives from Reuters have attended virtually all the meetings that you have held.

Today, we are joined by Reuters Executive Editor Simon Robinson. He was, in fact, born in Australia but has worked across various regions – the Middle East, the United States, and Africa. This is his first time at our meeting, and he has some questions for you.

Reuters Executive Editor Simon Robinson: Thank you, Mr President, I’d like to ask a question, please, about Iran. Prime Minister Netanyahu in Israel has said that Israel’s attack on Iran may lead to regime change. And Donald Trump, the President of the United States, has called for Iran’s unconditional surrender. I wonder if you agree with the Prime Minister and the President?

Vladimir Putin: I do not quite understand your question. What is it that you would like me to agree or not to agree with? They stated such and such, and then you asked: “Do you agree with this?” Agree with what?

Simon Robinson: Do you agree with either of their statements that it could lead to regime change, and that Iran should prepare for unconditional surrender?

Vladimir Putin: As you know, Russia and I personally maintain contact on this issue with the Prime Minister of Israel and US President Trump. When you begin doing something, you should always assess whether you are closer to your goal or not.

We can see that society is consolidating around the national political leadership despite the complex internal political processes in Iran, which we are aware of, so there is no need to talk about this in detail. This happens almost always and almost everywhere, and Iran is no exception. This is the first point.

A second and very important point, which everyone is talking about, and so I will only repeat what we know and hear all the time, is that nothing has happened to Iran’s underground facilities. I believe that in this context it would be correct to join forces to put an end to hostilities and to find a way for the conflicting sides to come to an agreement, so as to ensure both the nuclear interests of Iran, including in the sphere of nuclear energy and other peaceful uses of nuclear power, as well as Israel’s interests regarding the unconditional security of the Jewish state. This is an extremely delicate issue that calls for extremely careful actions. However, I believe that a solution can be found.

As you know, we have taken over the project that was launched in Iran by German companies and completed the Bushehr Nuclear Power Plant. The German companies withdrew from the country, and the Iranians asked us to take over that project. It was difficult because the German specialists were building it to their design, and Rosatom had to do a great deal to adapt it to the power units of the Russian design.

Nevertheless, we have accomplished that project, and the power unit is working successfully. We have signed a contract for the construction of two more power units. Work is underway, and there are Russian professionals at the construction site. There are over 200 of them. We have agreed with the Israeli leadership that their safety will be ensured.

Overall, we could work with Iran, taking into account its plans to continue using and further developing non-military nuclear technologies, in particular in agriculture, medicine and so on, which are not related to nuclear energy, but we could also work with it in the sphere of nuclear energy itself. What makes me think so? The reason is that there is a sufficiently high level of trust between our countries. We have very good relations with Iran. We could continue this work and ensure Iran’s interests in this sphere.

I will not go into detail now, because there are many nuances we have discussed with both Israel and the United States. We have also sent certain signals to our Iranian friends. In general, Iran’s interests in the field of non-military nuclear energy can be ensured and Israel’s security concerns can be lifted at the same time.

I believe that such solutions exist. We have put them forth to all our partners, as I have said, including the United States and Israel, as well as Iran. We are not trying to impose anything on anyone. We are simply articulating our perspective on a potential solution. However, the choice rests with the political leadership of these countries, primarily Iran and Israel.

Mikhail Gusman: Thank you, Mr President.

As you know, this year marks 75 years of diplomatic relations between Russia and Indonesia. The President of Indonesia is attending the economic forum in St Petersburg, and as far as I know, you are meeting with him tomorrow or the day after tomorrow.

But President Director of the Indonesian News Agency has got ahead of his President by meeting with you today. I would like to pass the floor to him.

Please.

President Director of the Indonesian News Agency (ANTARA) Akhmad Munir (retranslated): We are very proud today to witness President Prabowo’s visit to Russia. We also want to make a big contribution to the St Petersburg International Economic Forum.

We can see that President Prabowo is particularly close to Russia. Even before taking office, he has met with you, Mr President. We regard this as a very important official occasion for both our countries.

I also have a question: what priorities does Mr President have in relation to Indonesia as our relationship with Russia marks 75 years?

We are already making investments today. Our countries cooperate in tourism, the military sector, and trade. Indonesia is trying to attract investment, especially from major countries where Indonesia has special programmes for nickel production and the production of goods sourced from Indonesia. This is the first point.

Second, we would like to know how Russia can contribute to alleviating economic uncertainty in the world. There is also a situation concerning the axis in China, the axis in the United States, and the axis in other major countries.

I think that in the future, Asia will need to ensure economic stability, of course, including Indonesia, which has enormous potential in terms of its population and workforce, as well as its geopolitical position on the international stage.

Vladimir Putin: You are absolutely right in your description of the relations between Russia and Indonesia and my relationship with the President of Indonesia. It is true he found it possible to visit Moscow after the election but before his inauguration, and we appreciate this. It is indeed a very good sign indicating that under the current President, Indonesia intends to develop our links across the entire scope.

What can I say? Indonesia is developing rapidly, very fast. It is transforming into one of the world’s biggest countries. What is the current population of Indonesia? Almost 300 million people, correct?

Akhmad Munir: Two hundred eighty million.

Vladimir Putin: Two hundred eighty million, can you imagine? Many European countries, even we in Russia, consider themselves great powers. But just think that Indonesia has 280 million people and is growing steadily.

Do you see what is going on? The world is changing radically and dramatically, and the point at issue is not just the number of people. The point is that these countries and their economies have started changing rapidly. The structure of their economies is changing, and their aggregate GDP, economic growth rate and educational standards are growing.

All these countries will certainly work towards achieving a high level of income for their people. This will inevitably involve a package of measures these countries will implement in the economy, science and education. They are advancing to very serious, strong positions in the world and the global economy.

This is how we view Indonesia, especially in light of the good, friendly and trust-based relations we have developed over decades. Of course, there are traditional spheres of cooperation that we will maintain. But we will also strive to diversify our ties. I believe that our current trade is definitely not reflective of our capabilities.

We will certainly discuss all the spheres we consider to be of priority concern tomorrow, during our substantive conversation with the President of Indonesia. I would not like to get ahead of things, because he has arrived and we will meet in the morning, when we will have several hours to discuss all these issues in detail.

You have mentioned several problems, such as tariff and trade issues that exist between the United States and the People’s Republic of China. It is true that there is a trade surplus in favour of the People’s Republic of China, and the sides should probably try to balance it. But I agree with our Chinese friends that this should be done calmly at the negotiating table, where a satisfactory result can surely be achieved.

I have no doubt whatsoever that the United States will ultimately accept this view. As for what the current US administration is doing, it sets the bar for negotiations too high but ultimately resumes the talks and the search for mutually acceptable solutions. I believe that the same will happen in other spheres as well.

The President of China has proposed the Belt and Road Initiative, which aims to create conditions for interaction with all neighbouring countries, including those that are not geographically close but have similar approaches to the development of trade and economic ties. You know, this method really works.

Indonesia has started working within BRICS, and it is doing so confidently. We will do our utmost to help Indonesia join the BRICS Family, gain the necessary benefits from this collaboration, and feel that the BRICS Family and BRICS rules are having a positive effect on the development of your economy.

The BRICS countries, including Russia, are certainly interested in building up relations with Indonesia in the spheres that are a priority for you, primarily high technology. We have plenty to offer our Indonesian partners in this sphere, and I am confident that Indonesians have interesting ideas they can share with us. We will discuss all this in detail with the President of Indonesia tomorrow.

Mikhail Gusman: Thank you.

Mr President, you know, we have maintained very close ties with our friends from the Kazakhstani media for years; we keep in touch with our partners on a regular basis.

Some time ago, President of Kazakhstan Kassym-Jomart Tokayev established a major television and radio complex, incorporating, among others, the Kazinform news agency with its sprawling connections.

One of our friends and colleagues has joined us today. Askar Dzhaldinov used to head Kazinform in the past; today, he is deputy head of the television and radio complex, but continues to oversee news reporting.

I would like to give him the floor.

Deputy Director of Kazakhstan President’s TV and Radio Complex Askar Dzhaldinov: Mr President, thank you for the invitation.

My question is as follows. Economic cooperation between Kazakhstan and Russia continues to show a positive trend. What do you believe our countries can do to stimulate further growth in trade and economic cooperation, especially in light of the global challenges?

Vladimir Putin: In fact, we do have a special relationship with Kazakhstan – this is obvious, and everyone knows that. We are allies in the truest sense of the word. Our shared history within a single state and the enormous number of interpersonal and humanitarian ties between Russia and Kazakhstan are of great importance.

On a more general level, Kazakhstan is a member of the CSTO defence association and our economic union. We also cooperate within the SCO and other international organisations. All this is of great importance, because it creates conditions for further cooperation in the most important areas of mutual interest.

I must certainly mention energy: indeed, this has always been one of our most significant cooperation tracks. You know that we have begun to export energy resources, gas to Kazakhstan and are now thinking about expanding these exports. The gas infrastructure in the Soviet Union did not include relevant facilities in Kazakhstan because energy resources were shipped to the country from Russia. You do not have a pipeline system of your own because this is the way gas supplies were arranged within a single state. Gas was supplied to Kazakhstan from Russia, and we continue to do this.

Today, the President of Kazakhstan and I are discussing the possibility of expanding this energy cooperation. We are contemplating joint exports to third countries. We are considering the potential logistics of exporting Kazakhstan’s oil.

You know that the bulk of Kazakhstani oil exports are shipped via the Russian Federation. The Caspian Pipeline Consortium is used for that, along with other channels. Almost all of Kazakhstan’s oil is exported through Russia. But we understand that Kazakhstan is interested in diversifying its export routes, and we are ready to accommodate this and provide assistance. We also cooperate in Europe – at least we did until now.

Our work in space exploration continues, and this pertains not only to the use of the Baikonur Cosmodrome. It also encompasses the development of satellite constellations and joint research in the field of space exploration.

At present, we are managing almost 95 percent of our trade turnover – which is steadily increasing – in national currencies. This is a very positive indicator, offering us opportunities to avoid any deceleration in trade growth due to difficulties related to processing payments and mutual financial flows for goods and services.

I need not elaborate on our system of relations in the cultural sphere, particularly in education. It is developing very actively. I certainly expect this progress to continue: President Tokayev is a man who fully understands the importance of advancing relations with Russia for Kazakhstan, and we highly value this. We reciprocate and will continue to do so.

Finally, in the domain of law enforcement, we are working together to neutralise threats arising from organised crime and terrorism. We regard this as of paramount importance. I have already mentioned that we are members of a defence organisation – the CSTO. Here, our defence ministries cooperate on a permanent basis, functioning very effectively.

I would like to emphasise that this activity has never been, and is not today, directed against third countries. We are solely focused on ensuring security within the region of our responsibility, recognising that there are numerous factors causing concern, including, for example, the situation in Afghanistan. While Kazakhstan does not share a border with it, other countries do, and we are aware of incidents in previous years where terrorist groups infiltrated these neighbouring states, both yours and ours.

After all, we share the world’s longest state border – between Russia and Kazakhstan – the longest land border in the world. This holds considerable significance for us. We will continue to develop our relations with this in mind. Therefore, I would like to reiterate: Kazakhstan is undoubtedly one of the closest states to us, our ally.

I see no obstacles in the development of our relations – none whatsoever. We will continue to explore new areas of cooperation. As you are surely aware, we meet regularly with President Tokayev, he visits us, and I travel to Kazakhstan with great pleasure. At the government level, through our foreign ministries, consultations and interaction are ongoing without interruption.

Askar Dzhaldinov: Thank you very much.

Mikhail Gusman: Thank you, Mr President.

Seated to my right is our esteemed colleague and friend from the Spanish news agency EFE, Manuel Sanz Mingote, whom you already know. In Spain, he is recognised not only as an outstanding journalist but also as an expert in history and philosophy, and a widely respected public speaker. He has been looking forward to this opportunity for some time, so I would now like to invite him to ask you a question.

Mr Mingote, please go ahead.

Director of International Relations of EFE News Agency Jose Manuel Sanz Mingote (retranslated): First of all, I would like to join my colleagues in expressing sincere appreciation for the opportunity to be here and for your willingness to engage directly with representatives of news agencies. I would also like to thank TASS for its hospitality.

As you are aware, a NATO summit is set to take place in just a few days. Among the key topics on the agenda will be Europe’s rearmament efforts and its intention to significantly increase military spending.

My question is very straightforward: if you had the chance to address the members of this organisation, what would you say to them? What message would you convey, and what is your main objective? Do you view NATO’s rearmament efforts as a threat to Russia?

Vladimir Putin: We do not view NATO’s rearmament as a threat to the Russian Federation. Our security is fully self-reliant, and we are continuously enhancing both our Armed Forces and our overall defence capabilities.Whatever actions NATO takes inevitably pose certain risks, but we will effectively counter any threats that may emerge; there is no doubt about that. In this context, efforts to rearm or raise military spending to five percent of GDP by NATO member countries are meaningless. That is the first point.

Second, and this is an unfortunate but well-founded observation: for centuries, the notion of a threat from Russia has periodically resurfaced in the West. Western elites have long found it convenient to invoke this perceived threat as a tool for shaping domestic policy. By pointing to an imagined danger from the East, they could justify extracting more funds from taxpayers and deflect blame for their own economic mistakes. If we take a moment to look through the pages of history, we will see that this narrative has been repeatedly revived time and again.

It is evident that the current crisis in relations between Russia and Western Europe effectively began in 2014. However, the issue is not that Russia, as it were, incorporated Crimea, but rather that Western countries facilitated a coup d’état in Ukraine.

You see, we were constantly told previously: we must live by the rules. What rules? What kind of rule is it when three states – France, Germany, and Poland – travelled to Kiev and, as guarantors, signed an agreement between the opposition and the authorities led by President Viktor Yanukovich? The three states signed it, their foreign ministers – my colleague from the Federal Republic of Germany is looking at me. Mr Steinmeier – he was then the Foreign Minister – put his signature to it, and a few days later, the opposition carried out a coup, and no one so much as batted an eyelid, as though nothing had happened, you understand? And then we hear: we must live by the rules. What rules? What are you inventing? You write rules for others, but you yourselves have no intention of following them – is that it? Well, who would live by such rules?

This is where the crisis began. But not because Russia acted from a position of strength. No, those whom we until recently called partners began acting from a position of strength. And the former US Deputy Secretary of State, Ms Victoria Nuland, if I recall correctly, said outright: “We have spent five billion dollars. Well, we’re not about to walk away now.” Five billion dollars spent on the coup. Quite the revelation, I must say!

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, our Western partners have always acted from a position of strength, at the very least. It is clear why – and I have written about this, and not only me. Because the post-World War II international order was based on a balance of forces among the victors. But then one of the victors ceased to exist – the Soviet Union disintegrated. And that was it – the West began rewriting all these rules to suit themselves. What rules?

After Crimea, events unfolded in south-eastern Ukraine. What happened? The people in the southeast of the country did not recognise this coup. Instead of negotiating with them, the authorities began using the army against them. We watched this, observed it, tried to reach agreements – for eight years, do you understand? This was not five days. For eight years, we tried to broker agreements between the Kiev authorities, whose source of power was the coup, and what was then south-eastern Ukraine – that is, Donbass. Yet in the end, the current authorities declared: “We are not satisfied with the Minsk Agreements, meaning we will not implement them.” For eight years, we endured this, do you understand?

But I feel for the people: after all, they were subjected to abuse for eight years. Even now, the Russian Orthodox Church is being persecuted, and the Russian-speaking population continues to suffer mistreatment. Everyone pretends not to see what is happening.

In the end, we made the decision to put an end to this conflict – yes, by using our Armed Forces. But what does that mean? That we are planning to attack Eastern Europe?

There was once a well-known Nazi propagandist who said, “The bigger the lie, the more people will believe it.” This myth that Russia plans to attack Europe or NATO countries is exactly that kind of lie, an absurd fabrication that Western European societies are being told to believe. We understand how ridiculous this is. And those spreading this lie do not actually believe it themselves. Do you? Does anyone here genuinely believe that Russia is preparing to attack NATO? What nonsense.

NATO countries currently spend $1.4 trillion on defence, more than the rest of the world combined, including Russia and the People’s Republic of China. The population of NATO countries exceeds 340 million. Russia’s population, by comparison, is around 145–150 million. Our military spending is not even remotely comparable. And we are the ones supposedly planning an attack on NATO? It is absurd.

Everyone understands it is absurd. But people are being misled to justify inflated defence budgets – 3.5 percent, 5 percent of GDP – and to distract from failures in the economy and social sphere. Germany, for example, the leading economy in the European Union, is teetering on the edge of recession. And to this day, I still do not understand why the Federal Republic gave up Russian energy supplies. We continued gas deliveries to Europe via Ukraine, and Ukraine earned $400 million annually in transit fees. Yet Germany chose to stop receiving Russian gas. Why? There is no rational explanation. None.

Volkswagen is suffering, Porsche is in trouble, the glass industry is in decline, fertiliser production is struggling, too. For what? It’s like cutting off the nose to spite the face. It makes no sense.

So, if NATO countries choose to further increase their defence spending, that is their decision. But it won’t benefit anyone. On the contrary, it will only increase risks – of course it will. Still, these are NATO’s decisions, not ours. I believe it is irrational and pointless. There is no threat coming from Russia – none at all. It’s simply nonsense.

As Goebbels said: “The bigger the lie, the more people will believe it.” And some people in Europe apparently do believe it.

They would be better off saving their automotive industry and raising wages.

Mikhail Gusman: Thank you, Mr President.

I would like to turn to my long-time friend from Turkiye. In fact, all eyes have been on this country lately. On the one hand, Istanbul has become a major international negotiating platform, while, on the other hand, the summer season has started, and many people from Russia, and not only Russians, headed to Turkiye to spend their vacations there.

Serdar Karagoz represents Anadolu, Turkiye’s leading news agency. He chairs its board and is also its CEO. But there is one more thing I wanted to mention. I think that he made the wisest decision among our colleagues, since he is the only one who brought his wife along for this meeting. This is to say that we welcome this initiative. It can send our other colleagues a signal so that next time they come with their spouses too.

Serdar, go ahead, please.

Vladimir Putin: Either he brought his wife along, or his wife did not let him go alone. We do not know.

Mikhail Gusman: Let me be honest with you. We had a conversation, and it seems quite plausible that she was the one who refused to let him go on his own. He can confirm that this conversation happened.

Vladimir Putin: Let us assume, and hope, that your spouse wanted to visit Russia and St Petersburg. I hope she likes it here.

Mikhail Gusman: In addition, she speaks Russian.

Vladimir Putin: Wonderful.

Anadolu News Agency Director General Serdar Karagoz (retranslated): Thank you very much, Mr President.

My wife studied at a Russian university. It is true that she really wanted to come here, and we really enjoyed the wonderful concert. It was magnificent.

Art and literature have always been important for Russia no matter the conditions it faced throughout its history. But all while this effort to hold all these events in culture and arts in Russia carries on, there is also a de facto war between Russia and Ukraine. I would like to discuss how this war could end.

During this war, at one point, you signed an agreement with President of Turkiye Erdogan to create a grain corridor. You worked together to save millions of people from starvation and succeeded in addressing these complex matters in this challenging environment.

Last week, Mr Erdogan called for holding a peace summit in Turkiye, and Mr Zelensky instantly agreed. Mr Trump said: “If Putin comes, then I will come too.” The Kremlin told us that conditions for carrying out this initiative had yet to materialise.

In this connection, I would like to ask you whether you believe that leaders can play an important role in finding a solution to this crisis? What conditions must materialise to bring leaders together and put an end to this conflict?

Thank you very much.

Vladimir Putin: Regarding President Trump’s statement, I perceived it differently. Mr Trump said: “Putin is not going because I am not going. Why would he go if I’m not going?” And he is correct. In this regard, he is absolutely correct. This is the first point.

Secondly, he has also repeatedly stated that “if I were President, this war would have never happened.” I believe he is correct here as well. I will now explain why.

During one of my most recent telephone conversations with Mr Biden, I told him – I will not go into detail at present, though we naturally have records of these discussions – I informed him that we must not allow the situation to escalate into an open conflict, that all matters must be resolved peacefully, and that the current Ukrainian leadership must be compelled to address the demands of its own citizens in the southeast of the country: to cease the genocide of Russian-speaking people, to halt human rights violations there – an issue that the previous administration consistently raised: human rights.

Incidentally, I told him at the time: “You may think this will all be resolved easily now, but in time, it may become clear that it would have been better not to push the situation in the direction you are taking it.” I said this to Biden. And indeed, had Trump been President at the time, perhaps this conflict would not have occurred. I fully acknowledge that possibility.

Now, regarding high-level meetings. You know, I participated in the Minsk negotiations when we sought principles for a peaceful settlement, and we spoke for 17 hours straight, throughout the night. Indeed, we agreed on those principles, but the Western side did not implement them. The former Chancellor publicly stated that the goal was simply to buy time in order to arm Ukraine. She said this openly – no one coerced her. The former President of France confirmed the same. They said it themselves, you understand? So, it turned out that our so-called Western partners never intended to fulfil any of the agreements.

We must find a solution that will not only end the current conflict but also create the conditions necessary to prevent such situations from recurring in the long-term historical perspective.

When the conflict first broke out, we urged the Ukrainian side to reunify the breakaway region of Ukraine as provided for by the Minsk agreements, but they refused to do so. The armed conflict ensued.

Here is what we did. I mentioned this to UN Secretary-General [Antonio] Guterres, and said so publicly as well. You can provide any argument you want. You can blame Russia for starting an aggression as much as you like. But listen to me: you do not have to be an expert in international public law to grasp the logic I am about to unfold.

A portion of a country decided to secede from the mainland. Southeastern Ukraine – Donetsk and Lugansk – decided to secede. Were they within their rights to do? Strictly speaking, under international law and the UN Charter, they did have that right. The corresponding article speaks of the right of nations to self-determination. I believe the first article says that. You see, this is about the people’s right to self-determination. That is the first point.

Second, was this portion of the country under obligation to seek permission from central authorities in Kiev during that process? No, it was not. There is a ruling by the International Court of Justice regarding the precedent set by Kosovo. The UN International Court of Justice explicitly stated that if a portion of a country decides to secede, it is not obligated to ask the central government for approval. That is it.

So, Donbass seceded. Did we have the right to recognise their independence? We did not recognise them for eight years. For eight years, we tolerated that state of affairs and tried to come to terms [with Ukraine]. Eventually, they declared independence. Did we have the right to recognise them? Why not? We recognised them.

Having recognised them, we signed a mutual assistance agreement with them. Were we within our rights to do so? Of course, we were. And we did. Under that agreement, which was ratified by our parliament, we were under obligation to provide assistance, including military assistance. They officially requested our help, and we are providing that help.

Where did I make a mistake? At which step did I go wrong? You will not be able to find any, because there is no mistake. Each step logically followed the previous one.

With regard to the Kosovo precedent, I remember exactly what happened then. Western European countries and the United States exerted significant pressure on the UN Court, and it handed down that ruling: when a region secedes, it is not required to get consent from the central authorities.

That is all there is to it. You see? They did all of that with their own hands. And now they say, “How could you do this?” Well, this is how. If you could do it, why cannot we do it? It will not work like that. Rules must be consistent. Only then will they be stable and that is the guarantee of security for everyone, not at the expense of the security of others which is the key point, the key principle.

So, the point is that we are ready to hold talks. By the way, I said I was ready to sit down and talk with anyone, including Zelensky. That is not a big deal. If the Ukrainian state entrusts someone with conducting talks, fine, let it be Zelensky. That does not really matter. What really matters is who is going to sign the document? Listen, I have not made any of this up. You can say whatever you want about the legitimacy of the current government as part of a propaganda campaign. But when it comes to addressing serious matters, we are concerned with legal aspects, not propaganda.

What is the legal aspect? According to Ukraine’s constitution, the President is elected for a five-year term. There is no mechanism for extending presidential powers, not even under martial law. It clearly states so, go ahead and read it carefully: under martial law, only the powers of parliament, the Rada, can be extended. It says elections shall not be held under martial law. That is true. But does it say anywhere that the President’s powers can be extended. Nowhere. That is it.

Under Ukraine’s constitutional arrangements, that country is not a purely parliamentary or a presidential republic, but a mixed presidential and parliamentary one. What does it mean? It means that all branches of government are formed by the President. Everyone thinks it is a democratic society. A state can be structured in a way where all appointments are made by the President: all military leaders are appointed by the President, all ministers are appointed by the President, and all governors are appointed by the President. There is no election involved in this process. But if the head of state is illegitimate, the entire public administration system becomes illegitimate as well.

Why am I saying this? We do not care who conducts the talks, even if it is the current head of the regime. I am even willing to come to a meeting on a final stage, just so that we do not sit there dividing things up endlessly, but to come to a meeting and put a full stop to it. But that full stop – the signature – must come from legitimate authorities. Otherwise, the next person who will assume office will throw the whole thing in the trash. That is not acceptable. We are dealing with serious matters. So, I am not ruling out talks, but I am saying that a lot of preparatory work needs to be done first.

Finally, the key thing, or maybe not the key, but still very important. Before the conflict began, we were pleading with the Ukrainian authorities to comply with the Minsk agreements, but they refused. Then the special military operation began. Shortly after it started – we told them openly, “Withdraw your troops from the Donetsk and Lugansk republics, which we have recognised as independent states, and it will all be over the next day.” They said, “No, we will keep fighting.” Well, all right, here we are fighting…

Some time later – I have also mentioned this publicly – a Western colleague of mine asked me: “Could you imagine the Kherson and Zaporozhye regions..? You were fighting for Donetsk and Lugansk, and these two regions do not seem to be part of it.” I said, “That was the logic of the combat operations.” Then he asked, “Could you imagine withdrawing from there?” I said, “We might consider some form of Ukrainian sovereignty, but only with mandatory servitude, that is, a guaranteed right of overland pass to Crimea.”

Why? Because they keep threatening to destroy the Crimean Bridge. It is a simple matter. He asked: “Can I say this in Kiev?” I said, “Go ahead.” So, he went there and said it. They told him he was a Kremlin agent. He is a top government official from a foreign country. Sheer nonsense. They just rejected the idea outright.

Alright, fine. As requested by the people residing in that territory, we held a referendum, and this region is now an integral part of the Russian Federation. As I said earlier, the situation would get worse for them, and it did. Now, the issue is not just about Donetsk and Lugansk, but two more entities that are now subjects of the Russian Federation plus, of course, Crimea. Let us talk about that.

By the way, when we held talks in Istanbul in 2022 – many thanks go to President Erdogan – it may sound strange, but we have actually come to terms with them on everything. A draft agreement was put together that addressed denazification and territorial issues.

We came up with the language that was acceptable to us and Ukraine. But then those who want to increase defence spending in Europe and overseas came and said, “No, Russia must be defeated on the battlefield.” And everything we had agreed on was thrown in the trash. And from then on they have been pursuing that admirable goal.

The situation has changed. They say, “Let us talk.” Okay, let us open up those “packages” and resume talks. After all, we are not going to sit there day and night for a whole year. So, we are ready to continue these talks.

At the humanitarian level, the situation warrants such talks. We have agreed to exchange 1,200 POWs. We are bringing our people back home, which is a good thing. We have handed over 500 men and received 400 in return. I think it will be a fair exchange, and we will get back everyone we are supposed to get.

Sadly – and it is a painful and tragic matter to mention – we have returned over 6,000 dead bodies, even more than 6,000, and received in return, I believe, 57. That is, we’ve returned over 6,000 bodies of Ukrainian military personnel. We are ready to return 3,000 or so more. But again, these are sad, tragic numbers.

However, this is a humanitarian matter and, ultimately, a positive outcome of the Istanbul talks. Thank you very much for providing the venue, and thanks go to President Erdogan as well.

We are also ready to hold substantive talks on the principles of negotiated settlement. The Ukrainian side needs to be willing to hold them as well, though. Its Western sponsors and “allies” should stop pushing them to fight to the last Ukrainian, and instead urge them to face the existing realities and to work towards reaching agreements, not continuing hostilities. That is all.

We remain in contact. Our negotiating teams maintain contact. I just asked Medinsky, and he told me he spoke with his counterpart from Kiev today. They are basically making arrangements for holding a meeting after June 22.

But I must say right away that Mr Fidan – not to mention President Erdogan – is doing much to facilitate this settlement. US President Trump, in my view, is genuinely striving for a resolution as well.

We will, of course, take into account the positions of our friends from China, India, and other BRICS countries. We maintain contacts with them on this matter. They are also deeply concerned about this. Whenever I meet with the leaders from these countries, almost always they start our dialogue with this issue, and I inform them about the latest developments.

We are grateful to them for thinking about it and looking for ways to resolve this conflict. Believe me, we are willing to end it too, the sooner, the better, preferably through peaceful talks, in case we are able to come to terms. That is all.

Mikhail Gusman: Thank you, Mr President.

You certainly know Irina Akulovich – she heads, without exaggeration, our fraternal Belarusian agency. Her job is not as easy as it seems – with the head of state as demanding, strict and respected as Alexander Lukashenko, it is not easy to head a state news agency. But she is doing a great job. BelTA is an excellent agency, and we have very close ties.

I would like to give her the floor. Please.

BelTA Director General Irina Akulovich: Thank you for this assessment.

Mr President, you said at the outset that you are against wars and restrictions. The stance you take against wars and economic restrictions – I am referring to trade wars and economic pressure – is well known. The Belarusian leader holds the same view.

Nevertheless, we are where we are: Western sanctions against Russia and Belarus have prompted them to revise many of their economic ties. On the other hand, those restrictions gave rise to some interesting and promising projects in Russia and Belarus.

So, does the Union State of Russia and Belarus have a Plan B if the sanctions pressure increases, which, most likely, will happen?

Concerning the EAEU, Minsk will host the Eurasian Economic Forum in just ten days, and I would like to ask your opinion on this organisation. Is there a chance that it will expand?

Vladimir Putin: Regarding Plan B – most importantly, we have Plan A, which spells out what we need to do to expand our ties and promote economic growth, and how. Then there is Plan B: if something does not work, see Plan A. Everything will work out – there is no doubt about that.

I know it will because trade between Russia and Belarus has reached a significant threshold of $50 billion, and the growth continues – also through cooperation. We are looking for opportunities to extend our cooperation to fields we might have overlooked before, or where cooperation had remained at the Soviet-time level – in microelectronics, for example.

Although President Lukashenko was often criticised or mocked for preserving Soviet-type centralised economic planning – which is not exactly true anyway – he has effectively preserved industries that are more in demand than ever today, in the face of tough sanctions, including microelectronics facilities.

True, we need to further expand cooperation. Much needs to be done to accelerate development, something other countries have been doing for decades. But we have a good opportunity to make a fast and strong leap together.

We have opportunities for cooperation in aircraft industry. Belarus can produce small, modest aircraft on its own, with our collaboration, in some segments of the industry. It can also participate in deeper cooperation in aircraft manufacturing with final assembly taking place in Russia.

I don’t even need to mention agricultural machinery – everything is well known in this respect. The mutual cooperation in what is assembled in Russia – I don’t remember the exact percentage but it already exceeds well over 50 percent. I will not even enumerate everything else — we have many areas of engagement.

Concerning logistics: Belarus is one of the world’s largest suppliers of fertiliser but nearly all of it is now exported via the Russian Federation, through Russian ports.

There are issues we debate, and these debates continue non-stop – they are ongoing, truly non-stop. I will not go into details now, but in the end, we always find solutions because we sincerely strive to reach them. I believe we will continue this way.

As for the EAEU, it is definitely the most deeply integrated association in the territory of the former Soviet Union, which is integrated not in words but in practice. Some time ago, Kazakhstan initiated the creation of the EAEU, for which we are grateful to our friends, and this association is developing.

True, not everything runs smoothly there. True, we may not yet be ready for fully unified markets in some energy sectors, but we are moving towards this goal. We will get there, I have no doubt about it. The question is time, the pace, and so on.

You surely know about our ongoing discussions regarding energy supplies. We do find solutions in this area. Sometimes we even come up with quite original solutions – I don’t want to go into specifics now to avoid speaking about them publicly – but we do find them. I firmly believe that we will continue to do so.

I am very optimistic about cooperation within the EAEU, as well as about bilateral interaction, including the building of the Union State. We have accomplished a great deal in recent years. I don’t recall the exact percentage but we have achieved very high numbers if we count in percent, and we have practically completed nearly our entire plan.

You see, we have achieved great progress in customs and tax statistics. As is known, taxes and customs are fundamental to creating conditions for further economic cooperation.

Mikhail Gusman: Thank you, Mr President.

I would like to introduce another participant from last year’s meeting – Karim Talbi, Editor-in-Chief for Europe at the France Press Agency (AFP). He is a master of news reporting and enjoys undisputed authority within the agency. Additionally, he speaks Russian – I noticed that he listened to all your responses practically without using headphones.

Karim, please proceed.

AFP Editor-in-Chief for Europe Karim Talbi: Good afternoon.

May we return to Iran and Israel?

Vladimir Putin: Certainly.

Karim Talbi: If tomorrow Israel – with or without US assistance – were to assassinate Khamenei, what would be your reaction, Russia’s response, and your immediate actions? This is the first part of the question.

Vladimir Putin: Mr Talbi, if I may, I hope this will serve as the most appropriate answer to your question: I do not wish to even discuss such a possibility.

Karim Talbi: But they are openly discussing it – Mr Trump, Mr Netanyahu.

Vladimir Putin: I am aware of these statements. But I do not wish to even discuss this.

Karim Talbi: The second part of my question also concerns Iran. There exists a Strategic Partnership Treaty between Russia and Iran. While it does not stipulate Russian defence obligations towards Iran, there remains the matter of weaponry.

Given the current escalation, are you prepared to supply Iran with new types of weapons to enable its defence against Israeli strikes?

Vladimir Putin: You know, we once proposed to our Iranian partners cooperation in air defence systems. At the time, our partners showed limited interest, and the matter concluded there.

Regarding the Strategic Partnership Treaty you mentioned, it contains no clauses pertaining to defence cooperation. That is the second point.

Thirdly, our Iranian friends have not made such requests of us. Therefore, there is effectively nothing to discuss.

Karim Talbi: May I seek clarification?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, please.

Karim Talbi: If I am not mistaken, you have previously supplied S-300 and modified S-200 systems, meaning Russia does play a role in Iran’s air defence.

Vladimir Putin: You see, that is not quite the case. Our proposal was fundamentally different: to develop integrated systems – not individual deliveries, but systems. We ultimately… We did discuss this matter previously, but the Iranian side showed no particular interest, and the initiative consequently lapsed.

As for specific deliveries: yes, yes, we did conduct such transactions in their time. These bear no relation to the current crisis. They constituted what might be termed routine military-technical cooperation within international regulations. Neither has Iran requested anything from us that would contravene any established regulations endorsed by the Russian Federation, nor have we acted outside these boundaries. We have always remained fully compliant with both domestic and international legal frameworks.

Anything further?

Karim Talbi: Just one more question.

Mikhail Gusman: In the next round.

Mr President, I would like to introduce Mr Abdusaid Kuchimov, whom you know. He is the Director General of the Uzbekistan National News Agency (UzA), a prominent journalist who has led the agency for many years and the author of nearly 20 books of poetry. I suspect that he is not so much interested in asking a question as in reading his verses. But I suggested that he should save the reading for next time and only ask his question today. He agreed.

Said, you have the floor.

Vladimir Putin: Are his verses in Uzbek?

Mikhail Gusman: Yes, he writes wonderful poetry.

Director General of the Uzbekistan National News Agency (UzA) Abdusaid Kuchimov: Mr President,

You know that interest in Russia and everything related to it is extremely high in our society, due above all to our traditionally friendly historical ties and the similar mentalities of our people.

Second, our society appreciates and supports the titanic efforts you have been making jointly with President of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev to strengthen our cooperation.

Relations between Uzbekistan and Russia have reached an unprecedentedly high level. Of course, there are some shortcomings and drawbacks, in particular in the migration sphere, but we see that work is underway to address them.

In this connection, I have both a question and a proposal, if I may. I believe that the development of our relations in the long term depends on our young people’s attitudes towards each other and their interaction. A great deal is being done in this sphere. Our youth organisations are actively communicating with each other and taking part in various events.

However, I believe that there is a dire need for a large-scale and long-term programme of youth exchanges, with concrete projects and spheres of activity. This would help strengthen the bonds between our young people, promote their positive and friendly attitude towards each other for years to come based on the traditional values of our societies and our shared history, and address the issues I have mentioned.

Mr President, I would like to ask what you think about this.

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: First of all, I would like to confirm that relations between our countries are expanding and advancing steadily. When I responded to your colleague from Kazakhstan, I mentioned the possibility of developing trilateral projects there, including major nuclear energy projects, in both Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan. We are already working on them and have made good progress.

By the way, I pointed out at the beginning of our conversation, when we talked about Indonesia, that global development has accelerated. Indonesia now has [a population of] almost 300 million people. The world is changing rapidly. Thirty years ago, there were maybe 15 or 18 million people in Uzbekistan; today, there are 38 million. And every year, another million is added. Every year! That’s how rapidly things are changing.

We certainly realise that there are many social issues and labour market-related challenges. So, President Mirziyoyev and I agreed to address these migration issues jointly. Why? Because we are aware of the current state of the labour market. There is pressure on your side.

We agreed on what needs to be done: to prepare people who want to work in Russia in advance. This includes learning to speak Russian and studying Russian culture. We have a solid plan in place, and I hope that it will be implemented.

In this regard, working with young people is very important – and valuable in itself. I fully agree with you on this point. As far as I know, President Mirziyoyev’s assistant, Saida, recently visited Moscow and met with many of my colleagues in the Government and the Presidential Executive Office. She has been instructed by the President to focus on youth contacts, overseeing the youth track [of our cooperation].

There are specific proposals here, and we will certainly work on them together. Youth cooperation is one of the most important areas – I agree with you.

Mikhail Gusman: Thank you, Mr President.

I would now like to give the floor to the News Director for Europe and Africa at the Associated Press, who has joined us for the second time at this meeting.

Let me note that despite the ups and downs in Russia-US relations, our TASS news agency and the Associated Press have maintained consistent cooperation in many forms. AP colleagues have participated in virtually all nine of your meetings with global media.

So, Mr Jordan, please.

News Director for Europe and Africa at The Associated Press James Jordan: Thank you, Mr Gusman, for the introduction, and thank you, Mr President, for the opportunity to ask these questions directly to you. It is much appreciated.

In relation to the fighting between Israel and Iran, on June 13, a statement from the Russian Foreign Ministry condemned the Israeli strikes on Iran. It said: “Unprovoked military strikes against a sovereign member of the UN, against its citizens, peaceful cities and critical infrastructure facilities are totally unacceptable.”

It is a simple question: How does that sit in relation to Russia’s continued aggression in Ukraine? Yesterday, 28 civilians were killed in Kiev. AP journalists witnessed a tower block that had been destroyed by a Russian missile. So, how do those two positions reconcile themselves? Then, a follow-up to that. Do you have any plans to meet with President Trump or talk to him again by telephone?

Vladimir Putin: Regarding our actions in Ukraine, I have just gone into considerable detail in response to your Turkish colleague’s question, so I don’t think it makes much sense to repeat myself.

We believe we did not start the war in Ukraine – we are trying to end it.

The current Ukrainian leadership launched the conflict on their own territory. After the coup in Kiev, they deployed their armed forces, including heavy weapons and aviation, against the civilian population in what was then southeastern Ukraine, against Donbass, Lugansk and Donetsk.

They targeted residential areas directly. No one seems to want to remember that today, but this policy is what led to the current armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine. That is the first point.

Second, if your journalists had actually witnessed our missile strikes allegedly destroying entire residential blocks, they likely wouldn’t have lived to tell the tale. What they saw, if anything, was from a distance. The strikes weren’t on residential areas, but on defence industry facilities, on plants manufacturing military equipment. That’s exactly what we have been targeting and we are not keeping it a secret.

One of the main goals of the special military operation is the demilitarisation of Ukraine, to ensure it no longer possesses armed forces that pose a threat to Russia. We either need to reach an agreement to that effect – and in fact, we did reach such an agreement during the talks in Istanbul in 2022 – or we have to achieve it by other means.

Back then, we agreed on the permissible size of Ukraine’s armed forces, on types of weapons, on troop numbers, and we reached consensus on everything. But then, under pressure from Ukraine’s Western allies, those agreements were thrown out, as I said before. The decision was made to fight Russia to the last Ukrainian, all the way to so-called “strategic victory.”

That hasn't worked. And because peaceful agreements were discarded, we are forced to pursue our objectives militarily. That objective remains: to demilitarise Ukraine. We will not allow Ukraine to maintain armed forces that could, in the long term, threaten the Russian Federation and its people.

Those are the strikes your journalists have witnessed. And yes, if we cannot reach a peaceful solution, we will pursue our goals by military means. There’s nothing unusual about that.

I hope this answers your question.

As for the Foreign Ministry statement, I believe that it is clear and transparent, and it also includes references to international law. Regarding our actions in Ukraine and their compliance with international law, I have just outlined our reasoning. We believe that they are in full compliance with the UN Charter.

As for our Foreign Ministry’s assessments, you should determine for yourself what you regard as objective or far-fetched. I do not regard them as far-fetched at all. I hope you are satisfied with my answer to this part of your question.

Regarding my possible meeting with Mr Trump, such a meeting would be extremely useful, of course. I agree with the US President that it should be thoroughly prepared and should produce positive results.

We have chosen a good track, and we have held several telephone calls with President Trump. We highly respect his intention to restore relations with Russia in many spheres, including security and economic cooperation.

Look, our exports to the United States have been decimated, and our imports from the United States have been reduced by over four times. What was a modest US$27 billion has now been diminished to several billion dollars. However, our trade with the United States increased last year. Our trade with many European countries is decreasing, but it has grown with the United States.

Therefore, I hope that Mr Trump is not only a politician to whom the American people have entrusted the future of their country but also a businessman. I regard this as a significant advantage. He thinks several steps ahead, and since he has increased his own wealth, it means that he can do this well. This means that he considers the implications of different moves towards Russia, what this would cost American taxpayers and the US economy, and whether it would be beneficial or detrimental.

We see that American businesses are interested in developing ties with Russia. Contacts have been established with major US companies that would like to return to our market and to work together with us. Overall, this inspires cautious optimism. I hope that the US President and his team will recognise this and make decisions aimed at restoring Russian-US relations jointly with American businesses.

We also maintain contacts with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Vice President JD Vance. Overall, our relations will gradually… At the very least, conditions are being created for the restoration of our relations. We hope that this trend will persist. We are ready for this.

Mikhail Gusman: Thank you, Mr President.

I would now like to give the floor to Vugar Aliyev, Chairman of the Board of the Azerbaijan State News Agency – AZERTAC. As someone born in Baku, I must say that I asked Vugar to be the last to ask a question on this topic so that no one can accuse me of favouring a fellow countryman. This is why he is the last person to ask a question within this block.

Vugar, go ahead, please.

Chairman of the Board of the Azerbaijan State News Agency (AZERTAC) Vugar Aliyev: Good evening, Mr President,

Allow me to join those who have thanked you for this meeting.

I have a question regarding the shallowing of the Caspian Sea. You discussed this issue with President Ilham Aliyev during your visit to Baku, and after that, you instructed the relevant agencies in Russia to work on this matter.

Preliminary studies have demonstrated that water levels continue to recede. One thing to keep in mind here is that the Caspian Sea gets over 80 percent of its water intake from the Volga, but the volume of water coming from this river has been rapidly shrinking as well.

What is Russia doing in this regard?

Vladimir Putin: I can tell you that it was the President of Azerbaijan who raised this issue, and I instantly took it on board. This topic had somehow eluded me before, despite the fact that it is a major challenge that can even be described as a global issue. We know the tragedy of the Aral Sea and similar cases. Taking coordinated action in a timely manner is instrumental when dealing with these issues.

The Government has received the relevant instructions, and I know that the governments of Russia and Azerbaijan have been working together to come up with solutions and explore various options.

It is essential that we avoid any hasty moves or decisions. Instead, we must work in a steady and consistent manner. The extent to which we can counter natural processes is uncertain since, apart from human activity in the Volga’s delta, there are other factors at play here, some of which may be attributable to global processes. As far as I know, this has been a continuous phenomenon with the water level of the Caspian Sea rising and receding over time.

We need to identify these factors and do everything we can to prevent these developments from reaching a point of no return. We are working with our colleagues. I cannot share specific measures we intend to undertake right now, but I do know that our colleagues are hard at work on this agenda.

Overall, and since we mentioned Azerbaijan, our trade increased by seven percent in 2024, which is quite a positive result, I believe. We have the North–South project and several other promising initiatives in logistics and manufacturing, including shipbuilding. We are ready to place our orders with the Baku shipyard. There are things to work on, but all initiatives are constructive and forward-looking.

I hope that we deliver on all of them.

Mikhail Gusman: Mr President, thank you very much.

You know, my colleagues at the agency would not understand if I, representing TASS, did not ask a question. But to be honest, this is not even a question – it is more of a cry from the heart, our shared pain. Let me explain what I mean.

If we exclude military professions, journalism has arguably become one of the most dangerous occupations in recent years. Our colleagues are being killed in conflict zones across the world. We Russians – Russian journalists – have lost many of our peers. This is our grief, our sorrow – colleagues from VGTRK, colleagues from Izvestia. In truth, this concerns journalists worldwide, and it is indeed a shared tragedy.

In your view, what can and should be done by international organisations, such as the United Nations or UNESCO? There was a saying once: “Don’t shoot the pianist – he’s doing his best.” One must not shoot journalists. These are honest people who, unarmed, fulfil their professional duty with honour.

What measures must be taken to stop the killing of journalists? Over the past year alone, the number of journalists killed has risen by ten percent, and in just the first half of this year, the figure has already surpassed last year’s total.

Vladimir Putin: This is a question to which I may not be able to provide a comprehensive answer. It depends on the nature of the opposing sides – strange as it may seem, on their level of general culture and their humanitarian principles. Unfortunately, in times of armed conflict, casualties among journalists are likely inevitable.

However, the issue, of course, is not just that. The issue arises when such killings are deliberate. When people suffer, including those from your profession, due to circumstances – that is one thing. It remains a profound tragedy when someone is injured, maimed, or loses their life. But when it is done intentionally – that is unquestionably a crime. And here, without any doubt, we must all consider how the international community should respond.

After all, what is happening now? If a journalist is killed by one side in a conflict, that side’s allies pretend nothing has happened, while the opposing side raises an outcry – which is deliberately ignored by the former side. And then the same happens in reverse. Moreover, journalistic solidarity does not always prevail.

Certainly, decisions must be taken at the level of international institutions, including the United Nations. This is a serious matter that requires careful consideration.

I would also like to express my condolences to all the families affected – regardless of the side they are on or who was carrying out their professional duty. To all these families, I extend my deepest sympathies.

Mikhail Gusman: Mr President, thank you very much for these words of support; they are very important for all of us.

I must say that we have been working together for two days now: starting yesterday and continuing into today. To be honest, I can tell that our colleagues are just warming up. But that depends on your strength, and if you are still willing…

Vladimir Putin: Go ahead, please.

Maxim Guzman: In that case, colleagues, let’s not go in circles: whoever has something truly pressing on their mind, raise your hand and we will ask the President. But please, keep it short.

Serdar Karagoz (retranslated): Thank you very much, Mr President.

The head of the Iranian News Agency was supposed to be with us representing Iran today, but because of the war, he could not come. So, as a follow-up to the previous question – there was a deliberate strike that targeted the state broadcasting company headquarters in Tehran. A large number of journalists have also been killed in Gaza by Israeli strikes.

I believe the Iranians would have asked this question: Will Putin, will Russia support Iran? I would like to ask this question on their behalf now.

Vladimir Putin: Look, your colleague has just mentioned the Russian Foreign Ministry’s statement on the events between Israel and Iran. That statement laid out our approach. I have nothing to add.

We continue to interact with our Iranian partners: we had contacts today, and I am sure there will be more tomorrow, the day after, and beyond. Our relations are ongoing. This is my first point.

Secondly, as I said, our specialists are working [at the nuclear power plant] in Bushehr – 250 Russian employees and more rotating staff, the total number close to 600. We are not going anywhere. Is that not support? Iran has not asked us for anything else. We have given our assessments.

Please, who else?

Mikhail Gusman: Martin was one of the first to request a chance to ask a second question.

Vladimir Putin: Go ahead, Martin.

Martin Romanczyk (retranslated): Mr President, I would like to return to my first question because it is being actively discussed in German society. Olaf Scholz held many debates about sending the Taurus missiles [to Kiev] when he was our chancellor. Today, Chancellor Merz has not yet said publicly what would happen if Germany sent the Taurus missiles. How would the Russian Federation react to that?

Vladimir Putin: I have already spoken about this, but I probably did not express our views clearly enough. Sorry for that.

We all remember the back story of our relations. We know what happened in the 1940s and during the Second World War. We know how much effort both sides – both the Soviet Union/Russia and Germany – put in to heal the wounds of the past. We have largely succeeded. This is true for both East Germany – the German Democratic Republic, and West Germany – the Federal Republic of Germany. Suffice it to recall what Willy Brandt and his party comrades did. And Helmut Kohl has done a great deal as well.

The Soviet Union was against the division of Germany. The division of Germany after WWII was not our initiative. We were against it. Anyway, nobody doubts that it was Russia, the Soviet Union and Russia, that played the decisive role in the reunification of Germany and the fall of the wall in 1990. I hope that nobody in Germany has forgotten that.

I would like to emphasise what the speaker of the Russian parliament [Vyacheslav Volodin] wrote in a letter to his colleague in the Federal Republic of Germany. Throughout modern history, Russia has not taken a single step, I repeat, not a single step, that ran contrary to the interests of the German people and the Federal Republic of Germany.

However, the situation has changed. I would not like to provide my assessment of Germany’s current stance that is based on the view of many Western countries of the situation in Ukraine. That is a matter of political assessment. But it is quite another matter when we see German tanks in Ukraine; moreover, we saw them in the Kursk Region, which is Russian territory, something even Germany does not question.

But what is Taurus? This is a high-precision weapon, but the Ukrainian troops cannot handle it – they simply cannot do this. This much is obvious. You cannot use Taurus without satellite intelligence; only Western countries can do this. You cannot use the Taurus systems without German officers, as only they are trained to operate the Taurus.

What does this mean? This implies that Bundeswehr personnel will use German weapons to carry out strikes targeting Russian territory. What can this mean other than an effort to ensure that Germany is directly involved in the armed conflict with the Russian Federation? There is no other way to frame this issue. This is not our choice, and we do not want events to take this turn. However, if this is the choice of the Federal Republic’s leadership – fine. We will deal with this reality.

I will not delve into details, but it will do serious damage to [Russian-German] relations, to put it mildly, while failing to affect the situation on the battlefield, where the Russian Armed Forces have achieved a strategic advantage on all fronts without exception. No matter what anyone says, our troops have been making daily advances along the entire line of contact, with some units making more progress than others, but they are all advancing their positions every day. They will continue to advance even if the Taurus systems come into play. This is to say that you would destroy your relations with Russia without achieving anything on the battlefield. It is up to senior German officials to decide, if the people of Germany have given them this mandate, of course.

Besides, you know what is going on there – I mean along the line of contact. At least, I hope that you know. Maybe you cannot offer an unbiased take on these developments for political reasons, but everyone knows what is going on. I hope that your staff members who work there can also see it all.

You see, the staffing level for the main forces within the Ukrainian Armed Forces is at 47 percent, while assault units face an even greater shortage of troops. What can they do? What’s next? It is not a matter of whether Western countries supply weapons or not. While this is an important factor, if your troops are understaffed and have less than 50 percent of service personnel they need, it means that these units are simply ineffective and unfit for military action.

There is a massive mobilisation drive underway to forcibly recruit people into the army. You probably know this too. I understand that you must keep this to yourself for political reasons, but I hope you are aware of it. They had this agreement, which effectively amounted to a decision to recruit 18-year-old boys into the army and planned to mobilise 1,500 people. I think that they managed to find only a thousand, and 500 of them simply vanished. More and more people are deserting the army and their numbers are rapidly growing. They lose more personnel on the battlefield than they can recruit into the army. End of story. What lies ahead for them?

This is why we have been saying that we are willing to sit down and start talking – we agree to do this. We suggested a framework for an agreement in Istanbul back in 2022, and these terms were not as strict as they are today. Today, we are in a different environment, which entails corresponding terms and conditions. That said, we are ready to adhere to the Istanbul principles. But if they refuse to come to an agreement, the situation may get even worse for them. So instead of wasting time, they must sit down at the negotiating table and find common ground.

I am not making anything up. This is how things stand right now, objectively. Their staffing level is at 47 percent. Whether they get the Taurus systems or not makes no difference. Think about it: do you need to bury Russian-German relations for the sake of supplying these Taurus units?

Simon Robinson: Thank you very much, Mr President, for taking a second question. You said earlier that Europe and other countries have made mistakes in regards to Russia. At the end of this year, you will have been in office either as President or Prime Minister for a quarter of a century. When you reflect and look back, have you made any mistakes?

Vladimir Putin: He who is without sin among you, let him first cast a stone at me. I suggest we end this meeting on that note.

Thank you.

Mikhail Gusman: Thank you very much, Mr President.

Press statement by the President of Russia

2025-05-11T15:00:28+04:00

In conclusion to festive events dedicated to the 80^th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War, Vladimir Putin made a statement for the media where he summarised the results of work on May 7–10.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Good evening, or maybe good night already. I want to greet everyone. Ladies and gentlemen. Colleagues.

Allow me to once again congratulate all of you on the Great Victory Day! Thank our friends and foreign partners who have been with us in Moscow these days at the anniversary celebrations to bow to the generation of winners.

We honour all those who contributed to the common victory over Nazism, including our allies in the anti-Hitler coalition, Chinese soldiers, participants in the anti-Fascist resistance in Europe, fighters of the people's liberation movements in Africa, the Asia-Pacific region, and volunteers from Latin American countries.

Together with our friends and like-minded people, we share a common memory and respect for history, heroic deed of true heroes who fought for freedom, and of course, our responsibility for the future, for building a more just and safer world. The issues that directly affect the stable, sustainable development of the entire world community – Eurasia and other world regions – were at the center of the bilateral and the multilateral meetings held in Moscow.

Of course, they were held in a special, solemn, festive atmosphere, but at the same time they were extremely rich and informative, filled with topics of the political, economic and humanitarian agenda.

Summing up, and this is exactly what I would like to do now, I would say that in four days, from May 7 to May 10, we hosted official visits by the leaders of three foreign states: the People's Republic of China, the Venezuelan Bolivarian Republic and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam.

Additionally, 20 bilateral meetings were held with the heads of the CIS countries, Asia, Africa, the Middle East, Europe and Latin America. In total, 27 heads of state from the CIS, Asia, Africa, the Middle East, Europe, Latin America, as well as about 10 heads of international organizations took part in the celebrations. Another six countries were represented at a high level.

We see inspiring evidence of genuine consolidation around the enduring ideas and values of our common Great Victory in such a wide participation of delegations from foreign countries and international organisations.

We are grateful to the leaders of the 13 states who sent units of the national armed forces to participate in the parade on Red Square. Their shoulder-to-shoulder march with our ceremonial units filled the common holiday with special energy and the spirit of military brotherhood, tempered during the Second World War.

I was pleased to personally thank the military leaders of the Korean People's Army and convey my warmest words to soldiers and commanders of special forces units of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, who, jointly with our servicemen, professionally, and I want to emphasise this, faithfully performed their assignments during the liberation of the Kursk Region border areas from the Kiev regime forces. I would like to emphasise: they showed courage and heroism, acted – I want to say this again – professionally, to the highest degree, showed good training and preparation.

And of course, it was a special honour for all state leaders to salute the main heroes of the Victory anniversary on the stands – WWII veterans from Russia, Israel, Armenia and Mongolia.

I would like to highlight that, despite threats, blackmail and obstacles caused, including the closure of airspace, the leaders of several European countries – Serbia, Slovakia, Bosnia and Herzegovina – came to Moscow. I would like to reiterate: we understand the massive pressure they faced, and therefore we sincerely appreciate their political courage, firm moral position, decision to share the holiday with us, to pay tribute to the memory of the heroes of the Great Patriotic War, World War II, who fought for their Fatherland and for deliverance from the brown plague of the whole world, of the entire mankind without any exaggeration.

It is important for us that millions of Europeans, state leaders that pursue sovereign policies, remember this. This gives us optimism and hope that sooner or later, based on the lessons of history and the opinion of our peoples, we will begin to move towards restoring constructive relations with European states. Including those who today still do not give up the anti-Russian rhetoric and clearly aggressive actions against us. They are still trying – we can see it right these days – to talk to us, in fact, in a boorish manner and through ultimatums.

Our comprehensive partnership and strategic interaction with the People's Republic of China can serve as a genuine example of modern equal relations in the 21st century. Chinese President Xi Jinping was the chief guest at the celebrations marking the 80th anniversary of the Great Victory.

We have had exceptionally fruitful negotiations, we have adopted two joint statements at the level of heads of state, and we have signed a number of intergovernmental and interdepartmental agreements covering such areas as energy, trade, finance, science, culture and much more. As I have already said, it has been agreed that in September I will pay an official return visit to China for the celebrations marking the 80th anniversary of victory over militaristic Japan.

It is deeply symbolic and natural that the principal, in fact the main commemorative events related to the 80th anniversary of the end of WWII in Europe and Asia will be held in Moscow and Beijing – in the capital cities of the states whose peoples passed through the hardest trials and paid the highest price for the common Victory.

Colleagues, I think it is obvious to everyone that the talks and meetings held in Moscow also touched on the issue of resolving the conflict in Ukraine. We are grateful to all our guests, our friends, for the attention they are paying to this conflict and for the efforts they are making to bring this conflict to an end. In this connection, I believe it is necessary to dwell on this topic separately.

So, I want to say that, as it is known, Russia has proposed ceasefire initiatives on several occasions, but they, these initiatives, have been repeatedly sabotaged by Ukraine. For example, the Kiev regime defiantly violated about 130 times the 30-day – I want to make it a point – 30-day moratorium, from March 18 to April 17, on strikes against energy facilities, which was declared in accordance with our agreement with US President Donald Trump.

The Easter truce initiated by Russia was not observed either: the ceasefire regime was violated by Ukrainian forces almost 5,000 times. Nevertheless, for the celebration of Victory Day – and we consider this to be a sacred holiday for us as well, just imagine that we lost 27 million people – we declared a ceasefire for the third time on this holiday, which is sacred to us.

Incidentally we conveyed to those of our colleagues in the West who, in my opinion, are sincerely looking for ways to settlement, our position on this issue, on a ceasefire on Victory Day, and that in the future we do not exclude the possibility of extending the terms of this truce – but, of course, after analysing what will happen in these several days, based on the results of how the Kiev regime will react to our proposal.

And what do we see? What are these results? The Kiev authorities, as you can see for yourself, did not respond at all to our ceasefire proposal. Moreover, after the announcement of our proposal – and this happened, as you remember, on May 5 – the Kiev authorities launched large-scale attacks in the early hours of May 7. As many as 524 unmanned aerial vehicles and a number of Western–made missiles participated in the strike, and 45 unmanned boats were used simultaneously in the Black Sea.

Actually, during these three days of the ceasefire that we announced – on May 8, 9 and 10 – happened what you also saw from the media, in fact, from your reports, it was clear: during this time, five targeted attempts were made to attack the state border of the Russian Federation in the area of the Kursk Region and at the junction with the Belgorod Region, precisely during the days of the ceasefire we announced. Additionally, another 36 attacks were made in other areas. All these attacks, including attempts to enter the territory of the Russian Federation in the Kursk Region and the Belgorod Region, were repulsed. Moreover, our military experts believe that they had no military significance, were conducted solely for political reasons and the enemy suffered very heavy losses.

As I have already said, the Kiev authorities not only declined our ceasefire proposal, but also, as we all saw, tried to intimidate the leaders of the states who gathered for the celebrations in Moscow. You know, when I met with colleagues here in Moscow, a thought occurred to me. I'll share it with you: who were they trying to intimidate among those who came to Moscow to celebrate the Victory over Nazi Germany? Who were they trying to frighten? Those who have come to us are leaders not by position or a post, they are leaders by character, by their beliefs and willingness to stand for their beliefs. And who was trying to intimidate them? Those who stand at attention and salute, applaud former SS soldiers? And elevates those who collaborated with Hitler during WWII to the rank of national heroes? It seems to me that this is an attempt with obviously unsuitable means and those who are trying to do this do not correspond to the scale they expect themselves.

I will repeat: we have proposed steps towards a ceasefire on many occasions. We have never refused to engage in dialogue with the Ukrainian side. Let me remind you again: it was not us who interrupted the negotiations in 2022; it was the Ukrainian side. In this connection, despite everything, we propose that the authorities in Kiev should resume the negotiations that they interrupted at the end of 2022 and resume direct talks. And, I stress, without any preconditions.

We suggest starting without delay next Thursday, May 15, in Istanbul, where they were held earlier and where they were interrupted. As you know, Turkish colleagues have repeatedly offered their services to organise such talks, and President Erdogan has done a lot to organise them. I recall that as a result of these talks a joint draft document was prepared and initialed by the head of the Kiev negotiating group, but at the insistence of the West it was simply thrown into the basket.

Tomorrow we are going to have a conversation with the President of Turkiye, Mr Erdogan. I would like to ask him to provide such an opportunity to hold talks in Turkiye. I hope that he will confirm his desire to contribute to the search for peace in Ukraine.

We are set on serious negotiations with Ukraine. Their aim is to eliminate the root causes of the conflict and to achieve a long-term lasting peace for a historical perspective. We do not rule out that in the course of these negotiations it will become possible to agree on some kind of new truce and a new ceasefire. And a real ceasefire that would be observed not only by Russia but also by the Ukrainian side and would be the first step, I repeat, towards a long-term, sustainable peace, rather than a prelude to continuing armed conflict after the Ukrainian armed forces have been rearmed, re-equipped and frantically digged trenches and new strongholds. Who needs such peace?

Our proposal is, as they say, on the table. The decision is now up to Ukrainian authorities and their supervisors, who are seemingly guided by their personal political ambitions, rather than the interests of their peoples, want to continue the war against Russia at the hands of Ukrainian nationalists.

Let me reiterate myself: Russia is ready for talks without any preliminary conditions. There are combat actions and war going on now, and we propose to resume negotiations that were not interrupted by us. Well, what's wrong about it?

Those who really want peace cannot but support this. At the same time, I would like to express my gratitude once again for the mediation services and efforts aimed at a peaceful settlement of the Ukrainian crisis undertaken by our foreign partners, including China, Brazil, African countries, the Middle East, and recently the new Administration of the United States of America.

In conclusion, I would like to once again thank everyone who shared with us the festive celebrations dedicated to the 80th anniversary of the Victory over Nazism. I am sure that the spirit of solidarity and harmony that united us in Moscow these days will continue to help us build fruitful cooperation and partnership in the name of progress, security and peace.

I would also like to take this opportunity to note the tremendous role of journalists, representatives of international information agencies, TV channels, and the press who covered the anniversary events and the many-hour programme of current negotiations and working meetings. Much has been done to ensure that people in different countries of the world experience the unique atmosphere of the current holidays in Moscow. Of course, I thank you for this meeting as well, as it is held quite late and, of course, everyone is already tired.

Thank you very much for your attention, as it's almost half past one in the morning, or even later than half past one in Moscow, God be with you.

Thank you very much for your attention. Goodbye.

Press statements following Russian-Vietnamese talks

2025-05-10T21:53:18+04:00

Following Russia-Vietnam talks, Vladimir Putin and To Lam made statements for the press.

Before making the statements, the heads of state were present at a ceremony to exchange the documents signed.

* * *

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Comrade To Lam, Ladies and gentlemen,

Comrades,

We are delighted to welcome our Vietnamese friends to Russia, led by General Secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam Central Committee Comrade To Lam.

Yesterday, together with many other foreign leaders, we attended the celebrations marking the 80^th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War. A unit of 68 cadets from the First Army Officer Training School of Vietnam marched across Red Square shoulder to shoulder with the ceremonial units from Russia and other countries.

I consider the visit of our Vietnamese friends, timed to coincide with the anniversary of the Great Victory, as yet another evidence of the time-tested friendship, military comradery and mutual support between our nations. Russia remembers Vietnamese internationalist volunteers who fought heroically alongside Red Army soldiers in the Battle of Moscow in 1941–1942. Last year, a sculpture was erected in the Patriot Park near Moscow to honour their deeds.

In turn, the Soviet Union put significant effort into helping the emerging Vietnamese state to continue its struggle for freedom and independence, contributing to the country’s economic and social progress, infrastructure development, and personnel training. Undeniably, the Soviet Union also made a significant contribution to the liberation of southern Vietnam and the country’s reunification. April 30 marked the 50^th anniversary of those important historical events.

This year also marks the 75^th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between our countries. Over the years, our bilateral ties have grown stronger, evolving to a comprehensive strategic partnership, and continue to expand in the spirit of equality, mutual respect, and consideration of each other’s interests.

The talks we have just had with Comrade To Lam serve as a clear proof of all this. We substantively discussed Russian-Vietnamese cooperation across all sectors as well as the international agenda in a warm and constructive atmosphere.

As you have seen, an impressive package of documents has been signed following the talks. We have adopted a Joint Declaration, in which we reaffirmed the key principles of our bilateral partnership and mapped out specific guidelines for our further work.

First and foremost, these agreements are aimed at expanding our mutually beneficial economic cooperation. As of the end of last year, Russia-Vietnam trade grew by more than 20 percent, reaching US$6 billion. There is still more to achieve, as back in 2021, our mutual trade was slightly higher than that. But we know what steps are necessary to reach this prior level and go beyond that.

The steady increase in our mutual trade flows is largely a result of the Agreement on Free Trade signed by Vietnam and the Eurasian Economic Union. This document not only secured concessional terms for our goods and services to reach the respective markets but also facilitated a noticeable increase in investment and intensified technology and innovation exchanges.

It is important to note that Russia and Vietnam are shifting to financial payments in national currencies and seeking to develop reliable channels for cooperation in banking and lending.

Vietnam-Russia Joint Venture Bank plays a key role in servicing our trade transactions. The bank has been successfully operating for almost 20 years, steadily providing Vietnamese and Russian customers with a broad range of financial and lending services.

Our cooperation in energy is expanding. I will not list everything that has been done in this sector but I want to note that this cooperation has been developing for many years, and the progress is clear. Today, we approved new agreements in the context of implementing mutually beneficial Russian-Vietnamese projects.

In addition, Zarubezhneft plans to build a marine wind power station with a capacity of 1,000 MW in southeastern Vietnam. Russian companies are interested in joining the construction of new and modernisation of the existing hydropower generation facilities in the republic.

The agreements signed just now on peaceful atom are opening doors to providing Vietnam with affordable and environmentally safe energy. This project will become a good stimulus for the further growth of the Vietnamese economy, for the creation of thousands of new jobs, and the training of highly qualified local workforce.

This work is already underway. Moreover, as we have heard today from Rosatom CEO, certain Vietnamese specialists have joined the teams at Russian nuclear facilities in third countries. This means that the level of their training corresponds to all international standards.

A centre of nuclear science and technology in Vietnam is also on the agenda.

Among the examples of mutually beneficial industrial cooperation, I would like to note the facility that manufactures Gazelle cargo and passenger minibuses in Da Nang. Russia’s Kamaz is expanding its presence in the Vietnamese market, with a chain of dealerships and service centres now established across the country.

Russia and Vietnam are implementing a number of joint infrastructure projects. Regular container cargo transportation is maintained through the Vladivostok – Ho Chi Minh City maritime transport corridor. The logistics hub in the Ho Chi Minh City port consolidates cargo from Thailand, Malaysia and other countries of Southeast Asia for further shipment to Russia.

Bilateral partnership in agriculture is advancing steadily. Livestock farms are being built in several Russian regions, including Bashkortostan, the Tyumen Region, and the Moscow Region, with the participation of Vietnamese investors.

I know that a dairy plant will be launched in the Kaluga Region tomorrow, with the Vietnamese company TH Group participating in the project. The new facility will supply products to Asia-Pacific markets, among others.

In humanitarian sphere, Russia and Vietnam have a good tradition to hold mutual Days of Culture on a regular basis, a practice that effectively brings our nations together. National cinema weeks, art exhibitions, and touring music and theatre productions are popular in both Russia and Vietnam.

More than 3,000 Vietnamese citizens study at Russian universities; overall, about 75,000 Vietnamese people have been educated in our country. It goes without saying that we intend to continue to promote student exchanges and new joint educational projects and university programmes in every possible way.

I met with people who had graduated from our universities when I was in Vietnam last year. I must tell you that this is a very active group of our Vietnamese friends who are vigorously promoting the Russian language and Russian culture. This is certainly a reliable resource for expanding bilateral ties.

We greatly appreciate Vietnam’s attention to the study of the Russian language. It is included in the secondary school curriculum as the first foreign language. Work is underway to open a Russian gymnasium in Hanoi. A branch of the Pushkin Russian Language Institute has been operating in the capital of Vietnam for years. Under the intergovernmental agreement signed today, it is going to provide a platform for the Regional Centre for Russian Language Learning for citizens of all countries of Southeast Asia.

The Joint Vietnam-Russia Tropical Research and Technology Centre in Hanoi serves as an effective platform for Russian and Vietnamese specialists to conduct joint research in such important fields as ecology and nature conservation, medicine, combating infectious diseases and epidemics, and so on.

I certainly cannot fail to note the recent noticeable increase in tourist traffic between Russia and Vietnam, which nearly doubled last year. The direct air service is expanding, with several new flights added this year, connecting Moscow and other major Russian cities with Hanoi and Nha Trang.

Naturally, during the talks, we also discussed important issues on the global and regional agendas. I would like to emphasise that Russia’s and Vietnam’s respective stances on these issues largely coincide or are closely aligned.

Our countries firmly uphold and support the rule of international law, the sovereignty of states and non-interference in internal affairs. They coordinate their efforts at key multilateral platforms, including the Russia-ASEAN dialogue, and jointly advocate for the peaceful and sustainable development of the Asia-Pacific region.

In conclusion, I would like to once again express my gratitude to Comrade To Lam for the productive joint work. Today’s talks will undoubtedly serve to further strengthen the Russian-Vietnamese comprehensive strategic partnership, which benefits both nations.

I already expressed our gratitude to Comrade To Lam for his direct and personal involvement in the development of Russian-Vietnamese ties, and I would like to emphasise this once again. Since Comrade To Lam became General Secretary, we have seen rapid progress of Russian-Vietnamese relations and cooperation in many fields. Comrade To Lam, we greatly appreciate your contribution.

Thank you for your attention.

General Secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam Central Committee To Lam (retranslated): Mr President,

Colleagues, members of the media,

I am glad to be again in great and beautiful Russia at the invitation of President Vladimir Putin, a loyal friend and comrade of Vietnam, in order to attend the celebration of the 80^th anniversary of Victory of the Soviet and Russian people in the Great Patriotic War.

I would like to begin by expressing my heartfelt gratitude to the President and Russia’s senior officials for the warm and comradely welcome extended to the high-ranking delegation and me. We congratulate Russia on the very successful and solemn celebration of Victory Day which is a particularly important event that will forever go down in history of humanity and forever glorify the great contribution of the Soviet Red Army, including those who laid down their lives for independence of their country and allied countries in fighting against Nazism, defending and bringing freedom, independence and peace to humanity. This victory makes the younger generations aware of the value of peace and the heroic traditions of the nation.

We also marked the 50^th anniversary of liberation of the South, which went down in history of our people as one of its most outstanding chapters, a glittering symbol of the complete victory of revolutionary heroism and human reason, which went down in world history as a great feat of the 20^th century. The two events become even more significant if you think about close ties and mutual support between our countries in the past.

President Vladimir Putin and I held very productive talks in an atmosphere of openness, sincerity, and mutual understanding. We discussed a whole range of bilateral issues. The President and I reiterated that the leaders and peoples of Vietnam and Russia have always cherished the long-standing traditional friendship between our two countries, which has been tested by time and gets ever stronger in the name of long-term interests of our two peoples and for the benefit of both nations.

President Putin and I have aligned our agendas on the main areas of comprehensive strategic partnership in the new era.

First, we will work to strengthen the foundations of high political trust and traditional friendship that have been laid by many generations of the leaders and peoples of our two countries, and to strengthen political exchanges and dialogues at all levels between our respective parties, states, governments, parliaments, and regions. We will also focus on improving traditional education of the two countries’ younger generations.

Second, we will create breakthroughs in economic, trade and investment cooperation, maximise the use of the existing potential, and eliminate all difficulties and obstacles. We will promote innovative areas of cooperation such as clean energy, support for the manufacturing industry, and the closed-cycle economy. We agreed on pursuing concrete projects symbolising our friendship in the new era.

The sides support energy and oil-and-gas companies to promote cooperation, to expand investment and to work in each other’s territories in accordance with international law and the UN Charter, in particular, the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.

Third, we will work to develop new, substantial, and effective breakthroughs in scientific research and technology, nuclear energy, biotechnology, and the semiconductor industry. We also agreed to promote the implementation of joint research projects.

Fourth, we will deepen cooperation in defence, security, and military technology, jointly respond to non-conventional security and cyber security challenges and prevent and oppose high-tech crimes.

Fifth, we will strengthen cooperation in education, professional training, and labour. We agreed to step up the training of specialists to promote the Russian language studies in Vietnam and the Vietnamese language studies in Russia.

Also, we will work to expand direct air service between our two countries. I would like to take this opportunity to announce that yesterday the Vietnam Airlines national airline resumed direct flights between the capitals of the two countries, and the privately owned VietJet Air airline is about to launch flights connecting the two countries as well.

The President and I discussed ways to step up the efforts to maintain peace, security and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. Vietnam appreciates Russia’s efforts and hopes that Russia, as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, will continue to play an important role in maintaining peace and stability in the region, ensuring safety and freedom of navigation and air navigation, and peacefully resolving disputes in the region, including the East Sea, in accordance with international law, including the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.

We welcome and support Russia’s initiatives to advance cooperation within ASEAN in order to build a strong and united ASEAN community.

I would like to take this opportunity to thank the Russian President and Government of Russia for their continuous support and assistance to the Vietnamese diaspora. We hope that the Russian side will continue to assist the Vietnamese diaspora so that they can live, work and integrate into Russian society in a peaceful and stable way, and continue to act as a bridge of friendship between our countries.

Thank you again to Mr President and media representatives for the full and truthful coverage of my visit.

I invited President Putin to visit Vietnam, and he gratefully accepted the invitation.

I wish good health to President Vladimir Putin and every media member present here.

Thank you very much.

Vladimir Putin: Mr To Lam, our dear friend and comrade, mentioned another area of our cooperation. He said we plan to strengthen defence and security cooperation. I did not mention that in my remarks, but I confirm that we have such plans. Bearing in mind the famous line from a Russian song, “From the taiga to the British seas, the Red Army is the strongest of all!” we have every reason to believe that all our plans in this area will come to fruition.

Media statements by Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping

2025-05-09T12:06:12+04:00

Vladimir Putin and President of China Xi Jinping made statements for the media following Russian-Chinese talks.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: President Xi Jinping, dear friend. Ladies and gentlemen.

As always, our talks with President of the People’s Republic of China took place in a warm, friendly and constructive atmosphere. It was a substantive and productive discussion.

Mr Xi Jinping’s current visit is timed to coincide with the celebration of the 80th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War. Tomorrow, we and many other foreign leaders will take part in the anniversary events and attend the Victory Parade.

The soldiers and officers of the People’s Liberation Army of China will march shoulder to shoulder with the military units from Russia and other states in a ceremonial procession on Red Square.

The President of China and I have also agreed that we will meet in Beijing in September to celebrate another anniversary, 80 years since the end of World War II, and to pay tribute to the Soviet and Chinese troops who fought together against the Japanese militarism.

Overcoming the unprecedented hardship and horrors of war, our nations conducted the ultimate heroic feat to restore peace but also, as is well known, suffered the greatest losses. Today, Russia and China stand together in their consistent efforts to preserve the historical truth about the Great Victory as the common value for humankind, and jointly prevent attempts to falsify history and rehabilitate Nazism and militarism.

Our shared heroic past and combat brotherhood form a solid foundation for the development and strengthening of Russia-China relations. These relations have reached the highest level in history, being self-sufficient and independent from internal political factors or momentary global agendas.

The comprehensive partnership and strategic cooperation between Russia and China are built on the unshakable principles of equality, mutual support and assistance, as well as the unbreakable friendship between the two states and two nations.

I want to emphasise that Mr Xi Jinping and I personally control all aspects of Russia-China partnership and do all we can to expand the cooperation on bilateral issues and the international agenda alike.

During today’s talks, we discussed politics and security cooperation, economic ties, as well as cultural and humanitarian exchanges in detail.

As you have just seen, following the talks, we have signed an impressive package of documents. The Joint Statement Mr Xi Jinping and I have signed sets ambitious goals, in particular, ensuring significant progress in Russian-Chinese trade and investment by 2030, expanding and improving the structure of economic ties by increasing the share of high-tech products, developing innovative e-commerce, mutual supply of essential materials, mineral resources, and agricultural products.

China is Russia’s leading trade partner. In 2024, our trade set a new record, reaching $245 billion. Russia is also one of China’s leading trade partners.

Investment cooperation is developing actively: about 90 top priority Russian-Chinese projects worth about $200 billion are being implemented or in development, covering such areas as industrial production, transport, logistics, agriculture, and mining.

The intergovernmental agreement on promotion and mutual protection of investment signed today will undoubtedly contribute to the continuous growth of mutual investment.

The timely and well-coordinated measures taken by both Russia and China to conduct bilateral payments in national currencies also contribute significantly to the deepening of our commercial ties. As a result, nearly all Russian-Chinese trade transactions are now carried out in rubles and yuan. In effect, a stable and resilient mutual trade system has been established — one that is reliably shielded from the influence of third countries and adverse fluctuations in global markets.

The Power of Siberia gas pipeline has now reached its full design capacity, with 31 billion cubic metres of natural gas delivered to our Chinese partners. Gazprom consistently meets the requests of its Chinese counterparts, regularly supplying volumes beyond those stipulated in the contractual obligations.

The launch of the Far Eastern Gas Pipeline scheduled for 2027 will increase Russian gas exports by another 10 billion cubic metres.

The volume of LNG that Russia supplies to China is also increasing, and cooperation in peaceful nuclear energy is developing successfully. Rosatom is building Russian-designed power units at the Tianwan NPP and the Xudapu NPP. Their commissioning will make a significant contribution to the energy supply of the Chinese economy, helping supply Chinese enterprises and households with inexpensive and clean energy, thus improving the environmental situation in large Chinese cities.

In late March, the Nika accelerator complex, built with the active assistance from our Chinese partners, was launched in the city of Dubna, Moscow Region. This collider allows for unique physics experiments that help study the nature and properties of elementary particles.

When discussing current issues of industrial cooperation, special emphasis was put on creating additional value chains and introducing advanced technologies and innovations.

Large Chinese car producers, manufacturers of industrial equipment, microelectronics, and household appliances are expanding their presence in the Russian market; large-scale joint projects are being implemented in non-ferrous metallurgy, chemical and cellulose industries, biotechnology, pharmaceuticals, space development, and many other knowledge-intensive areas.

Russia and China prioritise the development of international transport corridors spanning the entire Eurasian continent. Our country is actively upgrading key railway routes — the Trans-Siberian and the Baikal-Amur mainlines — along with the supporting infrastructure.

Significant progress has been made in the development and commercial operation of the Northern Sea Route. As a result, passenger and freight flows between Russia and China continue to grow steadily, with increased throughput at border crossings, several of which now operate 24 hours. New logistics hubs are being established, too.

I would also like to highlight that 2024–2025 have been declared the Cross-Years of Russian and Chinese Culture. To date, around 150 events, including theatre tours, museum exhibitions, and film festivals, have taken place in 30 Russian and 50 Chinese cities. Last winter, Moscow marked the Lunar New Year on a grand scale, an occasion in which hundreds of thousands of Muscovites took part. I am certain that many people in Moscow are now recalling those festive moments with fondness. We have many New Year celebrations: the calendar New Year, the Old-style New Year, and now we are delighted to celebrate the Lunar New Year as well.

The steady growth of mutual tourism is further supported by the visa-free regime for organised tour groups. In 2024, 1.6 million Russian citizens visited the People’s Republic of China, while approximately 1.2 million Chinese nationals travelled to the Russian Federation.

There are 21,000 Russian students in China, and 51,000 Chinese students in our country. More than 160 bilateral educational programmes for undergraduate and postgraduate students are available in Russian and Chinese. There are 27 joint education institutions, including the flagship Joint Russian-Chinese University created by Lomonosov Moscow State University jointly with the Beijing Institute of Technology. There are 12 inter-university associations that unite about 600 education institutions in the two countries. Today, the President of China proposed an initiative to hold bilateral years of education. We support this timely and useful idea.

Chinese athletes successfully participated in the BRICS Games and the Games of the Future, held in Russia in 2024. In turn, the Russian national team won many awards at the Greater Altai Games organised in China last January.

When addressing crucial international and regional issues, we reaffirmed that Russia and China maintain identical or highly aligned positions. The two countries pursue independent foreign policies and are interested in creating a more just and democratic multipolar world order.

As you know, the United Nations marks the 80^th anniversary this year. Russia and China both believe that the UN and its Security Council ought to continue playing the central role in global affairs, while all the issues and problems on the global and regional agendas must be addressed in compliance with the UN Charter and international law, with due account for the interests of all international community members with respect for the cultural and civilisational diversity.

Our countries are actively cooperating within BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, where China is now presiding. Russia supports the priorities of China’s SCO chairmanship, and we are happy to be taking part in the SCO summit in Tianjin this September.

Of course, we will continue to coordinate our positions in other multilateral formats, such as the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum, the G20, the World Trade Organisation, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank. We will persist with our efforts to align the integration processes within the EAEU and China’s Belt and Road Initiative with the prospect of forming a greater Eurasian partnership.

In conclusion, I would like to sincerely thank President Xi Jinping and our Chinese colleagues for their productive joint work. I am confident that the current visit and talks will further strengthen Russian-Chinese friendship and contribute to the well-being and prosperity of our states and nations.

Thank you.

President of China Xi Jinping (retranslated): President Putin, ministers, journalists, good afternoon.

I am delighted to visit Moscow once again during this festive season full of emotions and the joys of Victory. I want to thank President Putin for inviting me, and thank our Russian friends for their warm welcome.

Mr President and I have just had substantive and fruitful friendly talks, reaching an entire range of new important agreements.

We have signed the Joint Statement of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China on Deepening the Comprehensive Partnership and Strategic Cooperation in the New Era to Commemorate the 80th Anniversary of the Soviet Union’s Victory in the Great Patriotic War and the People of China’s Victory over Japanese Aggression, and the Establishment of the United Nations. An impressive package of documents was signed and exchanged in our presence, which, I believe will further enhance our bilateral relations.

Russia is the country I have visited most frequently as the President of China: this is my 11^th visit. Tomorrow, I will have the honour of taking part in the celebrations marking the 80th anniversary of the Soviet Union’s Victory in the Great Patriotic War. The last time I attended such festivities was exactly a decade ago.

The past ten years have brought not only profound transformations on the international landscape, but also remarkable milestones and breakthroughs in the development of China–Russia relations. We have witnessed a steady strengthening of our political mutual trust and a dynamic expansion of multifaceted cooperation that continues to reach new heights.

In the face of global, monumental and historic changes, I am firmly convinced of the importance of staying true to the course of the development of our bilateral relations and of human society at large. We must uphold our sense of responsibility, deepen comprehensive cooperation, and contribute ever more to the progress and prosperity of our nations, while defending international justice and equality. It is essential that we remain trusting friends, bound by time-tested friendship and mutual respect.

Eighty years ago, in the face of ferocious militarism and Nazism, the armies and peoples of China and Russia fought side by side, selflessly and with great courage. Together, they wrote a glorious chapter in human history — a legacy of heroism that will never fade. The deep bond between our peoples was forged in the fire of war and sealed in blood, laying a firm foundation for the ever-rising trajectory of our bilateral ties.

I am confident that we must continue strengthening our political trust and enhance our strategic coordination. China-Russia relations will only grow more mature and resilient. It is vital that we remain reliable partners, committed to mutual benefit and shared prosperity.

The mutually beneficial China-Russia cooperation has gone along a very difficult path, from massive reciprocal flows of highly sought-after cargo during the challenging years of World War II to regularly renewed records of mutual trade, like a high-speed train steadily climbing the peaks. In this context, it is essential to continue to deepen multifaceted practical cooperation and strengthen the material basis for comprehensive interaction to benefit our countries’ peoples and foster global development.

It is imperative that we remain the defenders of a world order in the spirit of equality and justice. China and Russia, as the main theatres of war in World War II, made a decisive contribution to the victory over Nazism, and thus laid the cornerstone of the post-war world order.

As a positively stabilising and proactive factor of the international community, China and Russia should stand unwaveringly side by side, resolutely uphold the UN-centred system of international relations and the world order based on international law and continuously promote equitable and orderly multilateralism around the world. It is vital to remain the engines of global governance in the spirit of mutual support.

All the nations of the world have an equal right to determine the future of our planet and to share the achievements of global progress. China and Russia, as great world powers and emerging markets, have a noble mission to ensure global development in a more equitable and rational vein.

It is crucial to boost our interaction within multilateral organisations, including the UN, the SCO and BRICS, to uphold genuine multilateralism, to ensure that global governance is moving in the right direction, and to promote universally accessible and inclusive economic globalisation.

As a Chinese wisdom goes, the path to the most ambitious goal lies through the most formidable hardships. Despite the turbulent international situation, China and Russia will remain committed to the spirit of eternal neighbourliness, comprehensive strategic interaction and mutually beneficial cooperation, will withstand any weather and overcome any obstacles hand in hand, work unceasingly to comprehensively advance bilateral relations deep and wide, enhance their strength, bring more stability to global peace and security, and provide powerful incentives and boosts to global development and prosperity.

Thank you for your attention.

Answers to media questions

2025-04-21T20:54:04+04:00

Question: Mr President, is the Easter ceasefire over? How would you assess it? What is the current status? Have the hostilities resumed after it?

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: The hostilities have been resumed, as we said in the beginning when we announced the ceasefire. We are always positive about a ceasefire, and this is why this initiative was suggested. Especially on the Holy Easter. It happened so that this was a holiday for all Christian denominations: Catholics, Protestants and Orthodox Christians.

That is why we have always said that we treat any peace initiative positively. We hope that the representatives of the Kiev regime will treat this the same way. Although we saw the initial reaction. I think that everyone noticed it. A statement was published according to which our proposal was considered a game that involved people’s fate, people’s lives, and so on. However, there were apparently smarter people – most likely foreign curators – who suggested that rejecting such initiatives is a losing position for the Kiev regime, so they quickly agreed.

Now we can see that the Kiev regime is trying to steal the thunder and start talking about expanding the framework both in terms of time and targets. Of course, first we must think and carefully evaluate everything and see the results. After all, if you noticed, I said at the very beginning, when I met with the Chief of the General Staff, that we would see how declaring an Easter ceasefire would turn out.

What does this mean? Overall, we can see that the enemy’s combat activity is reducing. This is true. These are the assessments, including those given by the commanders of our groups. However, there were 4900, almost five thousand, violations. Of these, there were six attacks and 90 attempts at strikes by fixed-wing drones (UAVs), and I think 400 instances of artillery shelling. But in general, there was still a drop in activity. We welcome this and are ready to think about it in the future.

Regarding the proposal to refrain from striking civilian infrastructure targets – this matter requires thorough examination.

Take, for example, the widely reported strike by our Armed Forces on the congress centre of Sumy University, I think. Is this a civilian facility or not? It is civilian. However, an award ceremony was held there for those who committed crimes in the Kursk Region – both AFU (the Armed Forces of Ukraine) units and nationalist formations. These are individuals we consider criminals, who deserved the punishment for their actions in the border areas, including the Kursk Region. They got that punishment. The strike was carried out precisely to punish them. So, is this a civilian facility or not? Yet the regime exploits such civilian sites.

Or the strike delivered by our Armed Forces in the Odessa region just days ago. This targeted a small residential area approximately 82 kilometres from Odessa. What was this site? An agricultural facility, agricultural hangars. However, the Kiev authorities, alongside foreign supervisors and assistants, had organised – indeed, attempted to organise – not only production but also testing of a new missile system there. Hence, the strike was delivered. Is this a civilian facility? It is civilian. But it was used for military purposes.

Similarly, gatherings have been held in restaurants by individuals who deserve most severe punishment for their crimes. Such instances have also occurred. Restaurants host meetings, assemblies, celebrations – vodka toasts and the like. Strikes have also been delivered against such venues. Is this a civilian facility? It is civilian. But the function? Military.

This issue requires thorough scrutiny. All such cases require meticulous investigation, possibly even on a bilateral basis through dialogue. We do not rule this out.

We will analyse all such instances and make appropriate decisions for the future.

Question: Sad news from the Vatican: Pope Francis died. You met with him many times, you had respect for each other, and he came forward with numerous initiatives.

You have sent a message of condolences, but still can you say a few more words about the Pontiff?

Vladimir Putin: You are right. He had a highly positive attitude towards Russia. I can say that for sure.

I met with him personally on many occasions, and we maintained relations via various channels. I want to emphasise once again that he had a highly positive attitude towards Russia. We will remember that.

I am not sure about Catholics, but Orthodox people have such an understanding, such an internal tradition, a traditional understanding that if God calls a person to heaven during Easter time, it is a special sign that that person has not lived his life in vain, has done a lot of good for the people, and God calls him to heaven on these festive Easter days.

I think this is the case. I mean that the Pope has done a lot of good not only for his flock, but for the world at large, as well. We offer our deepest condolences to the entire Christian world and first of all, of course, to Catholics.

Question: Mr President, how do you feel about the fact that European officials are issuing threats to the European leaders who are planning to come to Moscow on May 9?

Vladimir Putin: To issue threats, one needs to have the proper tools to act on them. This is number one. Number two, you have to be ready to use these forces and means. Does any European official have any of that? I am not sure. If the potential of the countries standing behind them is limited to one million, or 1.3 million people, and they are calling to continue the war to the last Ukrainian, it begs questions as to whether they are truly thinking that and whether they are in their right mind when they propose something like that.

However, I think that those who are planning to come to Russia have much more courage than those who are hiding behind someone's back trying to threaten other people, especially those who are going to mark the historical feats of the people who gave their lives in the fight against Nazism.

Vladimir Putin and Emomali Rahmon made statements for the press

2025-03-18T10:13:55+04:00

Following Russian-Tajikistani talks, Vladimir Putin and Emomali Rahmon made statements for the press.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, friends,

We are delighted to welcome President of the Republic of Tajikistan Emomali Rahmon on his official visit to Russia. Let me stress that our talks with Mr Rahmon today were held, as per tradition, in a friendly and businesslike atmosphere and were very constructive.

Relations between Russia and Tajikistan are a true strategic partnership and alliance. They are based on the immutable principles of mutual respect, equality, and consideration of each other’s interests. Most importantly, they continue to develop steadily and dynamically.

Russia is among Tajikistan’s largest foreign trade partners. Last year, trade grew by more than seven percent reaching $1.5 billion. Russia is a leading investor in Tajikistan’s economy. More than 300 enterprises with Russian participation operate in the republic, and our capital investments amount to $1.6 billion in total.

It is important that Russia and Tajikistan have almost completely stopped using foreign currency in mutual settlements. The share of the ruble in commercial transactions exceeded 96 percent at the end of last year. Sustainable channels of credit and banking cooperation are being consistently built. A number of Tajikistan’s banks have connected to the financial message transmission system of the Central Bank of Russia.

Russian and Tajikistani citizens have the opportunity to make cross-border money transfers through the fast payment system. Issues related to wider use of the Mir Russian payment cards in Tajikistan are being resolved.

The two countries’ governments are constantly working to improve the regime of mutual trade and investments and to create conditions for new mutually beneficial projects.

The economic cooperation programmes signed last October are being implemented. The relevant departments of the two countries have developed an action plan to increase bilateral trade turnover by 2.5 times by 2030.

Russia supplies large volumes of oil and oil products to Tajikistan, almost completely covering the needs of the Tajik economy for hydrocarbons. Moreover, fuel is supplied are export customs duties.

Gazprom Neft is actively operating on the Tajik market, owning a network of oil depots and petrol stations and providing a significant share of all tax payments to the state budget of the country.

Russia is helping Tajikistan develop hydropower. The Sangtuda hydroelectric power station, built with Russian participation, produces 12 percent of the electricity consumed by the republic.

Russian companies are ready to continue assisting in operating and upgrading existing generation capacities in Tajikistan based on the most advanced technological and environmental standards.

Industrial cooperation is also deepening. Russian BTK Group is implementing a project to create a full-cycle light industry cluster in the republic, starting from cotton cultivation to the production of finished garments.

Deliveries of mechanical engineering products, cars, pipes, rolled metal products to the Tajik market have been established, and, in accordance with the intergovernmental agreement signed today in Dushanbe, a Russian-Tajik Industrial Park will soon be set up.

It is well known that about a million of Tajiks live and work in Russia. They are employed in various sectors, especially such dynamically progressing ones as construction and housing and utilities, transport, and logistics. They make a big contribution to the development of the Russian economy. It is important that their remittances to their homeland are a serious help for both Tajikistan and their families.

We work to ensure that the Tajikistani citizens in Russia have decent working conditions and social protection. Russian specialised bodies maintain a constant dialogue with their Tajik colleagues and provide them with most detailed explanations of the migration rules.

I would also like to note that our country provides Tajikistan with significant donor assistance. School meals programmes, irrigation system upgrading, and many other projects in important areas of Tajik society are covered with Russian funds.

Cooperation in the cultural and humanitarian sphere is advancing. As is know, Russian has the constitutional status of the language of interethnic communication in Tajikistan. We are very grateful to the President of Tajikistan for such a careful attitude towards the Russian language.

In this context, let me note a successfully implemented joint project of school instruction in Russian: five schools in Dushanbe and other cities of Tajikistan, where about 5,500 schoolchildren study according to Russian educational curricula and standards. Almost 100 Russians teachers were sent to Tajikistan last year as part of the Russian Teacher Abroad project.

In addition to this, over 35,000 Tajikistani students are studying today in Russian universities, as well as in their branches in the republic and in the Russian-Tajik (Slavonic) University. One of the largest quotas for the CIS countries with a thousand state scholarships has been allocated for the needs of Tajikistan.

A ceremony has been held in Dushanbe today to mark the start of construction, with Russia’s involvement, of an International Educational Centre for Talented Children and the new building of the Vladimir Mayakovsky State Russian Drama Theatre. Mr Rahmon and I took part in it via videoconference. We hope that these new cultural facilities will become another symbol of friendship between the peoples of Russia and Tajikistan.

This year, we will mark together the 80^th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War. This a truly common victory, and we understand very well the price paid for it and treasure the memory of the heroism of our fathers, grandfathers, and great-grandfathers, who defended life and freedom for us and for future generations.

The President of Tajikistan accepted our invitation and will come to celebrate the anniversary of Victory on May 9 in Moscow. According to the existing agreement, a unit of the Armed Forces of Tajikistan will participate in the ceremonial parade on Red Square.

The discussion of the current regional and global agenda has reaffirmed that our countries have many aligned positions. Russia and Tajikistan adhere to the principles of the supremacy of international law, sovereignty, and non-interference in internal affairs.

We coordinate efforts in key areas and at key international venues such as the CSTO, the SCO, and the Commonwealth of Independent States. Russia provides support to Tajikistan during its chairmanship at the CIS this year, the main event of which will be the summit of the Commonwealth leaders in Dushanbe this October.

Of course, we could not help but discuss security issues in Central Asia, in particular focusing on the challenges and threats emanating from Afghanistan. Russia will continue to help maintain peace and stability in this region, including by using the capabilities of the 201^st Russian military base stationed in Tajikistan.

We have agreed to continue strengthening our defence, military-technical, antiterrorist and antidrug cooperation. Let me add that a border outpost was opened in a mountainous region of Tajikistan at the end of 2023. The outpost was built with funds from the Russian federal budget and has the most advanced technical equipment and weapons. Today, we have agreed that we will continue working in this area.

In conclusion, I would like to stress that today’s talks, discussion, and the documents signed will serve to further promote Russian-Tajikistani partnership and improve the well-being and prosperity of the two nations.

Thank you very much for your attention.

President of the Republic of Tajikistan Emomali Rahmon: Thank you, Mr President.

Members of the media,

I would like to begin by expressing my sincere gratitude to President Vladimir Putin for his invitation to visit the Russian Federation.

As President Putin has already mentioned, our discussions covered key aspects of the relationship between our two nations, along with pressing regional and international issues.

We are pleased to acknowledge the positive momentum in political dialogue at all levels. Trade and economic cooperation have also seen significant progress in recent years, with steady growth in trade turnover. Over the past year alone, trade volume increased by nearly 16 percent, reaching approximately two billion dollars.

We have agreed to develop an intergovernmental action plan through 2030 aimed at expanding mutual trade. Additionally, we will continue to support the operations of Russian-backed companies in Tajikistan, which currently number around 400.

We reached agreements to strengthen collaboration in industrial cooperation, highlighting the positive progress in the textile industry.

The agro-industrial sector was identified as a promising area for further partnership. In this regard, we proposed that Russia take active steps toward establishing processing enterprises in Tajikistan for agricultural products, including vegetables, fruits, raw cotton, leather, and wool. We also reaffirmed Tajikistan’s commitment to expanding exports of eco-friendly agricultural products to the Russian market.

Today, we agreed to move forward with the second phase of the uranium tailings reclamation project in northern Tajikistan in collaboration with Rosatom.

We also consider it important to explore the possibility of a joint expedition by experts from both countries to assess the condition of our glaciers. Due to climate change, Tajikistan's glaciers – which supply up to 60 percent of Central Asia’s water resources – are melting at an alarming rate. Additionally, our discussions placed significant emphasis on strengthening cooperation in the energy sector.

During our talks, Mr President and I highly commended the strong level of cooperation in culture. Via videoconference, we inaugurated the construction of the Vladimir Mayakovsky Russian Drama Theatre and the Centre for Talented Children in Tajikistan’s capital. We also agreed that the Days of Tajikistan Culture will take place in Russia this June.

Today, we had an in-depth discussion on cooperation in the area of labour migration. Interdepartmental efforts will be intensified, focusing on strengthening interregional cooperation. Currently, approximately 80 regions of Russia maintain trade, economic, cultural, and humanitarian ties with Tajikistan.

The negotiations highlighted the strong intergovernmental cooperation between our countries. Today, we had a detailed discussion on security cooperation. Close and productive collaboration between our special services and law enforcement agencies has been established, yielding concrete results over the past year.

The cooperation between our countries in this area encompasses a broad range of issues related to addressing security challenges and threats. These include, in particular, terrorism, extremism, radicalism, transnational organised crime, including cybercrime, and drug trafficking.

We greatly value our bilateral collaboration on multilateral platforms, particularly within the UN, CIS, SCO, and CSTO. We also express our gratitude to the Russian side for its continued support of our global initiatives on water and climate.

I would like to highlight that we are very pleased with the outcomes of these negotiations. Tajikistan will continue to work towards fully unlocking the vast potential of our relations, alliance, and strategic partnership with Russia.

In closing, I would like to once again express my thanks to President Putin and all our Russian friends for their warm welcome and hospitality.

Thank you for your attention.

Joint news conference with President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko

2025-03-14T18:52:51+04:00

The Russian-Belarusian talks have ended. The leaders signed a joint statement, followed by a ceremony to exchange documents signed during the official visit of the President of Belarus to Russia.

They signed the Agreement between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus on measures for mutual protection of citizens from unjustified prosecution by foreign states and international justice bodies; the Protocol on Amendments to the Agreement between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus on Equal Rights for Their Citizens of December 25, 1998, and the Protocol on the Exchange of Letters of Ratification of the Treaty between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus on Security Guarantees within the Union State. Other documents signed include intergovernmental agreements on cooperation in the field of intellectual property and on ensuring equal rights for consumers, as well as an interagency agreement on cooperation and information exchange for the development of the Geoportal hosting spatial infrastructure data for the CIS countries.

Vladimir Putin and Alexander Lukashenko also made statements to the media and answered journalists’ questions.

* * *

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Mr President, colleagues, friends, ladies and gentlemen,

I am sincerely delighted to welcome President Lukashenko to the Kremlin. This is Mr Lukashenko’s first foreign visit since his re-election as President of Belarus. We greatly appreciate this step, which emphasises the special bond of relations between our two brotherly nations.

Belarus and Russia are not only close neighbours, but also reliable allies, truly strategic partners and true friends. Our cooperation is underpinned by the inviolable principles of mutual respect and consideration of each other’s interests, as well as a centuries-old shared history, the ties of close kinship between many Russians and Belarusians, and commitment to shared moral and spiritual values.

It was within this traditionally amicable, business-like and constructive atmosphere that today’s negotiations with the President of Belarus were conducted. We comprehensively reviewed nearly all principal aspects of bilateral collaboration across economic, cultural-humanitarian, and security-defence spheres.

We exchanged views on current international and regional matters. As you have just witnessed, a substantial package of interstate and interdepartmental documents was signed. Our joint statement with the President of Belarus explicitly reaffirmed our commitment to intensifying multifaceted Russian-Belarusian relations. Russia and Belarus will continue jointly advancing the Union State, deepening integration processes, and contributing to sustainable economic development, improved living standards, and enhanced welfare for citizens of both nations.

Cooperation within the framework of the Eurasian Union, which Belarus is chairing this year, is also progressing at a good pace. As Belarus’ principal economic partner, Russia accounts for approximately 60 percent of its foreign trade turnover. By the close of last year, bilateral trade increased by roughly six percent – specifically 5.7 percent – surpassing $50 billion. While Belarusian statistics indicate a marginally higher figure of just over 51 billion, compared to Russia’s assessment of slightly above 50 billion, this marks a historic achievement in any case.

Over 90 percent of all payments in Russian-Belarusian commercial transactions are conducted in our national currencies, thereby insulating mutual trade and investment from external interference and adverse global market trends.

Russia has invested approximately $4.5 billion into the Belarusian economy, with more than 2,000 Russian companies operational in the Republic. Collaborative initiatives focus on import substitution and the development of competitive, high-value-added goods. These efforts span strategically vital sectors such as automotive and machine tool production, agricultural machinery, microelectronics, and civil aviation, where significant potential for growth exists.

Energy is a priority area of Russia-Belarus cooperation as well. Our country has traditionally supplied oil and gas to Belarus on favourable terms, which is a serious help for the Belarusian economy.

A common electricity market has been formed and is operational; a major bilateral project for the joint construction of a Belarusian nuclear power plant has completed. The plant meets about 40 percent of Belarus’s electricity needs.

We see good prospects for deepening partnership in other high-tech areas as well. In particular, the issue is about cooperation in developing artificial intelligence, big data processing, and cloud computing, as well as creating full-fledged digital ecosystems. Of course, Russia-Belarus humanitarian cooperation and ways to maintain and increase the existing close and mutually enriching ties between the peoples of the two countries were discussed in detail today. In this context, we expect the Belarusian performing artists to take part in the international music contest Intervision in Moscow in September. This competition of talented performers was highly popular in the 1970s-1980s, and we decided to revive this good tradition.

Extensive scientific and educational exchanges are carried out between Russia and Belarus, with about 12,000 Belarusian students studying at Russian educational institutions. Next academic year, 1,300 Belarusian students more will begin studies at our universities on a budgetary basis.

Opportunities for more active involvement of the citizens in public and political life are expanding. Thus, in accordance with the protocol on amendments to the treaty of 1998 on equal rights of citizens of the two countries that was signed today, Russians living permanently in Belarus and Belarusians living permanently in Russia can now participate in local elections both as voters and as candidates.

This year marks the 80^th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War, widely commemorated across our nations. This shared Victory, achieved at immense cost, remains a testament to the heroism of our fathers, grandfathers, and great-grandfathers who secured life and freedom for us and for future generations. The President of Belarus has confirmed his participation in the Victory Day celebrations in Moscow on May 9. Also, as agreed, a contingent of the Belarusian Armed Forces will join the ceremonial parade on Red Square. The Immortal Regiment and Belarus Remembers memorial initiatives will be held in numerous Russian and Belarusian cities.

Given the tense global and European security environment, including near our shared borders, the negotiations included detailed discussions on establishing a unified defence space. A joint regional group of forces has been deployed in Belarus, alongside advanced Russian defence systems and tactical nuclear weapons. These measures robustly safeguard the western frontiers of the Union State and the Collective Security Treaty Organisation.

Today, an exchange of ratification instruments took place for the bilateral Treaty on Security Guarantees signed in Minsk on December 6, 2024, thereby bringing the treaty into legal force.

As a reminder, this document codifies mutual allied obligations to ensure the reliable defence and security of Russia and Belarus, employing all available forces and means.

Naturally, the talks also addressed further coordination of actions in the international arena. Our states share aligned positions on most global and regional challenges, cooperate effectively within the CIS and CSTO, and provide mutual support across various multilateral platforms, including the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, where Belarus became a full member in July last year with Russia’s assistance.

Russia also fully facilitated Belarus’ attainment of BRICS partner status. In conclusion, I reiterate my gratitude to the President of Belarus for substantive negotiations that will undoubtedly advance the development of Russia-Belarus allied relations across all domains.

Thank you for your attention.

President of the Republic of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko: Mr President, Ladies and gentlemen,

First and foremost, I would like to express my gratitude to you, Mr President, and to all members of the Government present here for the exceptional organisation of my visit and this meeting.

As always, my talks with the President of Russia were substantive and productive. We have only completed a third of our discussions. If necessary, we will continue tomorrow and even the day after to not only finetune our interstate relations but also to shape our future prospects. Time moves quickly and presents us with many challenges. We will come to agreements and chart the best paths for our cooperation.

As the President of Russia has already mentioned, we once again reviewed the key areas of cooperation between Belarus and Russia, as well as the priorities of the Union State in the short and medium term. We exchanged views on the current international situation in the global and regional contexts and reaffirmed the relevance of the Treaty on Security Guarantees within the framework of the Union State, along with the Union State Security Concept, both signed last December. Additionally, we discussed prospects for collaboration within the EAEU – where Belarus holds the chairmanship this year – the CIS, CSTO, SCO and BRICS, aligning with the broader vision of a Greater Eurasian Partnership and the concept of “integration of integrations.”

Mr Putin, I am sincerely grateful for everything you have done – not only what you promised but even beyond – to facilitate our country’s accession to the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and, effectively, to BRICS. While we are currently partners, these platforms provide us with valuable opportunities for engagement and cooperation.

We also discussed the prospects of restoring a normal and civilised dialogue at international forums on multiple pressing global issues, as well as the participation of our delegations in broader discussions. Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov has outlined the Belarusian-Russian approaches and contacts, and I understand that there were no objections. (Addressing Sergei Lavrov.) Mr Lavrov, I appreciate your efforts. You have consistently set an example for other government agencies in the context of our integration, showing how institutions should work together.

We did not overlook the evolving situation regarding the resolution of the conflict in Ukraine. Mr Putin still has intensive discussions ahead on this issue today and likely tomorrow. We will continue examining the prospects, but as I have already mentioned to journalists – and I will reiterate in President Putin’s presence – we should not place undue expectations on this situation. We must base our approach on facts. A fact is a fact: we discuss it, we accept it, or we do not. That is what matters. Various statements and promises, for now, remain just that – statements and promises.

We also took note of some emerging positive trends in the geopolitical landscape, though they have yet to become dominant global trends. Meanwhile, the illegal economic sanctions imposed by a number of states have not been lifted. However, in some ways, they have even helped us. On this, Mr Putin and I are in full agreement.

The pressure on Belarus and Russia is not easing, although it is already clear to everyone that these restrictions are harming the countries that imposed them more. We, in turn, have been given the opportunity to think deeply about the prospects for our development and are convinced that after a certain time, we will completely overcome these pressures.

On the other hand, as we say, if there were no such challenges for us to tackle, we would have had to invent them. They have made us think seriously about self-sufficiency, the importance of self-reliance, food security, and technological sovereignty. Many challenges that seemed insurmountable just three years ago – Mr Putin and I discussed them: for example, microelectronics – oh chips, oh chips – today, everything flies, everything moves, everything goes, or drives, and so on. It turned out that we had reserves that we somewhat underestimated. We have discovered them, found them and are tapping into them.

Mr President, we highly appreciate your support, which has opened up access for us to the vast Russian market and helped to redirect the logistics of our commodity flows. What we once sold using ports in Lithuania and Latvia, we are now exporting successfully from the Leningrad Region, from St Petersburg. We are also operating on the Black Sea coast – we have completely redirected our exports.

Today, we continue to pursue this ongoing effort. We have great potential in the transport sector, and the time has come to consider ways to use it most effectively, primarily the railway transport capabilities. We have millions and millions of tonnes of cargo that we can ship, primarily from St Petersburg. However, apparently, the railway is not quite prepared to handle this flow. We would not like to use other ports, although we have to do this, and at great expense. We have begun to work on this, and I think we will implement it.

I am grateful to you for your promise, for your announcement of building a high-speed railway from Moscow to Minsk at some point. I am not mentioning any specific dates now. We discussed a link to Brest – after all, Brest is our common heritage, so we need to build a link to Brest.

I told Mr Putin that the recent presidential election was not the first, but how people voted meant something. We have always had the same voting pattern as Ukraine, a choice between the East (Russia) and the West. After 2020, the crazy year, voter turnout was over 90 percent, and more than 87 percent voted for the incumbent President, which reflected the general sentiment. Our people are in favour of the brotherly relations with our friendly and fraternal Russia.

We are closely cooperating on import substitution. Belarusian components and units are used in vehicles and aircraft assembled in Russia. Our lorries and dump trucks have successfully replaced Western counterparts in quarries and on the streets of cities.

Belarusian food, shoes, and clothing are well known to buyers in Smolensk as well as in Sakhalin. We will be happy to help Russia implement its new ambitious national projects.

I have cited an example. Recently, Maxim Reshetnikov visited with samples of drones. We had a large group of specialists in Belarus, and they showed the level Russia has reached in this field. We agreed, and Mr Putin approved the construction of another plant to manufacture unmanned aerial vehicles. This means that we can achieve anything; it just takes a little time.

Together with the President of Russia, we are already thinking not only about catching up, in terms of import substitution, but also about growing faster. We have begun to make progress in certain areas.

Belarus and Russia need a technological breakthrough for the sake of the future of our countries and peoples. We have everything we need for this, even more than we require. We just need a little time, as I always say.

The objectives have been outlined – the President of Russia has mentioned artificial intelligence, quantum biotechnology, microelectronics, robotics, new materials, thermonuclear fusion, UAVs and many other things that I have listed. Is there anything we cannot do? We are already doing it. Maybe not as much as we need, but we know how to do it and can do it. Belarusian-Russian cooperation in the social and humanitarian spheres is also expanding.

The signing of a protocol on amendments to the 1998 Agreement between Belarus and Russia on Equal Rights for Their Citizens will mark a significant step forward. This will enable Belarusian citizens to elect and be elected to local authorities. Russians have been using this right in our country for more than a year.

Our countries have many joint plans and projects for the current year, the most important of which is undeniably the celebration of the 80^th anniversary of the Great Victory over fascism.

Mr Putin, thank you, and thank you to the Russian people for being at the forefront of this process. Without you, it would have been difficult to defend that Great Victory, of which we are proud today.

It would be a great honour for us to participate in the anniversary Victory Parade on Red Square in Moscow on May 9, 2025. We remember and honour the heroism of the Soviet people, our fathers, grandfathers and great-grandfathers. The most important thing today is to be worthy of their memory, to prevent the rehabilitation of Nazism and the rewriting of history.

Thanks to a consistent, balanced and responsible foreign policy, Belarus and Russia are now at the forefront of the struggle for a fairer world order. We have been doing this for some time.

Our countries can and should serve as a benchmark for our partners in addressing the complex problems of our time, preserving and protecting our shared values, and providing mutual assistance in upholding national interests on the principles of equality and respect.

We have agreed with the President of Russia that we will overcome everything. We will make every effort to ensure that our nations are not the worst but the best in the world. We do not want anything that does not belong to us, but we have firmly agreed that we will not give up anything of our own. We have stood by this and will continue to do so.

Thank you, Mr President.

Thank you very much for your attention.

Natalya Breus: Good afternoon.

Natalya Breus, The First News Channel, Belarus.

Mr Lukashenko, Mr Putin, my question concerns whether the normalisation of relations between Moscow and Washington might impact the Union State’s import substitution efforts.

Numerous projects are ongoing, and we report on them regularly. However, should Western companies seek to return, could these initiatives to strengthen technological sovereignty be rendered futile?

Vladimir Putin: Regarding import substitution and related matters, including the unlawful restrictions termed “sanctions,” etc.

First, we’ve got a good “inoculation” from our so-called partners – one fostering self-reliance and sovereignty. Consequently, we will by all means continue all our programmes to fortify technological sovereignty. We never barred entry to any party nor expelled anyone. To those wishing to return, we say: “You are welcome at any time.” However, we will naturally proceed from existing market conditions: occupied niches will remain occupied, and no preferential terms will be created for re-entry to our market.

Moreover, we will endeavour, and the Government has already been duly instructed, to secure certain advantages for our domestic producers, even though remaining within the WTO frameworks.

Regarding the fundamental and cross-cutting avenues pertinent to the future of our economies and industrial sectors, we will, naturally, prioritise the requirements of the new technological paradigm and stage.

Concurrently, the return of certain Western partners to our market could positively influence the activities of both their companies and ours. Even now, albeit confidentially, negotiations are being conducted at the initiative of some of our partners concerning their potential return to our market. Everything proceeds calmly, with dignity, respect, and mutual interests in mind.

Alexander Lukashenko: The President of Russia once said:… (I seek to transition his words to a peaceful, civilian footing). He once said that we are ready to negotiate with Ukraine – I quote – but I want everyone, including Ukrainians, to recognise that we are returning to negotiations three years after we initiated them, and taking into account the situation on the ground. That is reasonable and prudent.

I believe we can apply this military thesis to our civilian domain. Should they return, certain new conditions will apply. Much time has elapsed, and both the conditions and the situation on the ground have evolved. You are welcome to return. However, as the President of Russia stated, we have acquired significant insights during this period and will draw the necessary conclusions.

I believe we will now scrutinise the situation. If you want to return, come – your presence is valued. If not, so be it. If yes, we will select the best. In other words, the situation has evolved. Although the ball is in our court, we know how to respond. Moreover, it is crucial to understand that over these three years, under intense pressure – and pressure invariably prompts mobilisation – we have achieved significant progress. Therefore, we intend to continue along our own path, adopting only what serves our needs. I believe this is the correct approach. President Putin and I have frequently deliberated this matter. Doors remain open. Yet, we will welcome you here under our new conditions, reflecting the situation on the ground, and we will take only what we require.

Olga Knyazeva: Good afternoon.

My first question is addressed to President Putin. What’s your take on Ukraine’s readiness for a ceasefire? Have you already received information from the Americans and what is your response going to be?

I have another question, and I ask both Mr Lukashenko and Mr Putin to answer it. Do Moscow and Minsk align their position regarding the peace process and have you already had relevant consultations today?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: As for Ukraine’s readiness for a ceasefire, I will tell you how I view it, of course.

But I would like to start by thanking the President of the United States, Mr Trump, for paying so much attention to the Ukraine settlement. We all have enough of our own domestic affairs to attend to. But many leaders of states, among them the President of the People’s Republic of China, the Prime Minister of India, the Presidents of Brazil and the Republic of South Africa are addressing this issue and give it a lot of their time. We are grateful to all of them for that, because this activity is aimed at achieving a noble mission – the mission of ending hostilities and loss of life. This is my first point.

Second. We agree with the proposals to cease hostilities but proceed from the assumption that this cessation should lead to long-term peace and eliminate the root causes of this crisis.

Now, on Ukraine’s readiness to cease the hostilities. You know, on the face of it, the US-Ukraine meeting in Saudi Arabia may look like the Ukrainian side made this decision under pressure from the United States. In fact, I am absolutely convinced that the Ukrainian side should have asked the Americans for this decision most emphatically, in view of the situation evolving on the ground, as has just been mentioned here.

And what is the current situation on the ground? Many of you have surely noticed that yesterday I visited the Kursk Region and listened to reports from the Chief of the General Staff, the Commander of the North group of forces and his deputy on the situation in the border area, first of all in the Kursk Region, or rather, in the incursion zone in the Kursk Region.

What is happening there? The situation there is completely under our control, and the grouping that invaded our territory has been isolated. It is completely isolated and under complete fire control. The control of Ukrainian troops inside this incursion zone has been lost. At the initial stages, just a week or two ago, Ukrainian servicemen tried to get out of there in small groups. Now it is impossible. They are trying to get out in very small groups of two or three men because everything is under our complete fire control.

The military equipment has been completely abandoned and it is impossible to remove it; it will remain there, one hundred percent. If this area is physically blocked in the next few days, then no one will be able to leave. There will only be two options: surrender or die. I think in these conditions it would be good for the Ukrainian side to achieve a ceasefire for at least 30 days. We are also in favour of it, but there are nuances. What are they?

First, what will we do about the incursion section in the Kursk Region? What would that mean if we cease fire for 30 days? Does this mean that everyone who is in there will just walk out without a fight? Do we have to let them go after they committed numerous heinous crimes against civilians? Or will the Ukrainian leadership issue a command for them to lay down their arms and just surrender? How will this happen? It is not clear.

How will other issues along the entire contact line be solved? It is almost 2,000 kilometres long. As you know, Russian troops are advancing in almost all areas of combat contact. Conditions are also very favourable there for us to block rather large units there.

So, how would these 30 days be used? For forced mobilisation to continue in Ukraine? For more weapons to be supplied there? For retraining the mobilised units? Or would none of this be done?

If so, how will issues related to control and verification be addressed? How can we guarantee and receive guarantees that nothing like this would happen? How will control procedures be organised? I hope everyone understands the complexity of all this at the level of common sense. These are all serious issues.

Who will order to cease fire? What is the price of these orders? Just imagine: almost 2,000 km. Who will be able to determine who violated the potential ceasefire agreement over a distance of 2,000 km and where exactly? Who will be held responsible for violating the ceasefire? All these issues must be meticulously worked upon by both sides. The idea itself is right, and, of course, we support it.

However, there are issues that must be discussed. I think we must talk them over with our American colleagues and partners, perhaps have a telephone conversation with President Trump and discuss them with him. However, the idea to put an end to this conflict by peaceful means gets our full support.

Alexander Lukashenko: I would like to draw the journalist’s attention to the fact that President Putin has already addressed more than the question posed here, projecting into the future and outlining key directions for the forthcoming meeting with American representatives. There is little to add.

I can only say that we have had a unified stance with the Russian Federation for a long time, and we maintain it now: all agreements, including those pertaining to the conflict in Ukraine, have been – and remain – strictly honoured before our ally and partners. We will stick to this position moving forward. It was not Russia or Belarus that were the root causes of developments there.

Boris Gryzlov [Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Russian Federation to the Republic of Belarus] is present here. I remember how we initiated negotiations first in Gomel and later in Belovezhskaya Pushcha mere days after the conflict’s outbreak: “Let us reach an accord – war is unacceptable under any circumstances,” I said at that time. Concurrently, I also talked to and urged Vladimir Zelensky: “Do not seek culprits now – that comes later. This war is unfolding on your soil; you bear responsibility for its presence in Ukraine.” I later cautioned him: “History’s lesson is clear – American leadership will shift tomorrow, and where will you stand?” I must have had second sight.

Thus, to answer your question directly: Ukrainians should have long ceased all fire and engaged in negotiations. Most importantly, as we maintain contacts with Americans and other Western actors – discreetly (I informed President Putin of this), I reiterate to them: “It was you who pushed this inexperienced guy into this war.”

To be honest, it all started with an individual well-known to President Putin and myself – Petr Poroshenko. At that time, after the signing of the Minsk agreements, he was given all the cards, and all the trumps were in his hands: come on, stop it – and none of this would have happened, and we would have agreed on Donbass, I am sure, and the same Donbass would have been part of Ukraine. “No, this is impossible,” he said. “There will be elections there. And how will we conduct the elections?”

I say: “Listen, today you have the Ukrainian hryvnia, the currency that is in circulation there – what else do you need?” Where is it now? No currency, no elections, only war and suffering. It all started with him. Thanks to President Putin, I was involved in this process.

This one [Zelensky] pledged to end the war. The opportunity existed. Why did not he stop the confrontation? It should have been done long ago, but it was not.

As for our position, we have a unified position. But, since we are meeting with journalists, then, with your permission, I would like to make some prediction: if Russia comes to agreement with the United States, both Europe and Ukraine will run out of gas. The fate of Europe, which has been acting misguidedly, judging by media reports, and looks like it will persist this way, is in the hands of Russia and the US and fully depends on the outcome of their negotiations.

The main thing is that we won’t be deceived by sweet promises this time. We know what our goals and interests are. Mr Putin, I have already said that in this situation, when Zelensky has been kicked out of the White House, he would do better to start thinking soberly. Three Slavic peoples that used to live normally, in peace and harmony, could always sit down, talk and come to terms. Look, nobody will help Ukraine. Did the issue of rare earth metals was raised by the Americans at the beginning of the war? No. And now, it is.

It seems that Zelensky is right, but they did not discuss this back then. However, now they will have to fulfill the agreements: they will be deprived of their black soil, rare earth metals, and God forbid everything else. That is why he will come back here – if not him, then a new, different president – who will rely on our internal forces here.

Someone wants us to kill each other. We understand this, and the other side doesn’t. So let them think.

Ours is a just cause.

Vladimir Putin: I would like to add something to what Mr Lukashenko said about Europe running out of gas if the US and Russia agree on something. Yes, this is true: for example, if Russia and the United States agree to cooperate in the energy sector, there may be a gas pipeline for Europe, which would benefit, because it will receive cheap Russian gas.

Alexander Lukashenko: This is what I meant.

Vladimir Putin: This is exactly how I understood.

The situation on the ground, which Mr Lukashenko and I spoke about, is changing rapidly. Yesterday, during the report, the commander of the North group of forces and his deputy told me that tomorrow Sudzha would be in our hands. That is exactly what happened.

I would like to thank all our fighters that fulfilled this task. I am confident that all the plans regarding the incursion section in the Kursk Region will be executed, as well as in other areas of combat engagement: not just in Sudzha, but in the nearby towns and villages. We are now taking them back one by one: all the nearby localities and the entire agglomeration. We will agree our next steps to end the conflict and reach agreements that will suit everyone based on the developments on the ground.

Anna Pyzh: Good evening.

I am Anna Pyzh of ONT TV Channel.

I have a a question as a follow-up on the topic, because obviously possible talks on Ukraine is one of the most discussed topics including in Belarus.

Mr Putin, will the interests of Belarus, as Russia’s strategic ally and at the same time Ukraine’s closest neighbour, be somehow factored in?

Mr Lukashnko, have you voiced any wishes to your colleague in this regard?

Vladimir Putin: What wishes? What about?

Anna Pyzh: Regarding the interests of Belarus being taken into account in the negotiation process.

Vladimir Putin: To be honest, I do not really understand your question. I can only say in general terms that the interests of the Republic of Belarus are always taken into account in our relations with anyone – both with our partners from across the ocean and with our closest allies and neighbours.

Within the framework of the Union State we proceed from the premise that we have a common concept of foreign policy activities. Our foreign ministries cooperate very closely with each other on all international platforms. We work closely within the EAEU. And we have very deep cooperation in the economy, the real sector of the economy.

Therefore, we simply cannot ignore common interests. And there is no desire to do so. Because any step we take in any of these areas somehow affects both us and Belarus.

Accommodating the interests of Belarus is fully in line with the national interests of the Russian Federation.

Alexander Lukashenko: Mr Putin, this issue emerged at the prompting of our fugitives abroad and their foreign sponsors who claim that Russia will make an agreement with America but Lukashenko will not be allowed to join etc., and the interests of Belarus will not be respected. The context is something like that.

Firstly, in response to this, I said that I am not particularly eager to join. That’s the first thing.

And second, the Russian Federation, our close partner, will be there. And Russia knows our interests and will in no way concede to anyone and will not give up our interests – just as you said. Therefore, if anyone hopes that talks by Russia and the United States or Russia and the West on Ukraine will somehow harm neighbouring Belarus in the context of this conflict, this is absolutely not the case. The President of Russia has once again confirmed this, there is nothing to add.

Vladimir Putin: I did not quite understand the question in this regard, because it is harmful for us not to take into account the interests of Belarus, you see? That’s what it is all about. So the question is, frankly speaking, far-fetched. But I hope that I have answered it.

Ilya Yezhov: Good afternoon.

Ilya Yezhov, RIA Novosti.

President Putin, President Lukashenko, I would like to ask a question about the progress of integration between Russia and Belarus, specifically regarding the economic aspect. Could you please comment on the current status of the 28 programmes developed for economic integration?

What is the current stage of integration planned for 2024–2026? In general, as leaders, are you satisfied with the pace of integration?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: First, all 28 programmes that we planned have been implemented 100 percent.

Second, we have fulfilled more than 26 percent of what we planned for 2024–2026 so far.

Personally, I am satisfied with the way this work is progressing. The governments are working very hard, intensively and effectively.

From time to time, President Lukashenko and I need to intervene to reconcile inconsistencies between different departments, but this is routine management. Sometimes we disagree with each other, but we always find a compromise that suits both sides.

I am personally satisfied with the way this work is progressing.

Alexander Lukashenko: I can hardly add anything. I am very glad that Mr Putin is satisfied with the implementation of these programmes. We had our concerns, and we also had a considerable workload. But we have clearly agreed on the procedure, as the President of Russia has just explained.

If the governments cannot agree on something at their level, they need to submit it to our level for discussion. Today we considered two or three such issues during the talks. We reached agreements on them, and the governments can continue working – both the joint working groups and our embassies. Therefore, I am also pleased with the progress we are making.

Press conference following Russian-Iranian talks

2025-01-18T10:51:54+04:00

Following the Russian-Iranian talks, Vladimir Putin and Masoud Pezeshkian gave a joint press conference.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Mr President, friends,

I am genuinely delighted to extend a warm welcome to President of the Islamic Republic of Iran Masoud Pezeshkian, who is on an official visit to Russia. We have just concluded extensive discussions.

Our country gives priority to further strengthening of the friendly and neighbourly relations between Russia and Iran. These ties rely on the principles of equality, mutual respect, and consideration for each other’s interests, as well as reciprocity and support, which are consistently reflected in practical deeds. Our multifaceted bilateral partnership has been steadily advancing year by year.

We engage in an intensive political dialogue. Last year, Mr Pezeshkian and I held two meetings, including during the BRICS Summit in Kazan. Our foreign ministries and security councils maintain close contact. Cooperation between Russia and Iran in the economic, social, and cultural areas is becoming increasingly active; coordination has been established between industry-specific ministries, business communities, and public representatives, who interact fruitfully; youth, parliamentary, and interregional contacts occur regularly. In essence, the ties between our two countries are extensive and mutually beneficial, and we are committed to not resting on our laurels but elevating the relationship to a qualitatively new level.

This is precisely the objective of the signed interstate Treaty on Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. It outlines ambitious goals and benchmarks for deepening bilateral cooperation in the long term across political and security domains, as well as in trade, investment, and humanitarian affairs. This truly ground-breaking document aims to establish the necessary conditions for the stable and sustainable development of Russia, Iran, and our entire shared Eurasian region.

As I have already mentioned, today’s discussions with the President of Iran were exceedingly beneficial and substantial. They were conducted in a constructive and friendly manner. We deliberated on the full spectrum of issues on our bilateral agenda and exchanged views on pressing international and regional matters.

Naturally, economic cooperation was covered in depth during the talks. Russia and Iran are significant partners in trade, finance, and investment, and their collaboration in these areas is steadily growing. Over the first ten months of 2024, bilateral trade grew by 15.5 percent.

Notably, our countries have almost completely transitioned to using national currencies in mutual settlements. Efforts are being made to establish sustainable lending and banking interaction channels and to align national payment systems. In 2024, transactions conducted in Russian rubles and Iranian rials accounted for over 95 percent of bilateral trade.

The anticipated entering into force of a full-fledged free trade agreement between Iran and the Eurasian Economic Union is expected to further strengthen Russian-Iranian commercial ties. It is also worth noting that on December 26, 2024, the Supreme Eurasian Economic Council granted the Islamic Republic of Iran observer status at the EAEU. We see this as another step forward in promoting Iran’s relations with Russia and other EAEU members.

Energy remains a crucial area of Russian-Iranian cooperation. The flagship joint project for the construction of two new units of the Bushehr Nuclear Power Plant by Rosatom is making strides. Once implemented, this project will undoubtedly make a weighty contribution to enhancing Iran’s energy security, spur national economic growth, and provide affordable and environmentally friendly electricity for Iranian households and industrial enterprises.

We place great emphasis on cooperation in the transport sector, particularly expanding mutual railway freight operations. Promising opportunities are opening up in connection with the international North-South transport corridor. Discussions are ongoing regarding the construction of its Rasht-Astara railway section. Implementing this project would help establish seamless supply chain from Russia and Belarus to Iranian ports in the Gulf.

Humanitarian cooperation is deepening as well. Plans include opening a Russian cultural centre in Tehran. In June, Iran will host Days of Russian Culture, featuring numerous exhibitions, concerts, and theatre performances, as well as other vibrant cultural events. We are confident that Iranian audience will enjoy these activities.

Mutual tourist flows are expanding facilitated by direct flights between many Russian and Iranian cities, as well as decisions made in 2023 to allow visa-free group tours and electronic visas for individual tourists.

Russia is also helping Iran train highly skilled professionals. Currently, more than 9,000 Iranian students are studying at Russian universities, about 600 of whom – at the expense of Russia’s federal budget.

All issues related to bilateral cooperation are overseen by the Permanent Russian-Iranian Commission on Trade and Economic Cooperation. It was agreed that its regular meeting will be held in Moscow in the first half of this year.

Naturally, Mr President and I also discussed a range of foreign policy priorities. On most of them, the positions of Russia and Iran overlap. Our countries firmly uphold the principles of the rule of international law, state sovereignty, and non-interference in internal affairs of other countries. Both countries pursue independent foreign policy, and jointly resist external pressure, diktat, and the use of illegitimate and politically-driven sanctions. We also coordinate our efforts on key issues and on key international venues, including the UN, BRICS, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation.

When discussing recent developments in Syria, we emphasised that Russia remains committed to comprehensive settlement in that country based on respect for its sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity. We stand ready to continue providing the Syrian people with the necessary support for stabilising the situation, to offer urgent humanitarian aid, and to start full-scale post-conflict reconstruction.

We believe that the future of Syria should be determined by the Syrians themselves through an inclusive dialogue. We wholeheartedly hope that the Syrian people will successfully overcome the challenges arising from the transitional period.

We also touched on the Middle East peace process in light of the recently reached agreement to cease hostilities in the Gaza Strip. This agreement provides for the reunification of freed Israeli hostages with their families and the release of Palestinian detainees. Significantly, it also opens the door to a substantial increase in the supply of food, fuel, and medicine to Gaza. We hope these measures will alleviate the humanitarian situation and contribute to long-term stabilisation in the sector.

However, it is essential not to ease up on efforts towards achieving a comprehensive resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict based on the internationally recognised legal basis. This includes the establishment of an independent Palestinian state coexisting in peace and security with Israel.

Mr President and I also addressed Russian-Iranian cooperation in the South Caucasus. Ensuring peace and stability in this region serves the interests of both our nations.

Overall, the alignment of agendas on these and other regional matters was, in our view, highly beneficial and quite timely. I would like to close by stressing that we are satisfied with the results of these talks.

I am confident that the agreements we reached during these talks will further strengthen the entire spectrum of Russian-Iranian relations and ties. Without a doubt, the newly signed interstate agreement will serve this purpose as well.

Thank you for your attention.

President of Iran Masoud Pezeshkian (retranslated): In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful!

Colleagues, members of the press,

Mr President Vladimir Putin, I wish to extend my gratitude to you and express my appreciation to the Russian people and the Russian Government for the hospitality extended to both me and my delegation. I am optimistic that our bilateral engagements will persist within the framework of our mutual interests. Indeed, from today, we will witness expanded opportunities for the advancement of our bilateral relations.

Within the framework of the neighbourhood policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Russian Federation holds significant importance for us. I must say that in recent years, there has been a substantial exchange of delegations between our nations, and this process continues, for which we are deeply grateful to our colleagues in Russia.

I believe we will continue to operate within the framework of trade and economic relations, with certain mechanisms already in place. We have resolved to eliminate obstacles impeding our relations. We have conducted a comprehensive review of all pertinent issues, discussed the full spectrum of our relations, and concluded that we must continue working in this positive spirit and manner, both bilaterally, regionally, and on the international stage. The significant Treaty signed today will inaugurate a new chapter in our relations, particularly in trade and economic interactions between Iran and Russia.

I am confident that this document has been crafted with the interests of our countries in mind and will lay the necessary groundwork for our continued cooperation. Iran and Russia are committed to removing minor, insignificant barriers hindering our trade and economic relations.

Regarding customs, banking, and monetary issues, as well as our investment projects and the visa-free regime between our countries, we have engaged in discussions on these matters. Within the framework of this Treaty, we will have further opportunities to address these topics in the future.

I would like to underscore the significance of Iran’s observer status within the Eurasian Economic Union. This status is highly important to us. I believe that within the framework of this Union, we can significantly enhance the level of cooperation between our countries.

The shared approaches and perspectives of Iran and Russia in combating terrorism and extremism form another basis for our continued collaboration. We have deliberated on cooperative efforts in the South Caucasus, Syria, the Middle East, and Afghanistan.

I believe that some of the transformations occurring in our region, facilitated by new organisations and entities such as BRICS and the SCO, indeed represent new opportunities and potential for both countries to collaborate in the future. The active involvement of Iran and Russia in these emerging regional structures is of great importance to us all.

I wish to reiterate that combat and conflict do not resolve issues. We welcome a political settlement between Ukraine and Russia. It is imperative that mutual respect is maintained. Furthermore, Western nations should refrain from imposing their will on others.

Regarding the Israeli regime’s airstrikes against Lebanon and Syria, I believe we concur on the importance of discouraging such actions. We hope that a ceasefire in the Gaza Strip will indeed be implemented.

In conclusion, I wish to once again thank my esteemed colleague, the Russian President, for his hospitality and for the cordial relations we have cultivated with the fraternal people of the Russian Federation.

Thank you very much, Mr President.

Question (retranslated): Good afternoon, President Putin, President Pezeshkian.

Considering that we are also about to raise the issue of the big treaty, I would like the presidents of both countries to answer my question.

Everyone is aware of the fact that Iran and Russia share profound cultural and social approaches. We are two large and strong nations in this region. We possess great possibilities and oppose the unipolar world. Iran and Russia stand for a new world order based on multipolarity. We participate in important new entities such as the SCO, the Eurasian Economic Union, and BRICS.

Considering all these common approaches, we still see that our bilateral relations, particularly in the economy and trade, are lagging behind our political relations. I have a concrete question for you: What is the outlook for our relations considering the treaty that was signed today? What can we count on and hope for in the future? What will happen in the future with today’s treaty in mind? Thank you very much.

Vladimir Putin: Without a doubt, strengthening the legal framework creates better conditions for addressing bilateral cooperation issues across all areas, with trade and economy being the most important areas for us.

Mr President and I have discussed this in restricted and expanded formats and took a look at Russia’s relations with other neighbouring countries. With countries with much smaller – by orders of magnitude, I would say – economic and human potential compared to Iran, our trade is many times greater, many times. The level of our trade and economic relations, trade and economic cooperation with such a big country as Iran, with a population of 85 million people, is clearly way below what we can actually do.

The thrust of the treaty that we signed today is precisely to create extra conditions, basic additional conditions, to promote trade and economic ties. To put it in plain terms, we need less red tape and more concrete action. We got together today to discuss financial settlements and ways to speed up supply chain decisions, customs issues, and so on and so forth, in the sphere of energy.

Mr President mentioned – and I noted it as well – that Iran is expanding its interaction with the Eurasian Economic Union. All of that taken together, in my opinion, creates very favourable conditions for us to take major and decisive steps forward. We have promising projects across all areas that I just mentioned.

I look forward to us making big strides through joint efforts, including the intergovernmental commission. I have no doubt about this whatsoever. Whatever obstacles or difficulties may be imposed on us from outside, we are capable of overcoming them and moving forward. I am confident this is what it will be like.

Thank you very much for your question.

Masoud Pezeshkian: With regard to our cooperation prospects in light of the big treaty, we are convinced – and I have emphasised this since day one of the presidential election – that the first major step of my government will include strengthening our cooperation with neighbouring countries and expanding opportunities for continued cooperation. I am, of course, talking about the Russian Federation. It is a vast country with which we have excellent political relations, and it holds major importance for us both in the region and internationally.

In order for us to be able to strengthen bilateral relations across all areas without exception, our first step was to review our relationship and to reinforce, so to say, a new treaty framework.

What can we do in the future? We must develop a new mechanism, update our treaty, as my esteemed colleague, Mr President, said in the sphere of investment projects, industry, scientific research, and educational programmes. We already have excellent projects, commissions, sub-commissions, and working groups. These entities have all agreed to create a new treaty framework that will allow us to expand the scope of our activities in our country based on this treaty.

This, of course, aligns with our shared policy of ensuring regional security and opposing the unipolar world. We are confident that, in our region, we can cooperate without external influences or involvement from outlying players. Our major neighbours possess significant potential, and we can safely say that we do not need to heed advice from overseas countries.

I am very pleased to be here today, and I foresee a bright future ahead.

Question: Interfax Agency. I have a question for both presidents.

You mentioned various projects, and I am particularly interested in two of them. A year ago, the two countries announced their plans for a gas pipeline project to transport Russian gas to Iran. Was this matter discussed today? What progress has been made in implementing these plans, and what are the expected volumes?

The second project concerns the well-known international North-South transport corridor. How well is it going, and what challenges, if any, are hindering further expansion of this project?

Vladimir Putin: There are always difficulties with both projects, and all others for that matter. There is always something that needs to be agreed upon, or specific circumstances in a particular sector of the economy, be it logistics, transport, or energy, that need to be accounted for.

There are many issues to address, including price negotiation. Approaches to such negotiations vary and depend on numerous factors. For instance, Mr Miller, who is sitting next to you, can explain technical aspects like the calorific value of oil and gas, among other things. These are technical issues, they need to be agreed upon. Both projects are active, and both are highly important and very engaging.

Speaking of potential gas supply volumes, we believe we should start small with up to two billion cubic metres, but with an option to eventually increase annual shipments to Iran to up to 55 billion cubic metres of gas.

The oil sector also offers opportunities for cooperation. We operate a major nuclear project. One unit is operational and things are going well, and we are now discussing the possibility of building additional units. Indeed, we have to push certain deadlines back, mainly due to payment and settlement issues. This is no secret.

Nevertheless, work is being done and progress is being made. Thousands of people are working on these sites, with approximately 80 percent of the construction being carried out by local contractors. It is a massive and major effort, and we are moving forward despite some issues that need our attention. This is precisely why we get together to address such issues.

We are interested in the North-South project. It presents additional opportunities for promoting Iranian- and Russian-made goods on global markets. It is not just us who have a stake in it; other countries that are energetically developing trade and economic ties with us also have a stake in this project.

Technical, administrative, financial, and organisational issues are being addressed as well. We have established a special office dedicated to this project, with Deputy Prime Minister Savelyev closely involved in its work. He frequently visits Iran and meets with our Iranian partners. These projects are active, and we are confident they will be implemented.

Masoud Pezeshkian: With regard to gas cooperation, I would like to follow up on it by saying that just as the human body relies on vessels to deliver energy to different parts of the body, we too need such “vessels” in the form of ways to deliver energy where it is needed.

We have discussed the routes for delivering materials, energy, or any goods. We need robust supply chains.

To achieve our shared vision and goals, we need to upgrade the routes for delivering fuel and energy. This is an issue our colleagues have been working on for a long time now, and we are prepared to renew and restore the necessary supply infrastructure.

Regarding gas, electricity, other energy, as well as renewable energy, we have held discussions to this end. I believe that the expert teams on both sides are working hard on these matters. We are convinced that we can do it. We must remove any obstacles to ensure these supply routes function at full capacity.

Of course, there are technical issues. However, significant progress has been made. I can safely say that we have the opportunity to re-open a new chapter in energy cooperation between Iran and Russia. Day by day, we must enhance our ability to manage these processes effectively.

Question (retranslated): Given the good relations between Iran and Russia, alongside the Treaty signed today, what will be the policy of the two nations concerning the international agenda and regional cooperation, particularly within our region? How can this be effectively implemented?

Vladimir Putin: We have long been coordinating our efforts on the international stage. This pertains to the most urgent issues on the global agenda, including the Middle East and the South Caucasus, which I have just referenced. All of these matters directly impact our interests.

Mr President mentioned the conflict in Ukraine. Our colleagues are well-informed about the ongoing developments there. We consistently keep our Iranian counterparts apprised.

Broadly speaking, we operate on the premise of prioritising international law, grounded in the United Nations Charter. Relations in the international arena should be forged based on the principles of the UN Charter, respecting the interests of all parties engaged in the international dialogue and refraining from interference in internal affairs. These are the fundamental principles to which we adhere.

The Treaty signed today establishes an additional, as I have previously stated, significant and robust foundation for fostering relations of trust, based on the principles I have just mentioned. This Treaty articulates our priorities and our commitment to honouring them. It enables us to fortify our bilateral relations in the interests of the Iranian people and the citizens of the Russian Federation.

Masoud Pezeshkian: I believe that with the Treaty we signed today, regarding our cooperation in the regional dimension, we will contribute to establishing stability and peace, particularly in our region. Through dialogue, consultations, respect for the territorial integrity of countries, and by eschewing interference from extraregional forces, we, as regional countries, can and will find solution to our regional issues.

I am of the opinion that the dialogue between us, if replicated with other countries, could significantly diminish the scope of issues and eliminate border obstacles. When certain nations impose artificial difficulties at borders, it indeed becomes a substantial hindrance.

Our policy is to foster friendly relations with regional actors predicated on mutual interests, and we are confident in resolving all issues and eliminating all obstacles, especially pertinent in the Middle East.

Question: I have a question for both leaders.

It is evident to everybody that the old world order has come to its end, and the world is transitioning to a multipolar model, a transition that is not without challenges. With the persistent turbulence in the Middle East, how can the balance of power be maintained?

Vladimir Putin: As I have previously stated, by relying on the Charter of the United Nations. This is what we should strive for, and this is what we ought to pursue, rather than attempting to manipulate the rules of international law to serve vested interests, instantly redirecting them in a way favourable for one nation or a group of states. We must not substitute the UN Charter with certain rules that, as I have repeatedly mentioned, remain unseen. A return to the original understanding of the United Nations’ purpose and adherence to the principles enshrined in its Charter is of utmost importance.

Naturally, this is a complex instrument. I would like to remind you that during the Soviet Union era, our Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko earned the moniker “Mister No.” You may ask, why? Because, even then, it was exceedingly challenging to reach consensus on all issues, especially amidst the Cold War. However, this is precisely why the UN was established, to seek acceptable solutions and to avoid the unilateral implementation of unacceptable ones.

However, at some juncture, there emerged a belief that everything could be resolved unilaterally, and the United Nations Organisation itself could be subordinated to serve someone’s selfish interests. If it did not comply, it could be declared unnecessary. And then, when the necessity arose, it could be recalled, along with the principles embedded in the United Nations Charter.

We must revert to the foundational intent behind the Organisation’s creation and operate from the premise that all nations, whether small or large, are equal. They have equal rights, which should be acknowledged and respected.

Masoud Pezeshkian: As my esteemed colleague Vladimir Putin articulated, the era of double standards has come to an end. The notion that one party has the right to kill ordinary citizens, to kill children and women, to obliterate hospitals and schools, and subsequently assert their stance on human rights, is untenable. They then presume to instruct us on the path to follow.

In another nation, particularly ours, we are advised to uphold human rights according to their dictates. We reject these double standards; such insincere human rights are unacceptable to us.

What is happening in Lebanon, Syria, and Gaza – where bloodshed is incessant – is evident. You have witnessed it first-hand. Even within the framework of international organisations, the protection of women and children has not been assured. How can we continue this discourse? No entity has ever been permitted to destroy hospitals, schools, infrastructure, and communications, yet it all occurred before our eyes in the Middle East. These double standards are intolerable to us. It is deeply regrettable that the situation persists.

I believe today’s agreements, especially those with other nations committed to international frameworks, ensure that the unipolar world will no longer dictate our course. No double standards can govern the world.

There is no difference between small and large nations; all are equal, as my colleague asserts. If we are to uphold human rights, they must be universal, not confined to a certain group in a particular country. Human rights are a global concern.

Today’s meeting and the agreements reached between our countries, I believe, serve as a further impetus and motivation towards the construction of a multipolar world. Of course, this primarily concerns the development of Iran and Russia.

Thank you very much.

Vladimir Putin: Thank you.

Answers to media questions

2024-12-27T18:20:23+04:00

Following the Supreme Eurasian Economic Council Meeting Vladimir Putin answered the questions of Russian journalists.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Good evening. Please, what are your questions?

Yekaterina Abramova: Good evening, Mr President.

Yekaterina Abramova, Mir television and radio company.

You devoted yesterday entirely to an informal summit of the Commonwealth countries and you spent all the day with your fellow presidents. Today, we can say, you have a full-fledged summit, an EAEC summit with a large agenda. Can you tell us what outcomes of these two days you would note?

Vladimir Putin: You know, it's not about the results of the two days, it's about the results of the year. There are indicators, they are official, no one disputes them, they are objective data: we have a substantial growth in trade despite the recession suffered by many of our formerly traditional partners. In the eurozone, you know, the growth is one percent and in Belarus 5.4–5.5 percent according to the year results.

We, in Rusia, are also generally content with the results – 3.9, likely to be up to 4. But Belarus has 5.5. This is a good result. In Armenia, let us say, even more. And the trade between Russia and Armenia has doubled year-on-year, doubled, and will amount to over $10 billion by the end of the year. And the same is with practically all the countries. This is the outcome.

As for the work during the past two days, one can sum it up in brief: we have become closer to each other.

Welcome.

Pavel Zarubin: Good afternoon. Pavel Zarubin. Rossiya TV channel.

There are increasing statements and conjectures abroad – both from political analysts and officials – suggesting that the conflict in Ukraine might be resolved as early as next year. Everyone is curious about how this might unfold, and there is speculation from the Trump team…

Vladimir Putin: As the saying goes, “From your lips to God’s ears.” We are indeed working towards ending the conflict.

Pavel Zarubin: The Trump team has mentioned, and directly stated, that the conflict could potentially be frozen if there is a guaranteed delay in Ukraine’s accession to NATO by 10 to 20 years. What is your opinion on this proposal?

Vladimir Putin: Who are making these claims?

Pavel Zarubin: The Trump administration, with speculation citing the special envoy for the Ukrainian crisis on this issue.

Vladimir Putin: I understand. I am unaware of the current discussions within the incoming team of the President-elect of the United States. However, it is no secret that President Biden, who remains in office, proposed exactly this to me back in 2021. He suggested postponing Ukraine’s NATO membership for 10 to 15 years, as it was not ready at that time. To which I replied sensibly, “Well, it is not ready today, but you will prepare it and accept it.” In the grand scheme of history, this is merely a fleeting moment. What difference does it make to us whether it happens today, tomorrow, or in 10 years?

I am not acquainted with the statements from the President-elect’s future team. But if this is true, what’s the difference between the current administration’s position and the proposals you’ve just mentioned? There is no difference whatsoever.

I am uncertain about how this situation will evolve and what instructions the President-elect will issue to his administration colleagues. Time will tell.

Yes, please, Andrei.

Andrei Kolesnikov: Kommersant newspaper.

Mr President, do you anticipate anything for yourself and, more importantly, of yourself before the year’s end?

Vladimir Putin: The question is somewhat ambiguous. What do you mean by “of yourself?” Andrei, I’m not quite sure what “of myself” entails. I do not have expectations of myself. I consider myself a predictable, composed individual who acts according to a plan. This plan encompasses all my actions, those of the Government, the Executive Office, and the Central Bank. We synchronise our steps, operating in a stable and predictable manner. We do not anticipate anything out of the ordinary, and it is impossible to foresee anything extraordinary.

Andrei Kolesnikov: Some are anticipating Oreshnik to take off and land, for instance.

Vladimir Putin: You see, we always respond in kind. If certain weapons are used against us, we employ the same in return. For instance, they launched a strike by five to seven ATACMS systems. Did you hear the announcement made yesterday or the day before? The Russian Armed Forces responded with a comprehensive strike – 240 or 221 strikes, something of that sort, using precision long-range weaponry.

If necessary, and we determine the need for more powerful medium-range weapons, we will undoubtedly use them. However, we are not in a rush. It is not a secret, and we are not concealing it, as I have previously mentioned – we do not currently have many Oreshnik systems. However, we possess them, and not just one system. We are not in a hurry to deploy them, as these are powerful weapons, designed to address specific challenges. We have commenced serial production and will manufacture the required quantity. We will position some on Belarusian territory. Our approach is methodical. However, we do not exclude the possibility of deploying them today or tomorrow if such a need arises.

Question: Mr President, the leap year is drawing to an end, and as one would expect, it was quite a challenging year. What would you like the next year bring us? What is the most important thing for you, if we are talking about Russia, of course?

Vladimir Putin: The well-being of the Russian people, the standard of living, and stability is what matters most. In the economic sphere, I would like to see inflation stabilise, no more leaps and bounds. We also need economic growth to continue.

I discussed growth with my colleagues. We do not plan to have the same numbers – four percent – next year as we did this year. Strange as it may sound, given the macroeconomic realities, we do not need this kind of growth yet. Although, of course, the more the better, it would seem, but all of this must take place in line with the macroeconomic parameters, otherwise the economy will get skewed, which may eventually cause harm to us.

Therefore, our proposals and plans are balanced, and we are pursuing a balanced macroeconomic policy.

We look forward to seeing higher incomes. Of course, we assume that we will work to accomplish all the tasks of the special military operation. This is our number one task.

We will support our military. We are sitting talking here, while they are fighting.

You know, I will not go into details, or discuss specific sections of the front, but when I am asking for updates – and I do every day, day and night, in the direct sense of the word. There are certain developments unfolding at certain sections, with our servicemen forcing water obstacles. In some places, they do so using technical means, in others they are not. I ask the commanders, “How do your men cross this water barrier?” They tell me they ford it. Here we are standing in a warm place. It is windy outside, but it is warm here and plenty of light. Meanwhile, the troops are fording water obstacles. What is that? They are walking chest-deep in water and carrying automatic rifles above water. They are fighting for Russia.

We operate on the premise that we will be successful on the line of contact. And we will achieve those successes, and resolve economic issues. The economy is the basis for everything, including resolving social issues, military security issues, and security in the broadest sense of the word. We will move forward in accordance with our plans. I have reasons to believe that this is the way it is going to be.

Please go ahead.

Olga Matveyeva: Olga Matveyeva, Mayak and Vesti FM radio stations.

The residents of the Kursk Region, who suffered from shelling by the Ukrainian Armed Forces, have started to receive housing certificates. They can use them to either repair the damaged housing or buy housing in various regions of Russia.

The Belgorod Region has an absolutely different approach. There, residents receive money into special accounts, which they can then use only to repair their damaged houses. Can you please tell me whether the federal authorities or you are planning to introduce housing certificates in the Belgorod Region in the same way, so that they can use them to buy housing in other regions of Russia and, perhaps, move to safer places, if they want? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: You know, we believe that such issues should be resolved by local and regional authorities through dialogue with the people. The task of the federal authorities and the Ministry of Finance is to allocate the necessary financial resources. We have this money, and we give as much as the region needs. And the region, in dialogue with the people – this is what I want to emphasise and repeat once again – must choose the best way to solve these issues for itself and for the people.

If someone in the Kursk Region or any other place decides that it is better to receive certificates and give the people an opportunity and the right to choose housing wherever they want in the Russian Federation, we will accommodate such people’s wish. For us, the challenge is only to ensure that people who have already suffered so much, and have gone through so much hardship, that they solve their basic problems. One of them, of course, is housing. So, this question is not to be addressed to us, this is a question to regional authorities.

I have just talked to the Governor of the Belgorod Region, just put down the receiver and came to you. We discussed a variety of issues, but we keep contact all the time. We will do as they recommend us. I hope that their recommendations will be based on the wishes of those people who live in these territories.

Alexander Yunashev: Good afternoon, Mr President. Happy upcoming New Year!

Yunashev, Life. You just said that you remain in constant communication with the commanders, day and night, which means you must have the most complete information about the situation on the line of contact.

Vladimir Putin: Complete, correct. Whether it is the most complete, or not is hard to say, but it is extensive enough.

Alexander Yunashev: And we noticed that you have a well-honed intuition.

What do you believe in deep down? Do you believe that the conflict will be over in 2025, of course, with us emerging victorious?

Vladimir Putin: I believe in God, and God is with us.

Anything else? Please go ahead.

Yuliya Bubnova: Yuliya Bubnova, TASS news agency.

We have a question about Robert Fico's visit. He was here last weekend on a visit. Could you share with us what you agreed upon? Did you manage to resolve the issue of gas supplies to Slovakia and, more broadly, Europe? Is it true that he offered his country as a venue for talks with Trump? If so, what did you say to him?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: You know, as a rule, we do not make public issues that we discuss unless we agree on what we will share with the media. But I think Mr Fico will not be upset with me.

Yes, indeed, he said that in case the talks focus on peaceful settlement. I want to emphasise that Mr Fico – he may disagree with the Ukrainian leaders, someone else, or the European Union where they are unable to come to terms on certain things, but he was mainly talking about peaceful settlement in Ukraine. He was, as they say, “pushing hard” for it. So, I am not sure what kind of complaints Europe or anyone else may have with regard to him. This is what he was talking about, this is what he accentuated. This is my first point.

Second, concerning the venue. Indeed, he said that if it comes to talks, they would be happy to make their country available as a venue for such talks. We are not against it if it comes to that. Why not? Slovakia has adopted a neutral stance. From our point of view, their position is neutral, which is an acceptable option for us.

As for energy supply agreements, we have always stood for such supplies, for depoliticising economic matters. We have never refused to supply energy to Europe, have we? I have said this a thousand times, and I can repeat that it was Poland that stopped energy transits via its territory. That route is operational. Nobody has hit it, there were no explosions, so it can be used. You only need to press the button, and gas will flow through it to Poland. It is the Yamal-Europe pipeline, which runs across Poland. You can turn it on any day, and we will supply our gas.

Another route runs across Ukraine.

We supplied gas via it even despite the war; we paid for the transit, and we continue to pay for it. What is happening there? There are two routes across Ukraine, via Sudzha and Sokhranovka.

Our forces have taken over Sokhranovka, and the route has been operating normally for six months, if not longer. Ukrainian specialists worked at the checkpoint, and nobody harassed them or messed with them. They operated the system in accordance with the established procedure, and everything was fine. But Kiev suddenly decided that it should be shut down, and they have done so, under the pretext that it was controlled by the Russian troops. Why did not they do so six months ago? It has been operating normally, which means that they have some other reasons. I do not understand what it could be.

Or take Sudzha, where fighting is ongoing. It is essentially controlled by Ukraine, yet we continue to supply 14 million cubic metres a day. Do you see what I mean?

Even though they control Sudzha now, they have announced that they will not renew the transit contract. It was not us who said that the operations will be stopped, they announced they would not renew the contract. Ok, they do not want it – so let it be so.

They are eating from Europe’s hand because Ukraine cannot continue to fight – let alone exist without Europe’s support. But they have decided to punish Europe by terminating the contract on transit of our gas to Europe, where the situation is becoming difficult with gas prices running at about US$500 per 1,000 cubic metres.

At this point in time, I can tell you that there is no transit contract, and it is impossible to sign a new one within three or four days. Meanwhile, prices will continue to grow. We have not provoked this; it is their policy. Do you agree?

What is the problem? They have said that there will be no contract, that they would not extend it. And then they realised this has created a problem for them and panicked. What does this mean? They have appealed to everyone they could to replace Naftogaz Ukraine as a party to a transit contract with us, so that gas will run to the border under Gazprom’s control and across Ukraine under someone else’s control. They want the relevant structures in Hungary, Slovakia, Türkiye or Azerbaijan to sign a contract for gas transit via Ukraine, and Gazprom would have to deal with its partners once this gas reaches Ukraine’s border with Europe.

The problem is that Gazprom has long-term contracts – some until 2035, others until 2049. And these contracts will have to be renegotiated in order to adapt to this new transit environment. This is an extremely complex procedure, hard-to-solve, insoluble even – this is the first point.

And the second point is this. I am explaining this in such detail to keep everyone informed and avoid subsequent speculations. Ukraine has shut down one of the transit routes for Russian gas exports to Europe, the pipeline that runs via Sokhranovka. They just closed it, and that was it. We had been operating under a ship-or-pay contract. They closed it and then sued us demanding payment for gas that did not transit through Ukraine. When Gazprom asked: “Are you crazy or what? You closed that transit,” they said: “Well, we did, but you have to pay anyway.” Sheer nonsense!

Now they said they would allow a third party to operate gas transits via their territory. At the same time, they refused to withdraw their claim from the Court of Arbitration. If the court rules in Ukraine’s favour, then you and I, and many hundreds, 150 million Russian citizens, will be supplying gas to any European country without getting money for that because the money will go to Ukraine to pay off its claim against Gazprom. Under the court’s decision, this money will be debited directly, as they call it. This is absurd! We cannot do this.

We said we were ready to supply gas even if it would be through Azerbaijan’s SOCAR, or a Turkish company, or a Hungarian or Slovak company, but they needed to withdraw the lawsuit. What kind of nonsense is this? They still said no. Well, you have made your bed, now lie in it – live without our gas.

It is time to bring it to a close.

Let’s take a question from a red tie over there, very pre-New Year style.

Nikolai Ivanov: Thank you.

Nikolai Ivanov, Izvestia.

Mr President, earlier this week, the Foreign Intelligence Service reported that –

Vladimir Putin: Don’t scare us, we are placid already.

Nikolai Ivanov: The Foreign Intelligence Service has reported that Moldova could become a new hot spot on the map. The Foreign Ministry warned yesterday about an attempt to destabilise Belarus – of course, with the help of the West. This may be a naïve question: what do we need to do to stop these attempts to set our borders on fire?

Vladimir Putin: We need to be strong.

Happy New Year! Goodbye and all the best.