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Plenary session of the St Petersburg International Economic Forum

2026-06-16T19:09:44+04:00

Vladimir Putin took part in the plenary session of the 29th St Petersburg International Economic Forum (SPIEF).

Joining him on the panel were President of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev, President of the United Republic of Tanzania Samia Suluhu Hassan, and Vice President of the People’s Republic of China Han Zheng.

The discussion was moderated by Geeta Mohan, Foreign Affairs Editor at India Today, TV Today Network.

Held annually since 1997, this year’s forum runs from 3 to 6 June under the theme “Pragmatic Dialogue: The Path to a Stable Future,” bringing together more than 20,000 participants from 130 countries.

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Moderator of the discussion, India Today Group Foreign Affairs Editor Geeta Mohan: Namaskar, namaste, zdravstvuite, hello.

Excellencies, distinguished guests and friends, it is a privilege to welcome you to this very important conversation at a time when the world is clearly standing at an inflection point.

For decades, the global economic order was shaped by a few powerful capitals, a few dominant institutions, and a few accepted rules of engagement. But a new global economic order and architecture is emerging: one that is more diverse, more contested, of course; but also more representative. The countries on the stage reflect that shift. We have Russia – a major power at the centre of today’s geopolitical realignment; China – one of the world’s largest economies, and a defining force when it comes to AI, trade, and infrastructure. We also have Uzbekistan representing the rise of central Asia and as a region of energy, connectivity, and geostrategic opportunity. And then, we have Tanzania – an important African voice led by one of the most significant women leaders of our time.

And, of course, since the moderator is from India, we can say the stage also has a little bit of Indian spice, a little bit of balance, and just enough to keep everyone comfortable.

The question before us is simple but profound: are we witnessing only a redistribution of power, or are we witnessing the birth of a fair world order? The era of being lectured, pressured, or bullied is seriously being challenged.

At the same time, independence is not easy. Strategic autonomy comes with costs. So today’s discussion is not merely about geopolitics. It is about the price of sovereignty – something President Putin has emphasised time and time again.

Can countries protect the national interests without being forced into camps or being sanctioned? It is about whether a multipolar world will be genuinely fair or simply replace one centre of power with several competing centres. It is about whether BRICS and South-South cooperation can move from rhetoric to real economic instruments. It is about whether alternative payment systems, new trade corridors, energy partnerships, and technology cooperation can give the Global South true agency.

And it is about a new world order, where countries no longer want to be spoken for but want to speak for themselves.

With that, let us begin our conversation today. I would like to begin by inviting President of the Russian Federation honourable Vladimir Putin for his opening remarks.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. Mr Mirziyoyev. Madam Samia Suluhu Hassan. Mr Han Zheng. Ladies and gentlemen.

It is a real pleasure to see such a distinguished audience here. The President of Uzbekistan and I were just comparing notes. He remarked that the hall is full – which speaks to the level of interest that the St Petersburg International Economic Forum generates. I would like to welcome all participants and guests.

Russia and St Petersburg are once again hosting executives from leading companies, business leaders, and experts – this year from more than 130 countries – all here to expand business contacts and forge new ties.

Our host has set the bar and outlined the topics, which I will try to cover. But before entering this auditorium, she also mentioned that, in her opinion, the excellent atmosphere was created by those who organised the event. So I would like to start by thanking everyone who made this forum possible. Thank you very much.

The unrivalled and appealing nature of the St Petersburg Forum lies precisely in the opportunity to engage in free dialogue on matters that are of interest to entrepreneurs, entire industries, and even entire countries. We remain open to everyone interested in engaging with our country and is ready to pursue equal and mutually beneficial cooperation. We are convinced that this particular approach where partners hear one another, understand their partners’ interests, and identify common solutions represents a harmonious path of development and makes it possible to respond to the serious challenges facing the modern-day world.

We are witnessing turmoil in the energy markets and tensions being provoked in certain regions, primarily in the Middle East, and how the short-sighted EU bureaucracy policies are being implemented to the accompaniment of aggressive rhetoric and leading to Europe continuing to lose its standing in the global economy, while also undermining regional and global security. In fact, European elites are inciting chaos and are trying to embroil ever more countries into it.

These processes did not arise all by themselves; they are the result of the world undergoing the largest structural transformation in decades. This transformation is not a transition from one phase of a cycle to another. We are witnessing a change in the paradigm of global development.

I would like to bring your attention to what came before. For decades, the global development model was built around a limited number of financial centres, technological solutions, insurance and logistics hubs, credit rating agencies, and reserve currencies. This construct was presented as universal and supposedly suitable for everyone, and, above all, as supposedly neutral. In reality, however, it was increasingly used as a tool to exert political pressure and promote unfair competition, where settlements, technologies, logistics, or even access to information could be cut off at a moment’s notice in order to punish those who chose to act in their own national interests. In essence, it was a deliberately created system of dependency and resource extraction.

Today, the overwhelming majority of countries see this, as do entrepreneurs, banks, manufacturing companies, farmers, and transport operators. It has become clear that investment plans and business development steps may face serious risk where the external infrastructure on which they rely could be used against them. Therefore, countries are beginning to develop their own technological solutions, create their own supply routes, and build their own institutions.

Russia is experiencing these transformations firsthand. Although pressure on our country persists, the changing global landscape has also created greater room for manoeuvre. New partnerships are emerging, new financial and technological solutions are being developed, and access to promising markets is expanding. Against this backdrop, Russia views global change not only as a source of challenges but also as a tremendous opportunity. To make the most of these opportunities, we seek to act swiftly and pragmatically.

Let me reiterate: the roots of today’s global turbulence lie in the ongoing transition from a vertical, hierarchical model – one that primarily served the interests of a limited number of states – to a far more complex, distributed, and multipolar international order. What does this mean in practice? Above all, it means that the geography of economic growth is changing, with new centres of development emerging across the countries of the Global South. And, colleagues, as you can clearly see for yourselves, this is not a political slogan; it is an objective reality. In these countries, populations are growing, the middle class is taking shape, industrial capacity is expanding, and domestic markets are developing. As a result, new cities, roads, ports, energy infrastructure, and digital networks are being built. At the same time, these nations are establishing their own financial institutions, educational systems, and scientific and technological centres.

In this context, I would like to emphasise that the world becomes more equitable when economic growth is distributed more broadly and opportunities become available to billions of people who have long remained on the periphery of the global economy. It is very important that these new centres of growth seek to shape their own development paths, increase their share of value creation, and build their own brands, standards, and capabilities.

If you look at the global GDP dynamics of the last five years, you will see that almost half of its annual growth, 49 percent, is accounted for by BRICS countries, whereas the contribution of the so-called Group of Seven is estimated at 18 percent. To put this into perspective, between 2021 and 2025, the global economy expanded at an average annual rate of 4.1 percent. Of that growth, 2 percentage points were generated by the BRICS countries, compared with only 0.8 percentage points contributed by the G7. Today, the BRICS share of global GDP, measured in purchasing power parity terms, stands at approximately 40 percent, while the corresponding figure for the G7 is below 29 percent. By this measure, BRICS surpassed the G7 as early as 2020, and the gap has continued to widen ever since.

This trend is expected to continue increasingly in favour of the BRICS countries. The reason is straightforward: economic growth rates in the BRICS economies are already higher than those of the G7 and are projected to remain so in the years ahead. By the end of the current decade, annual economic growth in the G7 countries is expected to average no more than 1.5 percent, while the BRICS economies are projected to expand at an average rate exceeding 4 percent.

Ladies and gentlemen, friends. This is not something we made up. It is the data from the IMF and the World Bank – international institutions. They are forced to acknowledge this reality.

Naturally, businesses are drawn to places where growth is more dynamic and where there are greater opportunities to expand production and sales. As a result, the centre of gravity of global trade — and, with it, the global financial system — will continue to shift. In fact, that shift is already under way, and the trend is set to continue.

For many years, the principal flows of goods, capital and information passed through a small number of Western infrastructure hubs. Even when goods moved from one Eurasian country to another, payments, logistics, insurance and arbitration often relied on institutions located in third countries. This created additional costs and fostered political dependencies.

Today, international trade is becoming more effective, as direct shipments without intermediaries are growing, national currency payments are developing, and new corridors are opening. In Eurasia, these include the North-South Corridor, the Trans-Arctic Route, and links running through the Caspian region, Central Asia, the Black Sea, and the Far East. All of these projects and logistics routes are defining features of today's economy and, importantly, of future development.

To give you an example of the global trade system ceasing to be Western-centric, I want to note the following. Over the past 25 years, the BRICS share in global merchandise trade has more than doubled. Last year, our group accounted for almost 25 percent of global exports. This indicator continues to grow steadily, as does trade within BRICS itself, which now exceeds $1 trillion annually.

A particularly important role in these processes is being played by what might be called “connector countries”. These countries link markets, technologies, financial flows and business cultures. Their role extends far beyond simple transit or transportation through a particular territory. What matters most is their ability to ensure trust and provide efficient logistics, reliable payment mechanisms, legal certainty and technological compatibility.

Taking part in this panel session is the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan – and I would once again ask you to welcome him. Thank you very much for being with us today.

He is the leader of a country that is one of the centres of economic growth. Its population is growing fast; industrial plans are being fulfilled; its agricultural and energy potentials are growing, as is the domestic market. At the same time, Uzbekistan is an essential link between Russia, Central and South Asia, China and the Middle East. There will be more and more examples of countries whose own development is enhanced by, and benefits from, their links with other centres of the emerging multipolar world.

The same is true of our other guest, from Tanzania – let us welcome her once again – who plays a similar role in East Africa. I would also like to draw your attention to another important trend: the architecture of global trade is gradually moving away from the principles that originally underpinned the World Trade Organisation. Since the beginning of this century, the number of bilateral, regional, and mega-regional trade agreements has increased nearly fourfold.

Why is this happening? The erosion of the World Trade Organisation was set off by the very authors of this organisation: the Western nations, to be more precise. When it benefited them, they promoted the WTO, they invited other countries to join. But once the West started to lose in this competition, universal and common rules for trade introduced by the WTO lost their appeal to them. Instead, they adopted unilateral restrictions and so-called sanctions. By doing so, Western countries effectively sidelined the mechanisms of the World Trade Organisation and undermined confidence in these institutions. And when trust disappears, and an institution no longer functions as intended, businesses and governments inevitably begin looking for alternative solutions. These alternatives take the form of bilateral and multilateral trade agreements.

One more point. As I have already noted, the sanctions and, basically, the theft of Russia’s international reserves have had an irreversible effect on the positions of the world currencies, the US dollar and the euro. This is an objective reality that cannot be ignored. Today, every country – let me stress, every country without exception – understands that, like Russia, it could at any moment lose access to assets lawfully held in dollars or euros, as well as to Western financial and payment infrastructure.

We recognise that this ultimately boils down to the issue of unfair competition. The specific pretexts may vary, and they can always be found. In Russia’s case, it was the conflict in Ukraine. In other instances, it may be developments in the Middle East, conflicts in Africa, or even a country’s stance on LGBT-related issues. A justification can always be found. But the underlying problem remains the same: this is unfair competition.

Incidentally, confidence in the West is also being undermined by the state of its public finances, reflected in rising government debt and persistent budget deficits. In 2025, public debt in the eurozone reached 81.7 percent of GDP. The highest levels are well known: Greece stands at 146 percent of GDP, Italy at 137 percent, France at 115 percent, and Belgium at 108 percent. By comparison, Russia’s public debt remains at approximately 16.4 percent of GDP. In fact, during a meeting with the heads of major news agencies yesterday, some experts cited a figure of 15.8 percent. In any case, the difference is simply not comparable.

The budget deficit of the European Union in 2025 stood at 3.1 percent of GDP. The highest deficits are recorded in countries such as Poland 7.3 percent, Belgium 5.2 percent, France 5.1 percent, and the United States 5.9 percent. In Russia it is 2.6 percent. It may increase by the end of this year, but I believe it will still remain lower than in other industrialised countries.

Such a situation is fraught with a new surge in inflation for Western currencies, as was the case in 2021–2022, when prices in the euro area and in the United States rose by 14 percent in a matter of two years. Clearly, given the circumstances countries around the world are taking their assets out of the West and shifting to payments in national currencies, increasingly using alternative payment systems, and expanding the role of digital financial assets, including central bank digital currencies.

In its trade relations with its key partners, Russia uses national currencies as the primary means of payment. Thus, the share of the ruble in our export transactions is currently standing at 65 percent, or almost two thirds.

Importantly, the world needs modern, flexible and responsible financial architecture without risks, prohibitions or barriers, but with incentives for sovereign development. Its instruments must reduce costs, speed up settlements, and expand access to financing, and, of course, ensure proper counteraction to tax evasion, fraud and money laundering. Naturally, this must always be given special attention.

Next. Historically, the West has been regarded by other countries as a source of technological development, but we are seeing a major transformation here as well. Over the past 25 years, BRICS countries have significantly increased their high-tech exports; they now account for over a third of global supplies, which indicates a shift in technological leadership around the world. This is happening gradually, but it is happening.

For example, our strategic partner China holds the largest number of patents in AI, where Russia also has excellent prospects. Let us welcome the Vice Chairman of the People’s Republic of China. (Applause.)

Another key partner of ours, India, is a leading player in the IT industry. It accounts for a significant share of the global software market. Russia holds strong positions in the pace of adoption of digital platforms, online marketplaces, and financial solutions, as well as municipal services, healthcare and education which improve the quality of life for people in Russia and in dozens of countries around the world, where they successfully compete with their foreign counterparts.

We also lead in a complex field such as nuclear energy. Over 80 percent of NPP construction projects on the global market are implemented with the participation of Rosatom. Over 80 percent is a substantial figure. (Applause.)

We also have significant engineering and technological capabilities in managing the water energy balance, which is becoming increasingly important in Asia, Africa, and indeed throughout the world. I believe that our colleagues participating in the panel session cannot but agree with this, and they do agree.

Clearly, technological progress is the most important factor in global transformation. Experts identify three key technologies of today and tomorrow that are capable of making a difference in people’s lives, business operations, and public administration.

What are they? First, artificial intelligence, which can process massive amounts of data and make the best decisions available across virtually all areas. Second, autonomous systems, which dramatically increase productivity and transform entire sectors of the economy. Finally, third, platform-based solutions, which allow market participants to exchange information and conclude transactions directly, in real time, and in an automated manner.

According to forecasts by researchers and specialists, the countries or groups of countries that possess a full set of their own technologies in AI, autonomous systems, and digital platforms will become powerful centres of sovereignty in a multipolar world. Moreover, without these technologies, genuine sovereignty will be unattainable in principle.

Importantly, possessing an independent technological base is critical for countries with large populations, vast territories, and distinctive cultures. Such countries cannot act merely as users of foreign-made solutions, because in that case they risk becoming objects of control by external platforms. And how those platforms are used is another matter.

In essence, major countries – true civilisations – face a historic choice: either they create their own platform and technological ecosystems, or they become a digital periphery. There should be no illusions about this. Foreign services may initially be user friendly, but over time the cost of such dependency will inevitably become apparent.

Russia has learned one such lesson. We have seen certain software providers walk away from the market, payments get blocked, and interference in commercial relations ensue. Therefore, we will strengthen our own critical infrastructure and cooperate and engage only with the partners who respect mutual obligations.

We have gained such experience over many years in our relations with the People’s Republic of China which is Russia’s truly strategic partner. Our economic cooperation covers virtually all areas, including high-tech sphere, transport, mechanical engineering, and, of course, energy.

Friends,

As I have said before, a country’s position in the global economic system and its claim to global leadership depend on its ability to ensure its own sovereignty. It is no exaggeration to say that the race for sovereignty has begun – and it is gaining momentum.

This is not just about resisting external pressure or protecting national interests. It is also about the quality of the state, the economy, and society. Sovereignty means being stronger and, I emphasise, smarter – managing resources more precisely and investing more effectively, including in technological development.

True sovereignty demands efficiency. It is not a licence to do things expensively, slowly, or inconveniently. On the contrary, we must act with maximum initiative and maximum efficacy across all areas of our work. We must produce faster, thereby increasing revenues for the state, for business, and for our citizens.

In these tense and challenging conditions, Russia continues to strengthen its sovereignty – not by isolating itself, but by expanding its circle of partners. Yes, economic momentum is currently subdued, and we will probably discuss that further. But let me remind you of the task set for the Government: starting next year, we must return to sustainable growth rates in the domestic economy.

That can only be achieved under one condition: by increasing capital investment and launching a new investment cycle. Between 2021 and 2024, investment in Russia grew by nearly 38 percent in real terms, though last year, of course, it saw a decline.

I want to stress that launching a new investment cycle is a key task for our economic authorities, and investment growth is a crucial indicator of their effectiveness. It is important that economic growth be balanced, supported by domestic demand, and combined with a further reduction in inflation, which has already slowed significantly and continues to fall. I believe I mentioned yesterday that inflation is forecast to approach 5.2 percent this year.

My colleagues and I regularly discuss economic issues. I should point out that the dynamics of industrial production, GDP, and consumer activity in Russia are positive. Despite all the problems, industrial production grew in April. There will likely be some questions about this today.

In any case, industrial production in our country grew by 1.9 percent in April, including manufacturing, which grew by 3.1 percent. Retail added 6.5 percent. GDP grew by 1.3 percent in April, and by 0.2 percent over the period from January to April.

What would I say about all this? Of course, we hear criticism from all sides – that we have lost momentum. Yes, but we have fallen only to the level that the eurozone countries have been experiencing for the past few years. And now we are on the upswing.

Most importantly, we have preserved the fundamentals of our macroeconomic policy. I am confident that this will ensure continued forward progress. These trends must be consolidated, while our country’s position in the world and its sovereignty must become even stronger.

In this regard, I would like to share several thoughts on the kind of sovereignty Russia needs. I have already touched on this topic, but I would like to elaborate further.

First, as I noted earlier, a sovereign economy is built on the full-cycle implementation of technologies and the use of advanced solutions that simplify business operations, automate processes, increase labour productivity, and improve the overall efficiency of the economy. This is especially important in such areas as defence and security.

Russia has made significant progress in the development and adoption of digital platforms across all sectors of the economy. We are also witnessing rapid growth in e-commerce, which is expanding by approximately 30 percent annually. Our country ranks among the global leaders in this field. This, among other things, reflects the quality of Russian platform solutions, which benefit both domestic producers and foreign suppliers.

Today I have already mentioned our friends and partners in the Republic of Uzbekistan. Let me give you an example. In 2023, the value of Uzbek goods sold through the Wildberries platform amounted to $418 million. That was in 2023. By 2025, that figure had reached nearly $1.5 billion, and this year it may exceed $2 billion.

What does this mean in practice? It means that producers of a wide range of goods, including small and medium-sized enterprises, are gaining easy access to the Russian market through this platform. In fact, they are not only entering the Russian market but also reaching consumers in other countries through our platform. The volumes are growing, businesses are operating efficiently, people are earning good incomes, and small and medium-sized enterprises are developing successfully. All of this is being achieved through modern logistics systems, with taxes and customs duties being properly paid. This is something we can only welcome.

As a result, turnover has already increased 3.5 times and continues to grow, including through access to consumers throughout the Eurasian Economic Union and in partner countries, for example, the rapidly developing markets on the African continent. This is what our platform infrastructure makes possible.

Today, this Russian platform provides businesses with access to nearly half a billion potential customers worldwide, and that number continues to increase. In this way, Russian platform solutions are becoming a genuine driver of economic growth and development for our partners.

Apart from trade, the transition to a platform-based framework has been affecting the transport sector, finance, logistics, tourism, as well as healthcare, education, the media sector and other domains. Of course, we need to generate greater momentum to move towards a platform-based approach to developing various sectors by introducing artificial intelligence and autonomous systems.

We have already adopted a national Strategy for Artificial Intelligence Development. I ask the Government to prepare similar national strategies for autonomous systems and digital platforms.

I suggest that we discuss the topic of ecosystems for a platform-based economy at the Future Technologies Forum, which is scheduled to take place in early 2027. I also ask for an inter-agency working group to be formed under the Presidential Executive Office’s supervision to oversee preparations for this forum.

The second point I wanted to highlight is that people, the knowledge they have, their skills and their ability to master advanced technology and create breakthrough goods, services and shape entire market segments – all this has an immediate and defining bearing on sovereignty, both today and tomorrow. It goes without saying that people who have these professional skills must get adequate compensation for their work.

Only high living standards and generous salaries can make our country competitive and enable it to succeed on the demographic front, and to have excellent talent who can be confident about their professional careers and their future.

Russia has one of the lowest unemployment rates among industrial countries. It is equal to about 2.2 percent of the economically active population. This is a very robust result compared to other developed countries. For comparison, Japan is catching up to us with an unemployment rate of 2.5 percent, while this indicator for India is 4.2 percent, the United States has an unemployment rate of 4.2 percent, and the eurozone stands at 5.9 percent.

Over the past five years, salaries within the Russian economy increased by over 30 percent in real terms. I am referring to real wages, which means that the inflation rate is taken into consideration. Of course, this is a high growth rate.

Let me emphasise once again that any further increases in wages must be primarily driven by higher labour efficiency, as well as increased manufacturing efficiencies based on the latest technological solutions as developed by our excellent engineering schools.

Labour mobility is a separate matter. It consists of enabling specialists to find relevant and well-paid jobs at new enterprises in other regions of the country that need talent more than others, while their companies belong to emerging strategic sectors committed to making high value-added products.

As you know, young people graduating from educational institutions or during their senior years at universities and other higher education institutions are more prone than anyone else to move around the country. In order to empower them to start their professional careers, we agreed to set forth laws governing internships by introducing obligations for employers. We also agreed to update the apprentice contract so that it corresponds to present-day reality.

I know that the amendments to the Labour Code have been drafted. I ask the Government and the State Duma to adopt them faster.

Thirdly, it is evident that the sovereignty of a nation as expansive as Russia is defined not solely by the strength of its capital or a few major industrial centres. It is crucial that each region attracts investment, creates high-quality jobs, and develops both its production capacity and its urban environment.

Exhibition stands have been set up at the forum, where the constituent entities of the Federation showcase their strengths, achievements, and future plans, engaging in dialogue with investors and businesses seeking to enter their markets. I am confident that the participants in our panel discussion, along with our guests, have already witnessed this rich diversity of Russia’s regions and have had the opportunity to familiarise themselves with them.

However, in keeping with tradition, the forum’s sidelines also see the announcement of the results of the national investment climate ranking in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. This year, the leading positions are held by Moscow, the republics of Tatarstan and Bashkortostan, and the Nizhny Novgorod and Moscow regions. St Petersburg and the Sakhalin Region have entered the top tier for the first time. Among the regions demonstrating the most robust growth are the Khanty-Mansi and Yamalo-Nenets autonomous areas, the Omsk, Vladimir, and Volgograd regions, as well as the Krasnodar and Primorye territories.

I congratulate my colleagues on these achievements. (Applause.)

We will continue to provide financial assistance to the regions in this area, including through infrastructure budget loans. Over the past four years, more than one trillion rubles have been allocated to the regions through this mechanism. By 2030, we plan to allocate an additional 750 billion.

At the same time, we are writing off the regions’ debt on budget loans: over the past two years, this has amounted to nearly 440 billion rubles, and this year we will defer the repayment of this debt by a further 100 billion rubles. These freed-up funds may be directed by the regions towards development projects as well.

Let me add that, starting this year, the National Investment Climate Ranking also includes a new component. This relates to reducing the investment and construction cycle for cultural heritage sites: historic houses, estates, and buildings. The aim is to expedite their restoration, bring them into economic circulation, and make them accessible to the public. This is particularly relevant for the cities of Central Russia, and for our tourist destinations, including those along the route of the renowned Golden Ring.

I would like to recognise the Yaroslavl, Nizhniy Novgorod, Lipetsk and Novgorod regions, as well as Tatarstan for their successful work with cultural heritage sites. It is my hope that other regions follow their lead. Engaging strategic business partners in efforts to restore cultural heritage sites and in regional development efforts in general is instrumental. I am referring to our major corporations and enterprises which play a defining role in the economies of the corresponding regions.

The decision has been taken to devise mechanisms for enabling these corporations from the construction sector to contribute to developing social infrastructure. This includes kindergartens, schools, hospitals, and outpatient clinics. I ask you to complete this work as quickly as possible.

At this juncture, let me also remind you that we had an agreement on moving major state-owned companies and corporations from Moscow to the regions in order to free up some space in the capital and create a regional development driver by enabling regional budgets to generate more revenue and create new jobs. Mr Sobyanin, Moscow also stands to benefit from this initiative.

RusHydro and PSB Bank both offer positive examples of relocated corporations. The United Engine Corporation has adopted the corresponding resolutions, and similar decisions are about to be taken by the Russian Railways group, as well as other structures involved in railway construction. I can understand that changing a company’s office location is not easy, but we must step up these efforts.

Moving on, businesses in today’s world go beyond expanding their operations and often contribute to shaping their operating environment. A people-friendly urban environment emerges around them, and sometimes even entire communities, which offer greater comfort and are attractive. We already have examples of this kind.

I believe that it would be advisable to support innovative approaches by private investors and enable them to be more creative, as they say, by using new solutions in their economic operations and construction. This can be done by setting up dedicated legal frameworks blending high-technology investment, tourism, culture, creativity and local identities.

In addition, we must encourage collective investment in projects to develop urban spaces. This involves mechanisms enabling grassroots participation in developing the home region or community by investing in making it look better. I ask the Government to work with development institutions and the Agency for Strategic Initiatives to set forth these regulations.

Next. A strong, sovereign and dynamic economy requires the promotion of private initiative, as it is entrepreneurs and companies that identify and create market niches, produce goods and services, and stimulate employment. Predictability and stability of the investment climate are important for high business activity. Businesses must clearly understand the tax system, tariffs, regulation, government support measures and mechanisms, and, in general, operating conditions for many years to come.

We have already made additional adjustments to the tax system and have established a line of investment support at both federal and regional levels. In conjunction with the business community, we have drafted a national model of targeted business environment. Among other things, we are talking about specific steps to simplify company registrations and the filing of tax reports. These efforts should certainly continue; connection to infrastructure should be made easier, the effectiveness of law enforcement improved, and so on, and so forth.

I would like to underscore once again that it is vital for the national model to yield tangible results for businesses and entrepreneurs.

On a separate note, I will just say a couple of words about the systematic work of small and medium-sized businesses.

A lot has already been done to ensure that ambitious and enterprising people can easily start their own business, launch production, and provide sought-after services to the public. However, when a business grows and develops, organisational issues and additional financial costs sometimes arise, and not all entrepreneurs are ready to cope with them. We need to minimise these costs and ensure a seamless transition of the business to a higher category, including through ready-made digital solutions or individual support.

I ask the Government, together with VEB and, of course, with business associations, to draft a concept for a smooth transition in business development and growth, which will cover all stages: from self-employment to individual entrepreneurship, and then to a company with all the advantages of corporate governance. In this work, it is necessary to factor in the transition of the economy to a platform path.

In addition, I draw your attention to a topic that I know has also been a centrepiece of discussion: starting this year, the revenue threshold for applying the simplified taxation system has been lowered. Now it is 20 million rubles, next year it is expected to be 15 million, and a year later – 10 million. We have discussed this issue in detail with representatives of the business community and with the Prime Minister.

I would like to say the following. I believe it is feasible to postpone further lowering of the revenue threshold. (Applause.) I knew that there would definitely be a reaction from the audience at this point. (Applause.) And the threshold should remain at today’s level, at the current level. I won’t give you a deadline, but the longer it does, the better. I ask the Government, together with the deputies of the State Duma, to make the necessary amendments.

I also propose that we, together with representatives of business associations, consider introducing preferential and more favourable conditions for small and medium-sized enterprises in the manufacturing sector. I believe this will have a positive impact on the creation of a fairer and more competitive business environment. The goal of bringing the economy further out of the shadows has been set, and we will continue to move steadily in that direction.

Finally, in conclusion, I would like to emphasise once again that a strong and sovereign country cannot be isolated. As I have said many times, recent experience has demonstrated that we need to produce critical goods domestically and to strengthen infrastructure that is essential for national security, business development, and improving the quality of life of our citizens. At the same time, we must continue to strengthen ties with foreign partners, expand cooperation, and promote cross-border projects.

Naturally, we will continue implementing plans to increase the capacity of our road and rail networks, including the development of a high-speed rail system based on domestic technologies. As is well known, the pilot project in this area is the Moscow–St Petersburg high-speed railway.

I am also referring to the expansion of seaport capacity and the development of the Trans-Arctic Transport Corridor as a major global transport artery. We will continue developing our merchant and icebreaker fleets, building tankers and vessels of various classes. Our goal is to rank among the world’s top ten countries in terms of the total deadweight tonnage of the national merchant fleet.

I would like to ask the Government and the Ministry of Transport to continue their work to increase the attractiveness and competitiveness of the Russian national trade flag.

A strong domestic logistics, production, technological, and financial infrastructure, together with a predictable business environment and the development of human capital, constitute powerful competitive advantages in the global economy. These are the foundations for successful cooperation with countries and investors interested in partnership, those who seek to build mutually beneficial alliances with us, invest in Russia and in joint ventures, and invite Russian companies to take part in joint projects.

I am confident that events such as the St Petersburg International Economic Forum make a significant contribution to this broad and important effort and help all of us achieve new successes in advancing the prosperity and wellbeing of our countries and peoples.

Thank you for your attention. (Applause.)

Geeta Mohan: Thank you so much, Mr President, for setting the tone and tenor for the conversation that we are having but before we go further, let me invite the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan, Honorable Shavkat Mirziyoyev. Thank you so much, sir. Please.

President of the Republic of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev: Mr Putin, heads of state and government, ladies and gentlemen,

First and foremost, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin for the invitation and for the warm welcome that our delegation has enjoyed in St Petersburg over the past few days.

I also wish to greet President of Tanzania Samia Suluhu Hassan and Vice President of the People’s Republic of China Han Zheng.

It is a great honour for me to participate in the St Petersburg International Economic Forum, which over its three decades of existence has become one of the most authoritative and highly sought-after platforms for exchanging views on the most pressing issues on the global agenda.

I am truly delighted to be in St Petersburg once again, the cultural capital of Russia, a city bound to Uzbekistan by a unique history, spiritual affinity, and the destinies of our people. During the harsh years of the war, many Uzbek citizens fought in the defence of Leningrad, and Tashkent provided refuge for over one and a half million evacuated children, women, and the elderly. The memory of this remains an integral part of our shared moral heritage.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Today, right here on the banks of the Neva, mindful of our past, we are discussing challenges of the future and the new architecture of the global economy. The President of Russia has just paid particular attention to these matters. This new architecture of the global economy – we all see it, recognise it, and feel it.

The world is undergoing a profound restructuring: transport routes are changing, new supply chains are being formed, modern technological platforms are emerging, artificial intelligence is being introduced across the board, and a fundamental reappraisal of energy, food, and digital security is taking place. Competition is increasingly manifest not only in the contest for markets and natural resources – it is shifting into the sphere of technology, logistics, and infrastructure.

Amidst turbulence in the global economy, the importance of states and regions that play a consolidating role – I wish to emphasise this in particular – a consolidating role, and that are capable of fostering around themselves a space of cooperation, stability, and mutual benefit, is growing.

For millennia, Uzbekistan stood at the heart of the Great Silk Road. Samarkand, Bukhara, and Tashkent were not merely points along a trade route; they were crossroads where ideas, knowledge, and cultural and religious traditions converged. For this reason, openness has never been simply a choice for us, but a vital necessity and part of our civilisational identity.

Today, this openness is acquiring new significance. Uzbekistan, and Central Asia as a whole, are becoming an independent centre of economic growth. It is here that the transport, technological, and demographic contours of the future are taking shape. It is here that the key corridors linking North and South, West and East are converging. In order to firmly consolidate this positive trend, we urgently need an entirely new level of connectivity.

This is not only about linking traditional transport, logistics, and energy corridors. It is also about integrating digital, payment, and industrial infrastructure. A strong, united, economically interconnected, open, and stable Central Asia serves the strategic interests of all our partners.

Ladies and gentlemen,

For Uzbekistan, Russia is more than just a neighbouring country. It is a longstanding strategic partner and ally. Today, our relations have entered a new stage, characterised by deep and multifaceted cooperation. We have moved beyond simple trade in goods to the development of complex industrial value chains, technological alliances, joint design initiatives, and localised production.

According to our statistics, bilateral trade has more than tripled over the past decade, increasing from $4 billion to $13 billion. The current portfolio of joint projects with Russia exceeds $50 billion.

Trade and economic cooperation between the regions of our two countries continues to expand steadily. Our key partners are actively involved in this process: Moscow and St Petersburg, the Moscow and Leningrad regions, the republics of Tatarstan and Bashkortostan, the Krasnoyarsk Territory, the Perm Territory, and many other Russian regions.

The value of regional projects currently under implementation exceeds $5 billion, while an additional investment package worth another $5 billion is in preparation. Cooperation spans virtually all major sectors of the economy, including energy, chemicals and petrochemicals, mechanical engineering, agriculture, logistics, textiles, food processing, and many others.

Among these initiatives, the joint industrial parks established in five regions of Uzbekistan deserve particular attention. They are already delivering tangible results. Another notable example of our successful cooperation is the creation of a railcar manufacturing cluster in Tashkent.

I would like to turn specifically to the energy sector. Through investment projects, including those with Russian participation, we have expanded electricity production by 50 percent, from 58 to 87 billion kilowatt-hours. By 2030, we plan to increase generation to 120 billion kilowatt-hours, 54 percent of which will come from renewable sources.

Our capacity will grow further with the commissioning of the first hybrid nuclear power plant in Uzbekistan, with Russian participation. As you may have seen, yesterday President Putin and I took part in the concrete-pouring ceremony for that plant. For us, this represents a long-term development project – the growth of a new engineering school and the advancement of cutting-edge technologies.

We also intend to collaborate in other areas of peaceful nuclear applications, including medicine, agriculture, industry, and science.

Friends,

In the current climate, technological and industrial cooperation between Uzbekistan and Russia should not be limited to bilateral ties. We are focused on wider cooperation areas that can combine industrial potential, resources, markets, and competencies.

That is why we are proposing the formation of a Eurasian Technological Industrialisation Belt – a system of interconnected production and technology clusters united by a single digital industrial cooperation platform. This would involve creating full-cycle supply chains, from technology development and personnel training to the localisation of industrial production and access to foreign markets.

We propose implementing this initiative on the proven platform of the “Innoprom: Central Asia” Innovation and Industrial Exhibition, because, I should say, we have built up very good experience working together over the years. We hold it annually in Tashkent. This approach will allow businesses to find partners directly and establish mutually beneficial relationships.

Ladies and gentlemen,

A promising area of cooperation is undoubtedly digitalisation, which is becoming the new language of the economy. Where infrastructure once meant roads, pipelines, and power lines, today it primarily means digital platforms. These platforms create entire ecosystems around themselves – generating jobs, logistics, payment services, and new export opportunities.

Uzbekistan’s businesses are pushing forward with digital solutions and, at the same time, are open to technological partnerships with a wide range of countries – through Russian marketplaces and digital services, for example.

The Russian President noted in his speech, and I would also like to point out that we only began this process recently. It has not been long, but we are already seeing good results. Our sales volume has grown 3.5‑fold over the past few years, reaching, as already mentioned, over $1.5 billion. I think this is a positive outcome, and it bodes well for our future collaboration.

We suggest embarking on an effort to deepen our cooperation by building a shared digital ecosystem. This could include enacting similar regulations for e-commerce and city services, and then moving on to promoting brands from both Uzbekistan and Russia on our respective platforms, creating a single digital profile for employment-related matters, and developing AI-driven products. This would create new markets for businesses, while people stand to benefit from additional revenue streams.

At the same time, while seeking to promote the digital transition, it is essential that we remember that people must always be front and centre in any changes or reforms. Today, Uzbekistan is one of the world’s youngest countries where young people account for over a half of the population. This is more than just statistics, since it creates positive development momentum, a new kind of demand. This is our future.

Today, our goal does not boil down to offering up-to-date knowledge to our young people. It is instrumental that we create an environment in which young people can master the most advanced competences and fulfil their potential. Cooperation in education and personnel training plays a special role in this regard.

There are 32 branches of foreign higher education institutions in Uzbekistan. I would like to repeat this number, since the President of Russia has offered a lot of support regarding each and every university. In fact, Russian higher education institutions account for 15 out of 32 branches of foreign universities. This is therefore Russia’s biggest university network abroad.

At the same time, vocational training is also essential, especially when it comes to introducing hands-on training programmes. We already have good examples of these practices as demonstrated by the launch of the first joint engineering schools in Almalyk and Tashkent.

Online training seminars could offer an effective cooperation framework in this domain. They could enable young people to acquire the knowledge they need, especially in the most remote locations. This, in turn, would radically change the labour mobility model and elevate it to a whole new level.

In this connection, we suggest creating a joint online platform for developing human capital. Its objective consists of bridging education, professional training and the employment market. This framework could bring together under a single umbrella educational programmes, language and IT courses, projects to support young business leaders, and the ability to get in touch with employers. This would create an intelligible path for young people for integrating in the new economy, while business could access a talent pool of trained personnel. As for universities and colleges, they will have a window connecting them to what the market actually needs. This would be a long-term effort for Uzbekistan and Russia, and a long-term investment too, but we would be investing in people, which is our highest priority. This is what matters the most. If Mr Putin supports this undertaking, we can instruct our sectoral agencies and their senior executives to launch these platforms as quickly as possible.

Vladimir Putin: Of course.

Shavkat Mirziyoyev: I wish to highlight tourism as the cultural cornerstone of our partnership. This sector epitomises the building of a trust-based economy. When people visit Uzbekistan, they do not merely see monuments and cities, but also experience its culture, hospitality, business environment, and business opportunities.

In 2025, nearly one million Russians travelled to our country. This year, we are set to welcome even more. To facilitate this, we are developing not only our tourist infrastructure but also the creative economy. By 2030, its contribution is expected to reach five percent of GDP, making this creative sector one of the drivers of economic growth.

To enhance the cultural and educational dimensions of our collaboration, we propose the establishment of a creative tourism corridor from Samarkand to St Petersburg. This initiative envisages the organisation of joint art and film festivals, museum exhibitions, gastronomic weeks, and musical events. Projects highlighting Uzbekistan’s culture and arts have already been launched at the Mariinsky Theatre and the Hermitage.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The year 2026 holds special significance for our nation: we are on the cusp of a pivotal milestone in systemic reforms. A decade ago, we embarked on the building of a new Uzbekistan, committing to openness, inclusivity, and pragmatism. Over this period, a robust foundation has been laid for long-term growth, a favourable business climate has been cultivated, and a sustainable industrial base and new infrastructure have been established. The scale of our economy has expanded: in 2016, our economy was valued at just 50 billion dollars; by the end of 2025, it had grown to 147 billion dollars. This year, we expect growth exceeding eight percent

Over the years of reform, over 150 billion dollars in foreign investment has been attracted to the country, and thousands of modern enterprises have been established. Exports of goods and services have nearly tripled. Even today, amid global instability, Uzbekistan continues to maintain sustained growth. Our economy is becoming increasingly diversified, the domestic market is expanding, and demand for modern technologies, infrastructure, and quality employment is rising.

One of Uzbekistan’s principal advantages lies in its youthful, dynamic, and rapidly growing population. This provides a long-term basis for the development of entrepreneurship, technology, services, and industry. However, demography alone does not guarantee success; this potential must be converted into a powerful intellectual resource, into skills, into productivity, and into the capacity to create high-value-added products and technologies.

From the outset of our reforms, we have endeavoured to combine market efficiency with social responsibility. This is the defining characteristic of the Uzbek model of economic development. Growth must not solely be rapid – it must be sustainable, inclusive, and aimed at enhancing the quality of life for our people. In just five years, total household incomes have grown 150 percent.

Our primary criterion is a high quality of life, human dignity, and the realisation of each individual’s potential. The Uzbekistan‑2030 development strategy is dedicated to this purpose. By this date, we aim to elevate household incomes to levels above the average, to transition all industries to a model of technological and innovative growth, and to expand the economy by a further 50 percent, to more than 240 billion dollars.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Uzbekistan is consistently building all necessary conditions for global investment, creating a favourable business climate, improving market institutions, boosting competition and production potential. We invite investors present here to create new industrial chains with high added value. Our priorities are deep localisation and competence of production and development, as well as the development of modern engineering and new export routes. It is particularly important for the industries creating the new economy, such as industrial processing, agrotechnology, biochemistry, robotics, digital solutions and artificial intelligence.

We see great cooperation potential in projects in the public-private partnership format – in energy, aviation, education, geology, and many other industries. We offer our interested partners not only a growing domestic market but also direct access to neighbouring countries and regions.

Friends,

Uzbekistan is a reliable and predictable country for the global and business communities. Our economy’s progress towards utmost openness has been objectively attested by leading rating agencies. This year alone, our country has gone up 14 positions in the economic freedom index. Over the past years, we have placed $16 billion worth of sovereign and corporate bonds in international markets. Last month, the National Investment Fund of Uzbekistan launched its first share offering at the London Stock Exchange, with assets of our largest state corporations.

To continue developing the capital market and build a stable financial and investment platform that operates to the highest standards, we have launched the construction of the Tashkent International Financial Centre. The centre’s special legal and tax regime will provide investors with convenient tools and reliable guarantees for doing business.

I want to take this opportunity to invite you all to the Tashkent International Investment Forum on June 16–18 июня, where you can learn the new Uzbekistan’s opening opportunities in person.

Ladies and gentlemen,

This forum’s slogan is symbolic: Pragmatic dialogue for the stable future. Indeed, open and respectful dialogue is becoming the main condition for sustainable development. New opportunities open where there is trust, readiness for cooperation, and intention to look for solutions together. The partnership between Uzbekistan and Russia is a telling example of such cooperation.

Once again, I want to express my sincere gratitude to Russian President Vladimir Putin for the invitation to this major international forum and for the opportunity to present the new Uzbekistan’s development priorities.

Finally, I wish all participants productive work and a meaningful exchange of opinions.

Thank you. (Applause.)

Moderator Geeta Mohan: Ladies and gentlemen, that was the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan. I’d now like to invite the President of the United Republic of Tanzania, Honourable Samia Suluhu Hassan. Madam President, the floor is yours.

President of the United Republic of Tanzania Samia Suluhu Hassan: Your Excellency, Vladimir Putin, President of the Russian Federation and our gracious host; Your Excellency, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, President of the Republic of Uzbekistan; Your Excellency, Han Zheng, Vice President of the People’s Republic of China; honourable ministers and heads of delegations, distinguished captains of the industry, scholars and friends of Africa, ladies and gentlemen. At the outset, permit me to convey warm greetings from the fraternal people of the United Republic of Tanzania. Greetings from the snow of Mount Kilimanjaro, the highest freestanding mountain in the world. (Applause.)

Thank you. Greetings from the great plains of the Serengeti, where the wildebeest migration writes one of nature’s oldest and most magnificent stories. And greetings from the spice island of Zanzibar. (Applause.)

It is a profound honour to stand before you, before this distinguished plenary [session], a stage that, for over 29 editions, has become one of the world’s most significant platforms for candid economic conversations. I sincerely reiterate my profound appreciation to our host, His Excellency President Putin, and the people of the Russian Federation for the warm hospitality extended to me and my delegation since our arrival in this magnificent country. Excellencies, as you may be aware, Tanzania and Russia share a longstanding partnership that spans more than six decades.

In December this year, our two countries will commemorate 65 years of diplomatic relations. Certainly, we do not take this milestone for granted. We treat it as an enduring testament of strong commitment to a mutually beneficial partnership that seeks to uplift the lives of our people.

Excellencies, Tanzania is one of the fastest growing economies in Africa. Our economic growth currently stands at six percent and is projected to expand to 6.3 percent by the end of this year. The goal is to attain an upper middle-income economy status with a per capita income of around $7,000, in line with the Tanzania Vision 2050.

In order to achieve this goal, we are building three pillars at once. We are prioritising construction of transport infrastructure, including the Standard Gauge Railway, with plans to connect the Dar es Salaam port to the land-linked countries of Rwanda, Burundi, and the Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. On the same note, the Five Years Development Plan 2026–2031 outlines plans to extend the railway networks connecting Tanga Port in the north of Tanzania to Musoma Port in Lake Victoria, to facilitate transportation facilities in Lake Victoria to the neighbouring countries.

The Southern Corridor Railway, which is going to connect Tanzania to Malawi and Mozambique, is another railway project. We have successfully completed the construction of the Julius Nyerere hydropower project, which has added more than 2,000 megawatts to our national grids. Plans to generate 8,000 megawatts by 2030 and 70,000 megawatts by 2050 are underway.

On the other hand, we joined hands with Uganda in implementing the East African oil pipeline that will transport crude oil through our territories to global markets. Similarly, we are expanding the soft infrastructure by increasing the broadband coverage to more than 95 percent, also building more data centres and extending cross-border fibre as part of our ICT broadband project. This project stretches beyond our borders and connects to the neighbouring countries of Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Zambia, Mozambique, and Malawi, positioning Tanzania as a regional digital hub for land-linked countries.

Excellencies, allow me now to narrate a thought that I believe deserves a place in this forum. By 2050, one in four human beings in this planet will be African. Africa will be the only continent on Earth still adding workers to the global labour force on a large scale. Africa will host nine of the world’s 20 fastest growing economies. Africa’s middle class will exceed one billion people, and the African continental free trade area, when fully operational, will constitute the largest single market in the world by population. This is not just a forecast but an arithmetic. Africa is destined to grow. The question, however, is on what terms, with which partners, and on whose model of growth. Africa somehow has charted its own development model.

It is clearly articulated in the African Union’s Agenda 2063, operationalised through the African continental free trade area, the programme for infrastructure development in Africa, and the development plans in our regional blocs. To date, talking of our bilateral relation between Tanzania and Russia, to date, relations between our investment authorities, Russia’s Roscongress, and the Tanzania Investment Authority have been formalised through signing a memorandum of understanding which will open a new bridge of business to Tanzania. Concrete steps have been taken to review our laws and regulations for purposes of creating favourable investment environment and henceforth attracting more capital investment.

In 2025, we created a one-stop centre for all investors coming to Tanzania. New companies can now register online within 24 hours. (Applause.)

This has transformed Tanzania into the fastest-growing investment destination in Africa, receiving around $12 billion worth of foreign direct investment in 2025, compared to nearly $3 billion in 2021. We are proud to say Russian enterprises have contributed to this growth trajectory.

Our trade has equally remained steady at around $4 million annually. Tanzania’s challenge is to export more to Russia, and Russia is exporting more to Tanzania.

Ladies and gentlemen, at this juncture, allow me to mention five main projects for which we are here to seek partnership from international business community.

First, we are delighted to inform you that Tanzania is embarking on one of the most ambitious port infrastructure development projects, encompassing a special economic zone, and this is being done just four kilometres north of our commercial city, Dar es Salaam. We are turning a small historic trade vicinity into a global hub of commerce, manufacturing, and maritime sector development. The Bagamoyo special economic zone is our number one flagship project, and we welcome international enterprises to partner with us. Moreover, we are developing a complex Mangapwani port – a transshipment port on our beautiful island of Zanzibar. The feasibility studies for both ports are ready, and we are eagerly encouraging partners to join us in investments.

Second, on mining and mineral beneficiation, we have endeavoured to ensure that the existing wealth of gold, uranium, nickel, graphite, helium, niobium, and other rare earth elements bring us massive economic returns. Our national policy is clear. We intend to move steadily from being a producer of raw materials to a producer of finished products. We invite partners to invest with us in industrial parks that will give real meaning to mining beneficiation.

Third comes tourism. Tanzania is one of the world-renowned tourist destinations. Our remarkable hospitality industry continues to dominate the global tourism platforms. Last year, for the second time, the Serengeti National Park won the Africa’s leading national park at the World Travel Awards, held in December 2025. At the same time, Tanzania has also been crowned as Africa’s leading destination, and Zanzibar was awarded Africa’s best corporate retreat destination. As part of our plan to attract tourists from Russia, we have designated our national carrier, Air Tanzania – The Wings of Kilimanjaro – to begin direct flights between Dar es Salaam, Moscow, and Zanzibar. The first flight is expected to be on the 2^nd of July this year. We aim to increase the number of Russian visitors to Tanzania to 500,000 by the year 2030, and a million shortly after.

Fourth, as part of efforts to transform the agriculture sector and enhance food security, we have prioritised local fertiliser production to sustain our growing domestic demand. Since Russia is the world’s largest exporter of fertilisers, Tanzania highly encourages the establishment of the local fertiliser plants geared to serve the country and the region at large. Fifth is the critical issue of energy generation: Tanzania has huge deposits of uranium.

Our main target is to use some of it in generating nuclear energy to meet the growing demand, which is expected to reach 8,000 megawatts by 2030 and subsequently 70,000 megawatts by 2050. It is in this context that Tanzania is advancing to nuclear energy as part of our long-term strategy to diversify our energy mix and support sustainable economic growth. To guide this effort, we have developed an ambitious national roadmap for nuclear power development, including the use of small modular reactors in our long-term energy strategy. And here, the Rosatom company of Russia has shown great interest, and we are holding discussions with them.

In conclusion, Excellencies, it suffices to say that the world is moving faster, and that necessitates developing countries to keep the pace. We must go where the wind blows. Indeed, this is a time for partnership, clarity, and trust. Above all, it is a time for us to take charge and realise our full potential. In this situation, I dare say that Tanzania is open for business. Tanzania is ready for new ideas and innovation. Tanzania is open to collaboration with international partners. This meeting has been a useful platform for enriching engagement in such endeavours.

We are confident that the outcome of this forum will contribute significantly to promoting greater partnership in trading and investment. Your Excellency President Putin, allow me once again to reiterate my gratitude to you, Your Excellency, for the generous invitation to be part of this important engagement. I also look forward to closer and greater economic collaborations between Tanzania and the Russian Federation, as well as other international enterprises who are ready to work with us.

Asante sana. Thank you very much.

Moderator Geeta Mohan: Ladies and gentlemen, that was the President of Tanzania. Tanzania is open for business.

With that, I call upon our next speaker, Vice President of the People’s Republic of China Han Zheng.

Vice President of the People’s Republic of China Han Zheng: Mr President Putin. Mr President of Uzbekistan. Madam President of Tanzania. Ladies and gentlemen. Friends, good afternoon.

It is a great pleasure to meet with you on the banks of the Neva River for the 29th St Petersburg International Economic Forum.

This year’s forum is held under the theme Pragmatic Dialogue: The Path to a Stable Future – a theme that reflects the shared aspirations of all countries, particularly in the current climate, for stability, cooperation, and development. This forum is of great significance.

On behalf of the Government of China, I would like to take this opportunity to express my heartfelt congratulations on the successful opening of the forum.

Against a backdrop of accelerating global transformation, challenges and governance deficits are growing worldwide. Last September, President Xi Jinping solemnly launched the Global Governance Initiative based on five guiding principles: commitment to sovereign equality, international rule of law, multilateralism, a people-centred approach, and a focus on real actions and results.

This initiative has received a broad positive response from more than 160 countries and international organisations. The establishment of the Group of Friends of Global Governance within the UN is rightly considered a modern manifesto for upholding the purposes and principles of the UN Charter, defending genuine multilateralism, and opposing unipolarity.

China, as the initiator, is bringing all parties together through practical steps to jointly promote the reform and improvement of the global governance system.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Friends,

Implementing the Global Governance Initiative requires the joint efforts of the international community. As leading global powers and permanent members of the UN Security Council, China and Russia play an important role in transforming the global governance system.

Following the recent summit in Beijing, President Xi Jinping and President Putin approved the Joint Declaration on the Formation of a Multipolar World and a New Type of International Relations. This document demonstrates the firm resolve and responsibility of China and Russia, as leading powers, to jointly promote a more equitable and rational global governance system.

China intends to strengthen cooperation with Russia and other countries through the Global Governance Initiative, and to work together towards a world of openness, tolerance, equality, justice, and mutually beneficial cooperation.

In this regard, I would like to share the following vision.

First, we must adhere to the principle of equal cooperation and uphold the concept of global governance based on joint consultation, joint development, and shared benefit. In the face of unipolarity and protectionism within the international community, defending the core values and fundamental principles of multilateralism is more urgent than ever.

We must adhere to genuine multilateralism, promote equal engagement of all countries, as well as equality in decision-making, and equal use of benefits in global governance. We must categorically support democratisation in international relations, expand representation, make sure the opinions of the developing countries are taken more seriously, and abandon ideological divides to ensure that the rational demands of different countries are fully accounted for by global governance.

Second, we must unequivocally protect international justice and defend the status and authority of the UN. China invariably supports the following: the parties must work together to defend a UN-centric international system, a world order based on international law and the fundamental norms of international relations focused on the goals and principles of the UN Charter. At the same time, China is against hegemonism and the policy of force in any form.

We must protect international justice in accordance with the generally recognised norms of international law, counter double standards and selective enforcement. We should support the restoration of authority and vitality of the UN in the new environment so that this organisation continues to serve as a key platform for coordinating international efforts and overcoming challenges together.

Third, we must promote comprehensive development and provide tangible benefits to all nations. To increase the effectiveness of global governance, improving people’s wealth and prosperity must become a focus. It is necessary to comprehensively fulfill the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, assist in joint development and prosperity of all countries, and adhere to the principles of mutually beneficial cooperation.

China will continue to maintain a high level of external openness and provide unique progress opportunities to the world with its own high-quality development. As the host of the 33rd informal meeting of APEC leaders, China is ready to give a new impetus to the development and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific Region and the entire world.

Fourth, to strengthen coordination and create more visible results. China continuously promotes the high-quality construction of the Belt and Road, playing a leading role in cooperation within the SCO, BRICS and other multilateral bodies, supporting development and progress of the Global South, and assisting with the dialogue and cooperation within the international community on such significant areas as AI and climate change. China is also a co-founder of the International Organisation for Mediation along with over 30 other states.

It is necessary to coordinate international actions while focusing on aligning strategic initiatives with political coordination both among different countries and among international organisations and international bodies for the purpose of shaping a powerful force to respond to global challenges and promoting joint development.

Ladies and gentlemen, friends,

This year launches China’s 15th five-year plan that includes both grand development plans for our country in the next five years and broad horizons of China’s mutually beneficial cooperation with all countries in the world.

China is ready to work with all of its friends to fully realise the global governance initiative, create a more just rational system of global governance, and open the brilliant future for humanity shoulder to shoulder.

Thank you. (Applause.)

Moderator Geeta Mohan: Thank you so much. That’s the Vice President of the People’s Republic of China.

We are now going to open up the Q&A session and we begin with what this room looks like: hundred and thirty countries, representations from not just the Global South – we are looking at America for the first time being represented in this room, yes, Rodney Mims Cook Jr. right there in front of me.

This is also a room where Saudi Arabia is the guest of honour and so we have the Minister of Energy of Saudi Arabia sitting right there.

So, honourable President Putin, my question to you is, with hundred and thirty countries being represented in this room: when the world talks about economic isolation of Russia, does this look like isolation?

And, pardon me for being a little forward when it comes to thoughts and opinions – is it Russia that is isolated or is it partly Europe today that stands isolated?

Vladimir Putin: The answer came with an obvious hint – thank you very much. However, I must assure you, there was no need for any hint, as there was never any isolation.

The initiator of these attempts at isolation was the previous administration of the United States – a fact well known to all. Subsequently, their satellites in Europe followed suit, and have now surpassed even the US administration in these efforts. Yet, isolation never materialised, largely due to ongoing cooperation with certain partners in the United States.

I have previously cited this example. Present here today is a representative from one of our energy companies. Despite persistent opposition from the previous administration to one of our liquefied natural gas projects, once the project was launched, the first shipment was directed to the American market. To be honest, I was surprised – I could hardly believe it. I enquired: why? Because it was profitable.

We continue to supply uranium to the American market. The leading supplier in terms of uranium volumes is the United States – an American company; the second is an international company with both European and American capital; and Russia, still, ranks third in terms of volumes. And all is well. Where there is profit, Americans are pragmatic, and we ought to follow their example – nothing ever ceased with us.

Nor have our energy projects in the Far East with certain countries that, ostensibly, have formally announced their withdrawal from those projects, come to a halt. Everything is now operational – they seek expansion and are requesting more in numerous other sectors.

I am not even speaking of our friends – and I wish to underscore this: not merely friends, but partners who are reliable for everyone. I refer to both African nations and the countries within the Asian region – and, naturally, India, which never yields to external pressure, and the People’s Republic of China, whose sovereignty and independent decision-making are indisputable.

Within the framework of the well-known organisations, everything has always been satisfactory – and even more so with our closest allies, partners, and historical neighbours. Everything is advancing and proceeding without any significant detriment to us.

The fact that we now, as you have noted, are joined by official representatives of the United States here – and I am aware that there are also representatives from European countries in attendance – is a development we can only welcome. We have never isolated ourselves from anyone. If the circumstances have evolved in such a way that representatives from these states are also present here with us, we are only too pleased. Welcome! (Applause.)

Moderator Geeta Mohan: I promised to stick to the economic questions, but being a journalist, I have to ask you this. Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelensky wrote an open letter and he has not just offered direct talks – in the same letter he directly threatened you and has called this your war.

I would like to quote him, if I may. He says, “Our long-range drones paid a visit to the opening of your forum in St Petersburg covering a distance of more than a thousand kilometres.”

He says this war is your personal choice, a war without a real cause.

“We often hear you are comfortable with this war. Of course, not in those cases when it comes to the security of your residence in Valdai or your parade in Moscow. You own life is valuable to you.”

He adds you will have to fight much harder for your own existence, not Russia but your own.

He has proposed to set a clear date for a meeting between you and him. Your first reaction.

Vladimir Putin: As for the [strikes on the] residence or the parade – that is not my personal matter. They later gave us information, telling us, “We knew you were not there at the residence,” and so on. Why they are doing that is a different issue.

My press secretary, Mr Peskov, showed me this letter yesterday. But we had a working meeting – a working dinner with the President of Uzbekistan, so honestly, I did not have time to look at it. This morning, Peskov slipped it to me again. I glanced at it briefly, but still. A few things I would like to point out.

First, the author mentioned my age. Well, what can I say? Of course, everyone should think about age, but I imagine many other political figures my age are fulfilling their duties, some of them are even older than me. Age is not the most important thing… (Applause) …It certainly matters, but it is not everything. What matters is political capability and mental sharpness. Some of my colleagues, who, I repeat, are older, show enough vigour. Whether they are doing well or badly is another question – that is a matter of political judgment, but on the whole, they work actively.

Now, he also noted the length of time spent in elected office. That is an important issue, of course. But we have to stand for election – not be afraid to run for office – and always act within the framework of the Constitution. Holding power outside the Constitution is called usurpation; it is a criminal offence. So there is no need to be afraid. We have to stand, and I would advise everyone to do the same. Especially since in Ukraine, they were talking about elections coming soon, and then it all went quiet, for no clear reason.

The author also argues that the agreements reached in Anchorage should not be fulfilled, and that genuine guarantors of any potential Russia-Ukraine agreement need to be sought – and they should be sought in Europe. Reliable guarantors are always helpful, but why the US administration and President Trump are being denied that role is beyond me. They want weapons from the United States, but for some reason they do not want the US administration and President Trump as guarantors. That raises questions.

But we all saw how Donald, in front of the whole world, disciplined the author of that letter – insisting on a dress code, remember? Playing Rambo: First Blood all the time may work, but only up to a point, and not everywhere. That is the first point. And on manners: overall, I want to thank Donald for that effort – it was certainly useful. But there is still room for improvement. The work needs to continue. (Applause.)

Now, to address the central issue. Given that the Ukrainian side has chosen to thrust our relations into the public sphere, moving towards open discourse and debate – which, in my estimation, is somewhat inappropriate or altogether incorrect – this provides me with the opportunity, and indeed the right, to discuss certain matters that are either little known or entirely unknown to the public.

What am I referring to? This is a serious matter, let me assure you, without a trace of irony or jest.

Three weeks ago, a representative of our business community contacted me with a matter. I have been acquainted with this individual for a considerable time; although we do not maintain close ties, I regard him as trustworthy and honourable. He called me and said: “Mr President, I am being invited to Kiev.” I responded: “Well, by all means, go ahead; how does this concern me?” He replied: “I felt it was imperative to inform you, as the discussion will likely involve issues pertinent to relations between our two countries.”

I advised him: “Listen, I cannot dispatch you in any official capacity; such matters should be the remit of qualified professionals from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Defence, and other relevant services – much as occurred during our negotiations in Istanbul. Therefore, I cannot sanction any official action on your part.” He replied: “I merely wished to inform you of this invitation. I would go, listen, and subsequently report back to you on the discussions.” I replied: “I cannot prevent you; feel free to go.”

He travelled to Kiev, where he met with the individual, the author of that letter, at his residence, not at Valdai. Upon his return, I convened with him. Amidst the less substantive elements, the salient point was this: Mr Zelensky was requesting a meeting. I remarked: “I have never declined such requests.” However, to convene merely for the sake of empty dialogue, as we say – I am well familiar with that.

If I am not mistaken, the letter contains a reference to the Minsk agreements. We laboured through the night on those Minsk agreements – drafting them – only to have it subsequently revealed, through the statements of the leading representatives of the Federal Republic of Germany and France, that it was all a futile exercise. The entirety of the Minsk agreements served one purpose: to buy time for the rearmament of Ukraine. What need do we have for such agreements?

Thus, I stated: “I see no merit in such a meeting.” The sole objective, from the Ukrainian perspective, is to impede the progress of our Armed Forces, nothing more. We require agreements that endure not for mere months, not for half a year, but for a significant historical period. Let the specialists deliberate, devise solutions, and only thereafter can we convene, attend – as I mentioned – the signing of pertinent documents, or even append our signatures ourselves. However, a solution must first be formulated.

Now, to the most critical point, which the audience, particularly the Russian audience, will comprehend. This occurred, I believe, on May 21, and on May 22, Ukrainian forces executed a heinous terrorist attack on a college dormitory in the Lugansk People’s Republic, resulting in the tragic loss of children, adolescents. This constitutes a grievous crime. There were no military installations nearby, nor were there any military vehicles in the vicinity.

That morning, I contacted this – shall we say – colleague who had journeyed to Kiev and asked: “What does this signify?” They ask for a meeting whilst perpetrating such horrendous crimes as the murder of children. What is the implication of this? He responded: “I am at a loss for an explanation. They are contacting me once more; I will speak with them and subsequently apprise you and keep you informed.” I replied: “Very well.” I have not communicated with him since.

And the letter you have just mentioned does indeed contain certain rudeness. Is this really a way to create the conditions for personal meetings and negotiations? Or does it instead create an atmosphere in which such meetings become virtually impossible? I believe it is the latter.

Therefore, our attention should be directed not towards the authors of this letter, not towards the fans of the epistolary genre, but towards our soldiers on the line of contact. (Applause.) And addressing them, I would like to say: “Comrade soldiers and sailors! Comrade sergeants and warrant officers! Comrade officers, admirals, and generals! The entire country is watching you. The entire country is proud of you and places its hopes in you. Keep up the good work, brothers!” (Applause.)

Moderator Geeta Mohan: So, I will take that as a “No”, that you are not going to meet the author of the letter.

Vladimir Putin: I do not yet see the point.

Moderator Geeta Mohan: Because you have mentioned the American President, is Trump your window to once and for all settle the Russia-Ukraine question?

I ask you this, President Putin, because President Trump is, maybe, the only American President who is engaging Ukraine in a way to bring them to the talking table to strike a deal. He puts President Zelensky on notice. If it were Biden or Obama this would not have been offered at all. Is he the window?

Vladimir Putin: I already spoke about this in Anchorage, and I was sincere about that. I believe that if President Trump had been in power at that time – and I believe he had been deprived of victory through what I consider serious irregularities in that election – events might have unfolded differently. I believe that the widespread use of mail-in voting did not meet accepted international standards for ensuring fair elections. Had he held the office, perhaps these events would not have occurred. Perhaps he would have devoted greater attention to finding a peaceful solution.

In fact, during the final days of President Biden’s tenure, I spoke with him by telephone and told him exactly that. However, the administration at the time did not respond to the proposals we had put forward in December 2021. Well, that is now a matter of history. Perhaps, had President Trump been in office, developments would have taken a different course.

I regard him as a colleague of mine, and I respect him. As far as I can judge, the current US Administration’s attitude toward Russia is similar. Our personal relations are based on mutual respect. But naturally, key issues must ultimately be resolved between Russia and Ukraine. Our colleagues in the United States and other regions of the world can only help create the necessary conditions and act as guarantors. That is what we proceed from.

Moderator Geeta Mohan: President Putin, we are sitting and discussing this at SPIEF 2026: how do you really offer a stable economic future and invite investors to Russia when we are looking at critical infrastructure being actively targeted by Ukraine?

Vladimir Putin: You know, these attacks certainly do not contribute anything positive. Moreover, they cause us vertain damage. However, when investors make investment decisions, they assess the entire range of risks.

Yesterday, when speaking with your colleagues – the heads of major news agencies – I said that this means only one thing for us: we must strengthen our security, reinforce our missile defence capabilities, and enhance our air defence systems. And this is what we will do. However, businesses, especially serious investors, think in terms of long-term historical perspectives. Above all, they evaluate the economy in which they intend to invest.

We have discussed the current situation in the Russian economy. We acknowledge that the GDP growth has slowed and that there are certain other challenges. However, we have conceded to this in order to strengthen the foundations and, so to speak, improve the overall health of the Russian economy and its macroeconomic indicators. We are deliberately cooling the economy. And I want to assure you that we see no threats either today or in the foreseeable future. On the contrary, we can see that the measures we are taking are producing results. I know that many of my colleagues are present here, including representatives of the real sector of the economy. I meet with them regularly, and we discuss all of these issues.

As for the cries of “All is lost!” – a kind of Yaroslavna’s Lament – this expression is not entirely clear to you, but the Russian audience will understand the reference, we are aware that the key interest rate and other factors undoubtedly make investment activity more difficult. However, I want to emphasise once again the main point: the fundamental foundations of the Russian economy remain strong. This gives us every reason to believe that Russia continues to be an attractive destination for investment, not only domestic but also foreign. And I must say that we do see this interest. We will certainly welcome our partners. (Applause.)

Moderator Geeta Mohan: Ok. You are saying that in your speech you have set ambitious goals launching a new investment cycle but you yourself said that there has been a decline of 2.3 percent last year.

How do you then propose to grow in an environment of wars, sanctions, frozen assets and while you talk about sovereignty, how do you balance that with inviting foreigners here to Russia?

Vladimir Putin: Look, you have mentioned war and sanctions, yet our economy continues to develop steadily. The domestic market is expanding, and the well-being of our population is on the rise. We have set ourselves the objective – as I stated yesterday – of reducing the poverty rate to below seven percent by 2030. We have already achieved a rate of 6.7 percent, reaching this target ahead of schedule and exceeding expectations. Our macroeconomic indicators remain stable – I must emphasise this once again.

Despite these challenges – of which there are always many, everywhere – the solid foundations of Russian economic development remain stable and offer promising growth prospects. Every business and company remains vigilant to the risks – I reiterate – of today, the near future, and the long term. There are those prepared to proceed having evaluated these risks. I am confident that we will overcome these challenges, and in due course, such risks will diminish.

Regarding combat operations, we operate under the assumption that they will eventually conclude, and that they will certainly do so once we have attained the objectives we have set.

As for sanctions – well, I maintain that they inflict more harm on those who impose them. Do these sanctions cause us damage? Yes, they do. They froze 300 billion, and we currently hold over 500 billion, if calculated in dollars. They froze 300 billion, and we already possess over 500 billion. That is the result for you.

Do they cause us damage? Yes, but do those who impose these sanctions suffer as a result? Without a doubt, and profoundly so! According to various estimates – taking the eurozone as an example – the damage inflicted by the sanctions against us amounts to between 1.5 and 2.5 trillion euros. However, there is currently a reassessment of this situation underway. This reassessment is leading many to conclude that a return to cooperation with Russian partners might well be the wiser course.

We will monitor this closely. If the partners who left us – withdrawing from our market two or three years ago – did not create significant disruption or act insolently, we will welcome their return. Indeed, there are already interested parties who wish to return. Nevertheless, we will, of course, prioritise the interests of domestic business in this regard. (Applause.)

Moderator Geeta Mohan: We will come back to your goals and Ukraine, but I will have to ask you this Madam President – amid sanctions you are wanting to do and increase business with Russia. How are you going to circumvent or bypass the sanctions?

Samia Suluhu Hassan: Thank you, Madam Moderator, and I must say that I have been envying those panel members using their national languages and I would like to use this opportunity to do this. So, I will switch from English to Swahili.

[Speaks Swahili]

You asked me about sanctions and how we will move forward with development. I want to assure you that Tanzania is not under sanctions. We are not under sanctions at all, and we are continuing to organize ourselves to develop our country. But we are not under sanctions.

Moderator Geeta Mohan: Coming back to the sanctions experience, President Putin, you spoke about goals. In the sanctions that we are seeing and that have been imposed on Russia, there is certainly some room for a deal to be struck with Ukraine, what is that goal that Russia wants to achieve before a deal is struck and what are the red lines here?

Vladimir Putin: You know, during my speech at the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the summer of 2024, I laid out all of my objectives. In essence, they were set out at the very beginning of the special military operation.

This is going to take a while, but I will summarise the key points briefly.

Under the Charter of the United Nations, every nation has the right to self-determination. Following the coup in Ukraine, several regions of the country rejected the new authorities, declared that they did not support the coup, and proclaimed their independence and sovereignty. In doing so, they acted in full accordance with international law and the provisions of the UN Charter.

For a long time, we sought to resolve all these disputes through peaceful means. The Minsk Agreements, signed in Minsk, the capital of Belarus, established a framework for addressing the complicated situation in southeastern Ukraine.

However, it later became clear that the parties on the other side had signed these agreements solely to gain time, enhance their military capabilities, and launch military operations. That is how events unfolded. Subsequently, these territories declared their independence.

It is worth recalling that, in its consideration of the Kosovo case, the International Court of Justice determined that a territory declaring independence is neither required nor obligated to seek permission from the central authorities of the state to which it belongs. This was the International Court’s ruling, and on that basis Kosovo’s actions were deemed legitimate.

By the same reasoning, both the Donetsk and Lugansk people’s republics also acted within that framework. Although we refrained from recognising their independence for a considerable period, we eventually did so after concluding that a negotiated settlement among all parties was unattainable and that we were, in effect, being deceived. We therefore recognised the independence and sovereignty of these entities, and subsequently entered into agreements with them.

Did we have the right to recognise them? Yes, we did, and we did so. This does not contradict the UN Charter. Could we conclude a treaty of friendship, cooperation, and mutual assistance with them? Of course – and we did exactly that. The agreement was ratified by the Russian parliament. They requested our assistance, and we stated that we would provide it within the framework of this agreement. That is the first task, and it is being carried out.

The same letter you referred to states that our objective is the liberation of Donbass – and these two republics, the Lugansk People’s Republic and the Donetsk People’s Republic, constitute the Donbass region. The letter also states that this objective will never be achieved.

Does Kiev not know that, since April 1 of this year, the Lugansk People’s Republic has been fully under the control of the Russian Federation and Russian forces, while less than 15 percent of the territory of the Donetsk People’s Republic remains under Kiev’s control? We are steadily and confidently moving toward achieving these tasks, and there is no doubt we will accomplish this.

The same applies to other goals that we intend to achieve through negotiations – and I am talking about denazification. I also spoke about this yesterday. We were constantly being told, “What denazification? What are you talking about? That is just nonsense!” But what kind of nonsense is it? Recently, we saw the reburial of Nazi criminals being treated as heroes of Ukraine, with military honours and salutes. And who is doing all that? The head of the Kiev regime, who is Jewish. It is simply outrageous. Only Poland reacted somewhat timidly, and there is a reason for that – because it was mainly Jews and Poles, as well as Russians and Roma, who were exterminated by Nazis during World War II. Some million people [were exterminated].

I already said this yesterday, but it bears repeating. This is a huge part of the tragedy of the Holocaust. A million people, do you understand? Women and children were stabbed with pitchforks and burned in their homes. But now [Nazi criminals] are being reburied with military honours, with the head of the current regime present there and salutes and honours given, effectively glorifying Nazis. Our goal is to achieve denazification, and we hope for support from the international community in doing so.

(Applause)

Geeta Mohan: Shifting focus back to the topic at hand over here, let’s talk about energy security. President Mirziyoyev, it is during these wars and conflicts that countries have realised the need for energy security, the need for alternative energy resources and sources, and in that Uzbekistan and Russia have just signed an agreement for a nuclear facility. Tell us more about what this means for Uzbekistan in terms of the facility, the specialists that you would require, because this is after a long time that we’re looking at a nuclear facility in Uzbekistan, and how much time it will take, how important it is to have a nuclear facility, an energy resource that is not dependent on oil.

Shavkat Mirziyoyev: Thank you very much.

In fact, this is a very strategic, necessary project – the energy security of any country, and in 10 years the need in energy for Uzbekistan will double. I have also mentioned in my speech why we are seriously working on this issue, because as far as fuel, that is, uranium, is concerned, we are ranked as the world’s fifth top uranium producer, with with the world’s tenth largest uranium reserves.

We have been discussing these projects with our Russian colleagues for a long time, having designed and arrived at a unique resolution – for the first time in the history of Russia and Uzbekistan, there will be two small and two large nuclear reactors. This is a unique new model of a nuclear power plant. Of course, before we say this, we have been discussing this with the Russian President for many years.

What was the first thing we did? I asked to open a branch of the National Research Nuclear University MEPhI. We need to have specifically trained personnel before we could discuss something. Because, of course, during the Soviet Union, we had a huge school of peaceful nuclear development, there was science. But unfortunately, I say “unfortunately” because it was all forgotten, to put it mildly, and we have restored it all from scratch.

When we opened the branch, we opened up all the competencies, created science, and today there are 300 people students and 150 graduates. We have reached an agreement with MEPhI, some 400 students from Uzbekistan study there. We pay very serious attention, that is, we already have a research base.

Second. We have been working on the project for a very long time. The project is unique because the Russian content meets all international standards. And we are already this close to completing this grandiose, unique project, I would say.

Mr Putin and I commissioned its launch yesterday. And you know, here I am, and it was already late in Uzbekistan, but I still talked with the regional leadership after this meeting. People didn’t leave, people delivered speeches, people rejoiced, because this is a prospect for the future.

I would like to say that this project is not the last joint project of a nuclear power plant with Russia, and we will continue to build and erect more plants. Because we have created such a good foundation, and, as you yourself noted, we have also created human resources. So now it's up to us to accelerate.

We discussed this with Mr Putin yesterday as well, that we will keep it under the control at the highest level, because people have long been waiting for nuclear power plants in Uzbekistan. I would like to reiterate what I said in my speech – the economy is growing, and guaranteed electricity supply is very important for the economy.

Incidentally speaking, yesterday we even talked about other major energy-efficient projects in Uzbekistan. So, I think yesterday was a historic day. I congratulate both our Russian colleagues and citizens in Uzbekistan who have been very enthusiastic about this project. It will bring a very serious foundation for energy security to the Republic of Uzbekistan. (Applause).

Moderator Geeta Mohan: Partnership, they say, should be partnership of equals. President Putin, the trade ledger shows Russia exports raw energy heavily to China but imports a lot of machinery, technology and components. Is this relationship a partnership of equals or is Russia sliding into a colonial trade imbalance?

Vladimir Putin: (Laughs.) Talking about this topic even makes me laugh. We do have equal relations with our Chinese partners and friends. Moreover, the share of our high-tech exports to China is constantly on the rise.

As for energy in general, the share of machinery and equipment from Russia in this industry clearly – I can't give specific figures now lest I make a mistake – certainly exceeds the share of our Chinese friends.

If we talk about energy, I will also start with nuclear energy, atomic energy. We are building nuclear power plants in China. (Addressing Alexey Likhachev) How many units, Alexey?

Director General of the State Atomic Energy Corporation Rosatom Alexei Likhachev: We have four units, which have been built, are operating, four more are under construction.

Vladimir Putin: Four units designed by us are operating, and we are building another four in the People’s Republic of China. And our cooperation in science and education is developing. We have a very close cooperation in this area, and it is mutually beneficial.

As for, say, hydrocarbon energy, we have our own competencies growing here. And at one time, when we cooperated with foreign partners in this area, they were mostly American partners. Now we are increasing our competence in these areas. The heads of our largest companies are here, and if you talk to them separately later, they will tell you.

But, of course, we refer to our reliable partners and friends, including Chinese companies, to share information, technologies, and we will continue to do so. I would like to emphasise in particular that cooperation with China in this sense is mutually beneficial and absolutely equal.

Geeta Mohan: Okay, then let me invite Vice President Zheng.

[Given] the fact that there was a recent meeting between the two heads of state of Russia and China, which drew a lot of international attention, please throw some light on what this relationship is all about and where it’s headed.

Han Zheng (retranslated): Thank you for your question.

As President Putin correctly noted, cooperation in the sphere of trade between Russia and China is moving forward successfully and this is mutually beneficial as our economies complement each other. In the past years, it has been developing in a stable and a sustainable way, and we see a solid growth and healthy dynamics.

As you know, two weeks ago President Putin paid

a very successful visit to China, and President Xi Jinping and President Putin had talks in Beijing on development of bilateral relations and mutually beneficial cooperation in different spheres and many agreements were made in the trade and economy track. All these outcomes were of great interest for the entire world community. All mainstream media were covering this.

I’d like to touch upon three major points.

First, as I mentioned in my speech, China and Russia are large states, we are neighboring countries, and both are standing members of the UN Security Council.

The development of relations between Russia and China and the deepening of these relations and mutually beneficial cooperation in all spheres have already demonstrated that this is promoting the development and growth of both of these countries and contributes to increase of the well-being and wealth of both countries. At the same time, it allows us to bring very precious stability and positivity to the modern turbulent world, this is my fist point.

Secondly, I know that you give great attention to our practical cooperation. I would like to stress that it is not directed against any other third party and it is not impacted by any external influence.

Madam moderator has already asked such a question, our relations are forward-looking thanks to the strategic leadership by President Xi Jinping and President Putin. This comprehensive strategic cooperation and partnership of our countries has been developing for 30 years. This year we celebrate 25 years of the Treaty of Good-Neighborliness and Friendly Cooperation

We have been successfully moving along the designated path and we are enriching our relations with new substantial meaning. This not only improves the well-being of the two countries’ population but also supports the stability and peace in the region and the whole world.

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: After your question, I looked around the room, including at those seated in the front row. Top executives of our major companies, including those in the energy sector, are here today.

I would like to draw attention to one point. Many of our companies, naturally, relied on the obvious achievements and expertise of Western service providers, particularly US companies. However, when that source of support was cut off, they began establishing their own engineering centres, and many of them have achieved remarkable success.

Take Gazprom Neft, for example. I have not yet had the opportunity to visit personally, but I promise I will certainly do so. From the video footage and other materials I have seen, the progress has been tremendous and truly significant. Obviously, we are not rejecting future cooperation; there is still much work ahead, and together with our partners from other countries, we will continue to deliver strong results.

Or consider NOVATEK. This company boasts technologies that are unmatched anywhere across the globe. We are currently discussing these technologies with our American partners. If they adopt them, production, liquefaction, and ultimately the sale of products in Alaska will, in my view, become far more efficient than originally envisioned through pipeline-based systems – significantly more efficient, by an order of magnitude. We have a lot to discuss in this regard. While sanctions and other restrictions have created challenges for us in certain areas, in others they have had the opposite effect, encouraging the development of our own expertise.

The same is true with respect to our European partners. Gazprom’s subsidiaries produce a number of natural gas-based products, and our partners who had previously expanded successfully, including through cooperation with us, are now facing massive challenges if they choose to remain in the market. Privately, they express dissatisfaction [with the actions] of their governments, yet they are compelled to comply with them. They have lost access to the Russian market, while we have enhanced our own competencies and have begun to replace them in third-country markets because we now possess both the products and the technologies ourselves. This is the outcome of the short-sighted policies pursued by some of our partners. Yet, in this regard, those actions have worked to our advantage. (Applause.)

Geeta Mohan: Talking about technology and talking of technology, you are helping [with] uranium when it comes to nuclear facility. What about countries like India that actually have a lot of potential and need maybe assistance and partnership in the technology sphere when it comes to hydrocarbon and rare-earth minerals harnessing, harnessing of hydrocarbons in India? Is that something that you are looking at?

Vladimir Putin: Certainly, we cooperate very actively. Our company, Rosneft, is among the largest foreign investors in the Indian economy.

(Addressing Igor Sechin) Mr Sechin, how much did you invest in the oil refinery plant in India? Twenty billion?

Rosneft CEO Igor Sechin (answers off-mic): …

Vladimir Putin: Rosneft has invested approximately $25 billion in the Indian economy, including the refinery, the port, a network of fuelling stations, and other facilities.

Naturally, we work closely with our Indian friends, and together we continue to achieve the positive outcomes we can see today. This cooperation also involves the exchange of technologies. Our diplomatic relations with India date back to 1947, and our relationship has always been special, built on trust and fraternity in every sense of the word. Over the decades of our partnership, we have become convinced that the Indian people are highly talented and well educated. They boast their own competence; their achievements in programming and other fields, including the one you mentioned, are recognised across the globe.

Of course, Prime Minister Modi is currently compelled to introduce certain restrictions, urging people to limit the use of personal vehicles and avoid travel, particularly long-distance trips, amid the developments in the Strait of Hormuz and the broader situation in the Middle East. However, the Indian government bears no responsibility for these circumstances; it is the Indian economy that is experiencing the effects.

I believe that both our companies and our Indian partners made a proper decision in establishing such close cooperation. In today’s environment, we strive to support one another, extend a helping hand when needed, and increase our supplies to the Indian market, as well as to Asia more broadly. We are already exchanging technological solutions, and we will continue to do so. (Applause)

Geeta Mohan: You spoke of the war, so I have to ask you this: What is Russia’s assessment, what is your assessment of what the global economic impact is going to be of the US-Iran war? And let’s be honest: Has Russia been at an advantage because of the war because they’ve got longer waivers to buy Russian oil? A lot of countries can now buy Russian oil legally without a problem because of the energy crunch that the world is facing. And President Trump allowed (should I use the word ‘allowed’?) the world to use Russian oil.

Vladimir Putin: Oil revenues have always been important to Russia, making up a significant part of our total GDP and budget revenue. But the dependence of the Russian economy and budget on oil and gas revenues has significantly decreased in recent years naturally – not during the sanctions period, but simply in recent years. The share of our GDP that isn’t oil and gas was approximately 43 percent just two or three years ago – in 2022, I think. That’s if you subtract the oil and gas component from the country’s GDP, plus the non-oil and gas component. It used to be 45–46 percent, I think – oil and gas accounted for a large share of GDP, but now it’s only 23 percent. It used to be 42 percent, now it’s 23 percent. The difference is enormous.

As regards the federal budget revenues – the Minister of Finance is present here, and if I am wrong, he will correct me now – oil and gas revenues accounted for about, I think… (Addressing Anton Siluanov) How much, Mr Siluanov?

Minister of Finance Anton Siluanov: 20 percent.

Vladimir Putin: Now it’s 20 percent. How much was it?

Anton Siluanov: 50.

Vladimir Putin: 50 percent was generated by oil and gas revenues, while now, as the Minister confirmed, only 20 percent of the budget is derived from oil and gas revenues.

So, it would be wrong to say that this is critically important for us – it is actually not that important. Although, of course, it is significant as 20 percent is currently generated by oil and gas revenues.

But for us, as for all other nations with developing, rapidly advancing economies, something else is more important. Obviously, our oil and gas companies receive certain preferences in connection with long-term contracts, and the rising price of our oil naturally impacts the budget, which is a plus. But that’s not the most important thing; what’s more important is market stability, because we exist not only on oil and gas, as I just explained, but also on the development of the economy at large. If global oil prices are too high, this impacts the part of the Russian economy that represents the real economy. That’s the whole point.

Therefore, it is important for us that this price is balanced between the interests of manufacturers and consumers and, most importantly, stable. How much is it now? The Deputy Prime Minister will tell me if I am wrong – I think oil supplies to global markets have decreased by 10 percent. Of course, this shakes the global economy and global energy markets.

We are not interested in this. What interests us is further cooperation with our friends within OPEC+ aiming to stabilise the market and reduce its volatility. This is our priority, and this is our way forward. (Applause.)

Geeta Mohan: Okay. I suppose that's the reason why Saudi Arabia is the guest country this year at SPIEF. Having said that, you also spoke about payments.

Vladimir Putin: Not only for this reason. Because we have been friends with Saudi Arabia for many years and we are glad to greet the distinguished guest. (Applause.)

Geeta Mohan: This is an energy partnership that the world will actually be looking at a time when we are seeing, we are faced with wars and conflicts. But you spoke about payments, you spoke about concerns regarding payments, the fact that in a jiffy, in a moment Russia not just can be sanctioned but its assets can be frozen, payments under SWIFT can be blocked and you're left with nothing in such a scenario. One: how do you tackle it? Secondly, why should any country then consider Russia as a consistent partner?

Vladimir Putin: The first thing that I wanted to say: I think that many people in the United States, too, do understand this, the attempt to use the dollar as an instrument of political struggle, as a weapon in the political struggle, was an immense, catastrophic, I would say strategic mistake of the former US leadership.

The dollar is one of the basic components of the US economic might and its undoubted competitive advantage. And this competitive advantage consists not only in being a reserve currency, but also in the possibility for the US economy to get a win, to earn real money, big money. When the former US leadership began to use its currency, which so far remains the world reserve currency, as an instrument of political struggle everybody thought: And they can use these weapons against us, too. And what will happen? What will happen to our reserves nominated in dollars? What will happen to our money invested in US assets?

Of course, the basic foundations of the US economic might are great and strong. But still, there problems that I have mentioned: both the debt and the undermined trust in the dollar as a world currency. Now, if the oil price stays high, it will be expensive and this will tell on the entire chain of economic interaction. Most likely this will have an impact on the inflation of the leading economies, including inflation in the United States. And this is a basic, an absolutely fundamental condition of the US currency’s stability.

After all, it is not secured by anything, the United States once abandoned the gold standard. And what is the basis of the US currency’s stability? The reliability and stability of the economy itself, with low inflation as its main condition. Oil prices are high, the inflation is growing and the foundation of the US economy will be shaking, do you see? Here are the repercussions.

And we want to avoid this; we want stability in this sector and will work for it. This is why I think that everybody understands us: we and Saudi Arabia, our friends, with the Crown Prince are just working on balancing the interests of both suppliers and consumers, and so far, everything works out in general. We are very grateful to the Crown Prince and all our friends who work in this domain.

Maybe we can give our guest the opportunity to say a few words? It would be interesting to listen to him. Although it defies the traditions of our panel discussion session.

Geeta Mohan: It’s always fun to break traditions, Mr President. Is there a mic that can go to our honorable minister? We’ll arrange for a mic. Meanwhile, can I just take a question till the mic comes?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, please.

Geeta Mohan: So, we’re waiting for a mic for the Minister of Energy to speak and respond to President Putin. But I have taken note of the fact that every time you mention America, you’re only mentioning the past administrations. I suppose you all are taking note as well on the specific way and the manner in which you’re responding to the US-Russia equation. Having said that, every country has its own struggles.

Tanzania and Madam President over here has been at the forefront, a leading woman voice. Great to have a woman on the panel, too, who’s been fighting liberalisation of her economy. How has that gone and how is that moving ahead despite and in spite of fears of sanctions and criticism from various quarters? How are you managing economic liberalisation in the country?

Samia Suluhu Hassan (retranslated): Perhaps, I should say that Tanzania is a country with a diversified economy. We don’t depend on one commodity. Our economy depends on agriculture, mining and tourism. It depends on many other sectors – the manufacturing sector, we are also there. So all these sectors contribute together and they grow together at varying degrees but they grow together.

Therefore, we are determined to work and we do work with the international community and the private sector, calling on everybody to come to invest in Tanzania and to do business. Since 2021, we have been able to attract a lot of capital and foreign direct investment from abroad. And this is what makes Tanzania feel safe about its own economy and its strength.

But most importantly, Tanzania is strategically located as an epicentre or a hub of the economic corridors that connect the north, south, west and east of Africa. The port of Dar-es-Salaam serves all these corridors and connects them as a hub.

As a result, thanks to its strategic location, Tanzania helps inland countries and is extremely attractive economically. Tanzania has a very vibrant economy that is steadily growing. This growth continues. In 2021, we started with 3.4 percent, and then we moved towards 4.5–4.6 percent. We expect to reach 6.3 percent.

You asked me how I can manage the economy while being a woman president and maintain economic development. I should say that the economy has nothing to do with the leader’s gender. It depends on how you steer the affairs of the nation and how you lead the country. Whether you are a male or female, you have to have a strategic plan to sustain your economy. It is the strategic plan that matters.

I suppose this is my response. (Applause.)

Geeta Mohan: Thank you so much.

Would it be too much to ask the honorable minister to come and respond here because I think we’re having a bit of a problem getting the mic. Would it be too much to ask the minister to come on the stage and respond? Thank you so much for doing this. Thank you.

Oh, the mic has come, sir. The mic has come.

Abdulaziz bin Salman Al Saud: Magic.

Vladimir Putin: You are in Russia. (Applause.)

Abdulaziz bin Salman Al Saud: Mr President, magic does happen in St Petersburg.

I am very grateful that you’ve given me the opportunity. I see it as an opportunity not for myself but it’s coming from a president who is a friend of both His Majesty, the custodian of the 200 mosques King Salman, his Royal Highness the Crown Prince, Prime Minister Prince Mohammed, but both of them, I think, will vouch that this honour is also more important for the people of Saudi Arabia and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. So I’m very grateful to you for giving me the opportunity. Yes, it’s a partnership that we struck somewhere in January 2015 and it withstood all of the situations that this world had endured from Covid to all of these storms and winds and whims of the war. And even today we’re going through so many crises in many places, in different places, with different causes. Yet we’re weathering all of these storms with a diligent commitment to each other as partners. Although I am a Muslim and Russia is not Catholic, but still we do go by ‘until death do us part.’ Thank you.

Geeta Mohan: That’s lovely indeed.

Vladimir Putin: Thank you, thank you, Your Excellency.

I want to draw your attention to the fact that 10 to 15, rather closer to 15 percent of the Russian Federation citizens practice Islam, and they have no other homeland.

May I ask the moderator? You said that representatives of the EU and the United States are probably also among the audience. Maybe they would like to raise their hands and wish to say something? It would be good. (Applause.) We are speaking about them all the time, could they say something about themselves?

Geeta Mohan: Rodney, will you humour us and take the mic? And say a few words.

Vladimir Putin: Yes, please.

Chairman of the United States Commission of Fine Arts Rodney Mims Cook, Jr.: Well, you haven't put me on the spot at all. President Putin, it’s very nice to see you, and I appreciate all of the hospitality that has been afforded me on my return to St Petersburg. I love the city and I think you're aware of that, and I've been coming here for 30 years.

Vladimir Putin: Hurray! I like Petersburg, too. (Applause.)

Rodney Mims Cook, Jr.: You have a beautiful hometown, and so do I, and I said to a number of audiences since I’ve been here – there is a great kinship between Atlanta and St. Petersburg. I have come from a city that, sadly, was destroyed in war, burned to the ground, and St Petersburg had resolve and fight to prevail over the Fuerer coming through the Admiralty Arch and proclaiming to the city that he had conquered her and then reduce it to rubble the next day. St Petersburg fought that off.

And yesterday I was privileged to have an orchestra play for us at my request Shostakovich’s Symphony Number Seven. Not only did you fight it off with resolve and grit, but you also did it with culture and music. And if only Atlanta had had Shostakovich, maybe quite possibly my beautiful city would still be as intact as this beautiful place is.

I do give a good hello from your friend, President Trump, and I am encouraged by everything that has happened since I’ve been here, Mr President, and I appreciate the offer to speak. And we have a lot of ideas to talk about between our two capital cities in the next two weeks.

Geeta Mohan: Can I can I ask you a question, Rodney?

Rodney Mims Cook, Jr.: You may ask it, but I'm not sure I’ll answer it.

Geeta Mohan: That’s all right. Are you taking anything back to DC when you plan the ballroom?

Rodney Mims Cook, Jr.: Explain your question a little bit better. Have I learned more from St Petersburg architecture about the ballroom?

Geeta Mohan: No. Inspire. Will you be inspired while creating the ballroom in Washington DC at the White House?

Rodney Mims Cook, Jr.: I have already been inspired by St Petersburg ballrooms in my lifetime and have done a lot of work in your cathedrals and your palaces. So, the answer is yes.

Vladimir Putin: Thank you, thank you for the greetings from Washington. Please, convey the return greetings to President Trump.

And thank you very much for such kind and heartfelt words about St Petersburg. (Applause.)

Geeta Mohan: I have some very tough questions to ask, but before that we had opened the floor to our European friends here. There, that lady over there.

Can a mic go to her, please?

Diana Iovanovici Șoșoacă: My name is Diana Iovanovici Șoșoacă, I'm a member of European Parliament, I'm from Romania and I think I'm the only Romanian here. (Applause.)

I would like to tell you that Romanian people do not hate you. Romanian people want peace with Russia. We don’t to help Ukraine, we don’t want to give them money and arms. But unfortunately, Romania is being led from Brussels. And I cannot send you a warm hello from our president because we do not have a president. From my point of view, I am a resident of the political party S.O.S. Romania which is a parliamentarian and Euro parliamentarian political party and the only opposition in Romania.

And Mr. President, I would like to tell you that I was senator in Romanian Parliament in 2023, I think, when Zelensky wanted to talk in my Romanian parliament, and I didn't let him and I got him out of the Romanian Parliament. (Applause.)

I would like to thank you from the bottom of the hearts of Romanian people and European people who think a lot and who have brains that we want to cooperate with Russia. We are not enemies. You are the biggest country in the world, you are one of the biggest economies. We admire you for your force, and we admire entire Russian people. We want to congratulate you on everything you have done and you doing, for this forum. Congratulations! And this is a lesson for the European Union. I hope in a short time we will not have Ursula von der Leyen as President of the European Commission.

Thank you very much. (Applause.)

Vladimir Putin: Thank you very much.

Diana Iovanovici Șoșoacă (in Russian): You are welcome.

Vladimir Putin: I cannot – and frankly do not wish to – comment on Romania’s domestic political situation. But our friend from Saudi Arabia noted earlier that Russia is, after all, a predominantly Orthodox country. And the same is true of Romania. Please convey our warmest wishes to all Orthodox believers there. (Applause.)

Geeta Mohan: All this is great but we still have some tough questions on sanctions and on waiver. It comes at a time and I ask you and we're going to discuss this only because of the Iran-US war a war that has shut down one of the most critical of maritime routes.

Okay, please go ahead, madam.

Karin Kneissl (speaking Russian): Sorry, my name is Karin Kneissl. I arrived from Lebanon two years ago. I am very grateful that now I can live and work in Russia. Thank you, thank you for this opportunity. (Applause.)

Unfortunately, people in the West are sure that I worked for Russia even 40 years ago. (Laughter.)

I will ask my question in English because I think there's also no German interpreter. I know that the president insists on German but let us do it in English.

Mr. President, my question is on the modern warfare, use of drones, which have created such a horrible distance between the perpetrator – I don't want to say the soldier because it’s not always a soldier – and the target. There is now a sort of technical artificial distance which is creating a new form of cruelty and we don’t anymore have any sort of code of honor between the parties. It was different still in World War I.

How do you see this modern warfare in which the Russian army and the Ukrainian army have gained special experience? Here in St Petersburg about 140 years ago, Tsar Nikolai II launched a conference on disarmament. His ambassador Martens said, “Whenever we don't have a strict law how to do the war, let public conscience speak.”

May I ask you about this warfare? How can we handle it? How can how can it be done or be finished? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Yes, yes, I understand.

On new methods and means of warfare: they are constantly emerging, and the international community keeps trying to respond – for example, with agreements not to use landmines and so on. But unfortunately, many countries are moving away from these commitments. And we see how Ukrainian troops are being supplied by Western states, including with that very type of weaponry.

As for modern weapons, including unmanned aerial vehicles – yes, unfortunately, that is the new reality. And of course, most of them come to Ukraine from Western countries; they only need to assemble them. Although they try to develop some of their own, they have not achieved much.

How can and should we respond? We need to strengthen our air defence system, as I said yesterday at the meeting with heads of news agencies, and do everything necessary to secure the territory of the Russian Federation. We are working in that direction.

I should point out that, unlike the Ukrainian armed forces, Russia has all the necessary resources for self-sufficient development: its resource potential, scientific and education institutions – in other words, workforce – a developed industry, and the ability to implement all the plans the Russian Federation has set for itself. Our industry and defence science are doing everything, and are capable of doing everything, to provide the Russian Armed Forces with these means of warfare, among other things.

Since you have asked this question, I will answer: there is parity on the battlefield, and in some areas, we even have an advantage. The same applies to long-range fixed-wing aviation. It would not pose such a significant threat if appropriate decisions had been made in a timely manner and the corresponding capabilities developed. These are, after all, low-flying and slow-flying targets. True, jet-powered drones are already appearing, but even these means of warfare are essentially defensible.

The other side does not have its own production of the weapons that Russia possesses. That includes hypersonic weapons, cruise missiles – a full range of them – and a number of other weapons that other countries do not have. For example, medium-range weapons like the much-discussed Oreshnik. We are developing other weapons as well.

But I agree with you that, when the most dangerous means of warfare emerge, especially those affecting civilians, the international community must certainly consider how to limit their use, particularly against civilians. That is completely unacceptable; I believe such acts amount to humanitarian crimes. But that is a topic for a separate discussion involving experts and representatives of the international community.

Geeta Mohan: Before I go to the war question, can I just take one question from Madame President here? You said one out of four will be African by what? By when? By 2050?

And I ask you this because we ask this to everybody who boasts about population and the fact that they have a huge population. It's not about quantity. It's about quality. What do you have to offer to the world? What does Africa have to offer to the world in terms of quality?

Samia Suluhu Hassan: We have an African continent. We recognize the fact that during this in this era we are supposed to develop and to promote our human capital, to develop human capital. That's very, very important, that's critical for Africa. That's what we are doing. Of course, we are doing it in varying degrees in each country but we are doing, for example, in Tanzania. For instance, we do have right now about 500 students in the Russian Federation. They are here learning here, and in our discussion we have agreed that we'll get more opportunity to take our children to Russia for education because we have new areas, which are being unlocked.

For instance, if we speak of digital economy, we have to learn what is it. When we speak of nuclear energy, we also need to get nuclear engineers. We need to get all the experts who can work in that field. So, development of human capital that is the direction we want to take. It is critical to our development.

But secondly, especially for Africa, it is to give the opportunity to women. Because currently in Africa, the doors which were closed, they now look they opened. Especially for those who have through the doors, we have the responsibility to develop others. an African girl to make sure that an African girl has the hope for the future and understand that she is the part of the nation building as we were told in SDG-sustainable as it is explicit in the sustainable development goals that we don't have to leave anyone behind. (Applause.)

We are now aware that no one should be left behind. Take an example a country of, a country growing at 80 percent. Six percent GDP growth annually, how can it manage without involving each and everybody. So, society inclusion is very, very important and you said it right, CO2 society inclusion but quality society not only society inclusion everyone has to be involved managing their own sustainable development.

So, we say by that, by that year one out of four will be an African by 2050, because African population is growing at a higher rate, that we have to build our human capital and we are doing it.

Yesterday when I was in RUDN University, I met Nigerians there, Tanzanians, Ghanaians, so many students from African countries, they are there studying. So, this is one country, Russia, but we are our students spread all over the world.

So, we are trying to build our human capital, both boys and girls. So that's why I said in those years nine out of 20 countries that would lead the economy, nine are coming from Africa, and I think Tanzania is one of them.

Geeta Mohan: Now I’ll go back to the war question – the Iran-US war, the Strait of Hormuz blockade. There is a real cause of concern and worry. How is Russia looking at it? What's your assessment and reading on the global impact it is having apart from the fact that yes Russia maybe has had a bit of an advantage what's the assessment of the blockade and the attack on Iran? Would you consider it provoked or unprovoked?

Vladimir Putin: I cannot see any provocations on the part of Iran. It seems to me that we once came to terms and adopted a relevant agreement on Iran’s nuclear programme and everything was under the IAEA’s control.

Yet, regretfully the situation unfolded following a different scenario, in a different vein. Everything resulted in today’s tragedy, to put it bluntly. The strike at Iran, losses, including among the civilian population, we know it well enough, relations between the neighboring countries worsened, which is undoubtedly of great concern for us because we have very good, friendly relations with the Arab world and with the Gulf countries. And all the time we (I also spoke about it yesterday, I remind you), in conversations with our Iranian friends, are talking them into abstaining from strikes against the neighboring states. However, their answer is simple, they say: “We were attacked, they kill our children, they have assassinated all the country’s leadership. What shall we do? We have to respond this way.”

You see, the situation is not easy for us in this regard. Our relations with Iran are very amicable, we are neighbours, as well as with the Arab countries. Frankly speaking, it puts us in a complicated situation. Still, we proceed from the idea that President Trump’s decision to suspend hostilities is the only correct one. We sincerely hope that this ceasefire, that is taking place now, will lead to a lasting peace.

I have already spoken about it on many occasions; there is no need to repeat it and waste time. In 2015, Russia played a noticeable role in settling the crisis. If we can do anything today, we are ready for this joint work. If no, we will just hope that all the countries involved in the conflict will eventually manage to resolve this issue peacefully. (Applause.)

Geeta Mohan: Have they approached for Russia to play role in mediating in brokering peace? Are you in touch with President Pezeshkian or also have you had an opportunity to speak with the new Supreme Leader?

Vladimir Putin: No, it’s not about approaching, the thing is that some time ago, it was even a year ago already, may be later, we reminded them about our cooperation in 2015, when we took the enriched uranium to the Russian Federation. Then it defused the situation. We reminded them about it and said that it is possible, and if all the parties involved in the conflict are interested in such Russian participation at the given time, then we are prepared to repeat it and are ready to do it all. We have the required technologies and initially, I repeat, practically all the parties involved in the conflict, i.e. Iran itself, Israel and the United States said yes, it is interesting, it may be considered. However, later they toughened their requirements and everything resulted in today’s situation.

Our proposals are on the table; we do not insist on anything. If the parties involved in the conflict decide that this is a good proposal – welcome. If no, we will just monitor the situation and, where possible, exert influence with a view to mitigate the situation. (Applause.)

Geeta Mohan: Does the offer for, uh, the uranium enrichment to be taken to Russia still stand? Are you engaged with Washington DC on this? Because I suppose DC is very clear that they want to have the uranium, and Iran is insistent that it stays in Iran.

Vladimir Putin: We are in contact with Washington, Tehran, and Tel Aviv. (Applause.)

Geeta Mohan: Because you mentioned Tel Aviv. Do you think Prime Minister Netanyahu’s plans as they stand are one of the main reasons why America is in a position where it needs to look at how to get out of this, how to exit this? And do you think that President Trump was misled?

Vladimir Putin: I have no reason to say that Mr Trump has been misled in any way. He is an experienced, mature politician, and it is unlikely that anyone from the outside could exert any significant influence over him.

Israel’s concerns are well known. They stem from Israel’s belief that Iran is seeking to develop nuclear weapons. But Iran has repeatedly stated, both in the past and continues to state now, that it has no such plans. And we have no reason to doubt that, because we also have no evidence that Iran is seeking to develop nuclear weapons.

That said, Israel’s concerns exist. And the main problem here is the lack of trust between the two sides. In this situation, it is crucial to place all these materials under the control of the IAEA, the international organisation whose director general, as I mentioned, joined us via videoconference yesterday for the launch of the nuclear power plant project in Uzbekistan. If this is under IAEA control, then, frankly, I do not see any major problems.

Agreeing on enrichment levels in Iran is a different matter – no less pressing, in my view. Iran has the right to peaceful nuclear programmes, and we are cooperating with Iran in this area. We have already built one unit at the Bushehr nuclear power plant, and it is operational. We are continuing construction on two more units. Our specialists are present there. We have withdrawn most of our personnel because Bushehr is located practically on the shore of the Strait of Hormuz – almost in the combat zone. We were forced to withdraw some of the women and children, but some remain.

On that point, I want to note that we are in contact with both the Americans and the Israelis. Everyone assures us that the shell impacts near the plant were accidental. Everyone assures us that it was an accident and will not happen again. And I have no reason to believe we are being misled. We have spoken with the Israelis about this many times, and we see their concern and their willingness to ensure the safety of the Bushehr plant.

The situation is quite different elsewhere – at the Zaporozhskaya Nuclear Power Plant, for example. There, Ukrainian forces are constantly launching strikes near the plant. Or, recently, they seem to have completely lost their minds and struck the reactor directly. Thank God, there were no significant consequences and the reactor was not damaged, but it has, of course, been shut down. That said, the situation there is very dangerous, given the spent fuel and so on.

If those storage tanks are damaged, it becomes a very serious question: which way will the wind blow? And it is not at all certain that it will blow towards the Russian Federation. It could just as easily blow towards Europe. So, Europeans who encourage any actions by the current Kiev regime should think carefully about that and consider their own security – something that, by the way, Mr Grossi, Director General of the IAEA, has clearly, if very carefully, alluded to.

Returning to your original question: we generally intend, once the situation calms down, to continue working with our Iranian friends on the construction of these nuclear facilities. But here too, I think that allaying Iran’s concerns about restrictions on its peaceful nuclear projects could play a certain role. We are working with them and are ready to provide everything they need, including enriched uranium for nuclear energy.

Geeta Mohan: Beyond economic friendship or economic partnership, there are reports in western media where they say that Russia has supported Iran uh not just not just symbolically, not just in words but in satellite images and data sharing, in information sharing. What do you have to say to those reports?

Vladimir Putin: The information is always on the table. Some modern means of control have dual designation. I think that Iranians, I do not know it for sure, could well obtain information not only from our satellites, but also from other, commercial satellites, which easily sell it as a product on a commercial basis.

As for weapons, Iran did not ask us for this and we did not supply any armaments to Iran. (Applause.)

Geeta Mohan: But these wars today have shown a different side of modern warfare – drone technology. Whether it is Ukraine or, for that matter, Iran, we are head in drone technology, in the use of artificial intelligence. How does Russia fare? And what is your assessment on what you want to do, and reading on, Ukraine’s drone technology, Iran’s drone technology?

Vladimir Putin: As regards Ukrainian UAVs, they must be downed and it should be done more effectively.

Now regarding the use of artificial intelligence. Yes, the United States and Europe are active in developing this area, we are doing this too. (Applause.) By the way, UAVs and their components come mostly from there – mostly from Europe, partially from the United States if we talk about their components. We are making all this using own resources.

Geeta Mohan: Is AI an enabler or a disruptor?

Vladimir Putin: These are new means of an armed struggle, there is nothing unusual in this, as a matter of principle it was known long before. Still, all parties, as usual, all, I insist, begin to get ready for this when it appears in real life, in the course of real struggle.

But these means are not the only ones. The result is achieved through a synergy of forces, means, and most importantly, motivation of the very armed forces and stability, domestic political stability in society.

Here are UAV operations, among other things. They delivered a strike at a coal harbour; achieved, by all appearance, what they wanted, some noise, smoke, when the coal caught fire. That’s the goal. Have they achieved anything in this regard? Yes, they have archived something. Is it decisive for achieving the goal? No, it is not. We need stronger internal unity in the society, our own resources for developing modern weapons, hardware, our own scientific basis, a resource basis. Russia has all of this. We are working on this and will continue to do so. The sooner those who are fighting us realize this, the better it will be for them. (Applause.)

Well, I am sorry, you spoke about Iran. We should give credit to the Iranian leadership; Iran still provides for the stability of its society; this is an obvious fact. And after the beginning of hostilities some in the West believed that Iran will collapse from within – no, that analysis was erroneous. Because we can see that the situation is quite opposite – the Iranian society gets consolidated.

You should know, you have seen or probably heard that, I do not know, a month ago or more, when the conflict just started, and the first strikes were delivered, the Iranian leadership spread the word “Life for Iran.” Within a week, five million people, and more than 10 million to date, have voluntarily expressed the wish to give their lives for Iran. This fact speaks volumes and should always be kept in mind. In this case it concerns the conflict in Iran.

Geeta Mohan: Dissent also has to be recognized by countries and leaders. There's dissent in Tanzania, there's dissent in Russia, there's dissent in the US and in China, including India. How do you see dissent and how do you engage the youth?

Vladimir Putin: The more points of view, the better, because that allows us to choose the best option. (Applause.)

Geeta Mohan: Okay. I have to ask my Indian question.

Yesterday you were meeting with some of the editors and you spoke about Su-57, that it was an offer for a collaboration. Does that offer still stand? What are the details? What is the conversation you are having with New Delhi?

Vladimir Putin: We have very good, long-standing relations with India in the area of defence technology cooperation. A significant portion of the Indian Army uses Russian-made equipment. That has been the case since the Soviet era, and it continues to evolve.

Our relationship with our Indian friends in this area is unique in that, thanks to our mutual trust, our collaboration is focused not just on trade – buying and selling – but on joint development. One of the best-known examples is the BrahMos medium-range missile. Indian specialists were involved from the very beginning, alongside Russian ones, and a very good product has emerged.

As for aircraft, India traditionally buys our planes and helicopters, and I know the pilots are satisfied with them. The Su-57 is a good aircraft – modern, perhaps the most advanced in the world right now, and the most effective. As I mentioned yesterday, we originally proposed to our Indian friends that we work on it together. That did not work out back then, so we went ahead and did it ourselves.

Now we are ready to supply this aircraft, which – I am not sure the audience is very interested in this detail – can be flown by two pilots in combat missions and can also serve as a command post. We can supply it alongside other platforms. In short, we are moving forward and working very intensively, not only on aircraft but also on naval equipment, submarines, and surface ships.

Geeta Mohan: Is there a waiver or carve-out for India in acquiring and procuring Su-57s and S-500 air defense systems from the United States of America? And will that stand? How do you think India should be dealing with America and the sanctions?

Vladimir Putin: India always behaves like a sovereign state, and under Prime Minister Modi’s leadership, the threat of sanctions tends to backfire. I know that for a fact – we have had very good, friendly relations for many years. I remember that he was once even banned from entering the United States; we remember that, too. I know that Prime Minister Modi has not forgotten that either.

But now he is Prime Minister, and all those sanctions have been lifted. Relations between India and the United States are now advancing steadily, as far as I understand.

India is a sovereign country and chooses the products, including in the military sphere, that it considers most appropriate and attractive based on the well-known principle of price and quality. And no matter what anyone says, India has always done so and will always do so. How exactly? It will always be guided by its national interests.

This is a very sensitive area – military technology. And here is something very important, something fundamental: our cooperation with India, just like with our other partners, is not subject to political considerations. No one can tell us not to supply India. And no one ever says that to us. We will do what we deem necessary and will always fulfil our obligations to our partners – especially to partners like India. That is how we operate, by those rules. And that is how we will continue to work. (Applause.)

Geeta Mohan: I began the session by saying we can't be dictated to and my co-moderator President Putin has said the same. On that note, we end the session.

Thank you so much for joining us.

Vladimir Putin: On behalf of everyone present – ourselves and everyone else in this room – I would like to thank our charming moderator for our work together and for leading our discussion today.

Thank you very much. (Applause.)

Vladimir Putin answered media questions

2026-06-16T19:13:06+04:00

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Good evening.

You had to wait. President Lukashenko and I had a lengthy discussion as we had many issues to discuss.

I am listening. Please, begin.

Anton Morozov: Mr President, here is my question. We understand that you have had a busy visit dedicated to the extensive EAEU agenda. However, news is breaking every minute, and you are probably aware of the story about a drone that flew into Romania.

Vladimir Putin: That is what I have just been told.

Anton Morozov: My question is this: why didn’t the Europeans, who are hyping the rhetoric around this story, shoot down that drone?

Vladimir Putin: You know, this may seem strange, but I only learned about this just before entering the hall. I was informed that something had happened, supposedly involving one of our drones. If you would be so kind as to explain it again, I would be grateful – I am not joking, or being ironic – and I will comment based on what I know.

Anton Morozov: Anton Morozov, TASS. The Europeans talk a lot…

Vladimir Putin: No, no, I understand what they are saying. What drone?

Anton Morozov: Why didn’t they shoot it down? Why didn’t they shoot down the drone they associate with Russia that flew there?

Vladimir Putin: Are you listening to me or not? I do not even understand what you are talking about. Before entering the hall, they told me: “You know, some drone flew into Romania.” I said: “I don’t know. What kind of drone?” So, tell me, what exactly is being reported in the media?

Anton Morozov: They are saying it was ours.

Pavel Zarubin: They are saying that the drone which crashed into a residential building in Romania today was a Russian drone.

Vladimir Putin: Who in Romania is saying it was a Russian drone?

Pavel Zarubin: Many people in Europe are saying so.

Vladimir Putin: “Many people” are nobody. Give me specific names.

Remark: Ursula von der Leyen.

Vladimir Putin: Ms von der Leyen has not been to Romania. She has not examined the remains of that drone. No one can determine the origin of a particular aircraft until a proper examination has been conducted.

After all, we know that Ukrainian drones have previously flown into Finland, Poland, and the Baltic states. The initial reaction was exactly the same as it is now in Romania: “Help! The Russians are coming, the Russians are attacking.” Then, after a short period of time, it turned out that those incidents had nothing to do with Russian UAVs. They were drones of Ukrainian origin that had gone off course, been affected by electronic warfare, or, due to technical limitations, had ended up there and crashed. I believe that most likely we are dealing with the same situation as well.

However, if they provide us with objective data – as we once did with representatives of the US administration by handing over information and drone fragments from an attempted strike on one of the residences of the President of the Russian Federation to be examined – then let them provide those materials to us. We will conduct an objective investigation, and only then will we be in a position to assess what has actually happened.

Anton Vernitsky: Mr President, Anton Vernitsky, Channel One.

Could you please summarise the outcomes of your state visit to Kazakhstan? Additionally, numerous documents were signed, including one concerning the construction of a nuclear power plant in Kazakhstan, with Russia providing an export credit facility to finance this project. Is it advantageous for Russia to undertake construction using its own resources? Kazakhstan would appear to be a wealthy nation, as evidenced by the reception we have received here. Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Firstly, our financing conditions for facilities of this nature are consistent with similar operations and transactions globally. This is standard international practice. Typically, when a project is undertaken, appropriate loans are extended.

In several European countries, as well as in our own, entire credit facilities have been established to support domestic exports, specifically exports of goods and services. Naturally, this is advantageous for us. We are not merely granting these funds; we are providing them as a credit.

These funds will return to the Russian treasury; they bear interest, as is customary in such cases. The interest rate is entirely acceptable and aligns with all current international standards and requirements.

We are maintaining our industrial capacity through these orders, and subsequently, we participate in maintenance, the supply of equipment, spare parts, fuel, and so on. For Russia, this is beneficial because we have longstanding cooperation with Kazakhstan in uranium raw materials, which is advantageous given that Kazakhstan one of the largest holders of uranium deposits.

For Kazakhstan, this is also advantageous due to logistical proximity.

We are partners in nuclear energy, as noted earlier, and this is also beneficial for Kazakhstan – to gain additional momentum in this sector, to be not only a supplier of raw materials but also to acquire high technologies. This is crucial for Kazakhstan and all our partners alike.

We are not merely constructing something with credit resources; we are establishing an industry. We are commencing the training of specialists and involving local personnel in joint initiatives. The precise figure for Kazakhstan escapes me at present, but generally, at least 25 percent of all work during the construction of such facilities is allocated to our partners.

We are prepared to manage spent nuclear fuel, supply fuel, and are engaged in negotiations. Yesterday, President Tokayev suggested that we collaborate on supplying this power plant with the requisite fuel. This represents a substantial volume. Twenty percent of Kazakhstan’s energy consumption will be met by the operation of the nuclear power plant. It is beneficial from all perspectives.

This project is the result of sustained efforts on both sides, involving compromise and the pursuit of mutually acceptable solutions. We have succeeded in finding them. This was a significant and substantial endeavour. It is advantageous for both Russia and Kazakhstan.

Regarding the results, there was indeed a question raised. We are satisfied with the outcomes, as they effectively mark what we have achieved. Our bilateral trade has reached a record level, exceeding $20 billion, and continues to demonstrate positive growth dynamics.

We have identified priority areas for cooperation across all key sectors and, most importantly, have defined seven principal areas that will guide our future collaboration. Humanitarian cooperation plays a particularly significant and perhaps even leading role in this regard. Preserving close, good-neighbourly, and, in many aspects, familial ties between our nations and citizens is of utmost importance, as it fosters a level of trust between our states that is essential both in the present circumstances and from a long-term historical perspective.

As you know, we have launched a new educational initiative aimed at identifying and developing gifted children. The project will be implemented in Kazakhstan, drawing on the experience and support of the Sirius Educational Centre.

We are deeply grateful to the President of Kazakhstan for the attention he has devoted to the development of the Russian language and for the support it receives at the official level. Russian is used throughout government institutions. Rather than causing any difficulties, it is broadly welcomed.

The President of Kazakhstan boasts extensive international experience, having served as UN Deputy Secretary-General. Naturally, he understands the value of proficiency in foreign languages. Given the relationship between our countries, which were once part of a single state, and considering that Russian served as the lingua franca in the Soviet Union, he recognises the importance [of preserving the language] and supports these efforts. Russian is also one of the official languages of the United Nations. This is particularly important in light of the growing trade between our countries. While the connection may appear straightforward, the reality is that the stronger our economic and business ties become, the greater the demand for a common language. Consequently, supporting the Russian language is important for economic development. The President of Kazakhstan is not only aware of this but also taking specific steps to create the necessary conditions for its implementation.

Therefore, I believe that all the objectives we set for ourselves have been achieved, and we are pleased with the outcomes of our joint work.

Viktor Sineok: I am Viktor Sineok of the Izvestiya Multimedia Information Centre.

The issue of Armenia has been discussed extensively both during the summit and on the sidelines. Could you explain what the country gains from membership in the EAEU? What benefits does it receive? What could it expect if its participation in the organisation were to be temporarily suspended?

Vladimir Putin: You know, I anticipated this question. I addressed it during the restricted-format meeting and told the Armenian representative, a Deputy Prime Minister of the Armenian government, that any discussion of this issue must be frank, sincere, and completely transparent.

I will now repeat the points I raised during that meeting, one by one. Our Armenian colleague, the Deputy Prime Minister, agreed that this approach is appropriate and that the matter should indeed be discussed honestly and openly.

But before answering your question, I will say that I outlined these points in advance – not before this news conference, but during the restricted-format meeting. There is nothing confidential about them; on the contrary, I believe the public should be aware of it.

Before proceeding further, I would like to emphasise something that I consider fundamentally important. The Russian and Armenian peoples are connected by longstanding ties of friendship and, without exaggeration, by a uniquely close relationship that has developed over centuries. There is a special bond between Russia and Armenia, and between Russia and the Armenian people. I said so to Nikol Pashinyan, and he can confirm my words. I told him that whatever serves the interests of the Armenian people is acceptable and beneficial for Russia as well: “Act according to what you believe is best for the Armenian people. You hold the authority here, and the responsibility for making decisions rests with you. Whatever decision you make will be respected – and no decision will undermine our humanitarian ties or our political relations.”

That said, in this particular case we are solely discussing economic matters. These issues require careful consideration, analysis, and decision-making. As I have previously noted, the crisis in Ukraine began with efforts to move toward EU accession. We did not oppose such aspirations, but we pointed out that, for instance, phytosanitary standards differ substantially – which directly affects access to markets. Since Soviet times, in Russia and consequently across the countries that now form the EAEU, phytosanitary standards have been tougher than those applied in Europe. For example, we have restrictions regarding genetically modified products, and many people [in our region] do not wish to consume genetically modified food products – that is their choice, and we must take this preference into account. There have not yet been thorough studies regarding the effects of such products on human health. Also, technical standards are very different. Certain industrial products may be sold in our market while others may not. Differences extend to steel grades and so on. There are plenty of aspects that are simply not compatible today and cannot coexist.

This does not mean that we are opposed to it; on the contrary, we support it. But it takes time and investment. For example, if you want to meet certain European standards – which may in some respects be more advanced than ours – you would need to invest resources in establishing the necessary production capacity. And the same applies in the opposite direction.

Therefore, combining the two systems in one day is virtually impossible. As a result, we would be forced, in certain areas –and indeed, by and large – to scale back almost all of our cooperation with Armenia in the economic sphere related to integration processes.

You asked about the advantages. This is how we see them. Some may disagree; that is open to debate. But what do we –and not only Russia, but all EAEU member states – see as the benefits of joining and strengthening the Union? First, access to a large and protected common market across the entire EAEU, including Russia and the other member states; duty-free trade; common technical and phytosanitary standards, as I have already mentioned – these facilitate market access and simplify logistics. Although we do not share a common border, we have nevertheless managed to ensure that the movement of goods and services is organised in the most efficient and cost-effective way possible. I will further elaborate on what I mean by that. Another advantage is low energy prices: in Europe, prices may reach around 600 euros, while for Armenia they are a little over 150 euros, though I do not recall the exact figure. The difference is significant. I am listing all the advantages because people often focus solely on energy. It is important, certainly, but it is not the only benefit.

Then there is investment activity. According to data from the Eurasian Development Bank, accumulated investment in Armenia amounts to $4.9 billion, 86 percent of which is Russian. And this figure does not even include capital originating from Russia through indirect channels. In other words, Armenian business representatives operating in Russia often invest through third-party instruments. Therefore, the 86 percent figure does not tell the whole story; the actual amount is considerably higher.

After the meeting in Yerevan, for example, European partners promised to invest 2.5 billion euros. How and when these investments will materialise remains to be seen. But 2.5 billion euros is still less than $4.9 billion, and that is before taking into account indirect investments, which are also, in essence, Russian capital.

Now, regarding participation in free trade agreements: these would also be cancelled. What would that mean? First and foremost, it would entail the restoration of full customs controls and customs duties. We need to carefully assess what this would mean.

The second consequence would be the cessation of mutual recognition of documents, particularly in the areas of technical regulations and phytosanitary standards. Agricultural products currently enter our market under these arrangements, but we would then stop recognising those standards and would have to review them. Perhaps we would recognise them and be satisfied; perhaps not. That remains to be seen. Where would products such as wine be exported – to Spain, France, Italy, Portugal? This is something that requires consideration.

There would also be a reduction in trade in services, tourism, transport services, and other sectors. I will say more about transport in a moment.

Furthermore, workers from Armenia would become subject to the requirements that apply to migrants from CIS countries. What does that mean? It means they would need to obtain patents to work in Russia. To gain access to compulsory medical insurance, they would need to reside in the country for at least five years, and so on. There are plenty of requirements. It would be an entirely different situation. People should discuss this clearly, directly, and honestly.

We would also have to restore the permit procedure for Armenian road carriers. This would be unavoidable; it is a separate and highly complex area of cooperation.

In addition, rail freight tariffs would have to be adjusted from the current domestic Russian rates – which are currently applied to Armenian carriers – to the tariffs applied to other CIS countries.

And, obviously, energy prices would rise. The same preferences that exist today would no longer apply. According to preliminary estimates – not only ours, but also those from various experts – these changes could result in a loss of at least 14 percent of Armenia’s GDP. Whether that is a large or a small figure is open to discussion, but it is nonetheless something that must be carefully weighed and evaluated.

If we look at the last three years – 2023, 2024, and 2025 –Russia’s GDP growth was 4.1 percent, 4.9 percent, and 1 percent respectively. That amounts to cumulative growth of 10.3 percent over the three-year period. For the European Union, growth was 0.4 percent, 1.1 percent, and 1.5 percent respectively. As for the EAEU, growth reached 4.3 percent in 2023, 5 percent in 2024, and 1.7 percent in 2025, resulting in cumulative growth of 11.4 percent over three years. In other words, one union achieved economic growth of 11.4 percent over that period, while the other achieved 3 percent.

Naturally, the situation in Europe may be more complex for a variety of reasons. It is a technology-intensive economy, so comparisons must take into account both their and our economic bases. Nevertheless, the trend is clear: here, we can see faster growth rates. Prime Minister Pashinyan himself has stated that he considers it appropriate to hold a referendum on whether Armenia should remain within the EAEU or pursue membership in the European Union. We would ask our Armenian partners and friends that such a decision be made as soon as possible.

Boris Ivanin: Mr President, good afternoon,

I am Boris Ivanin of the Zvezda TV channel, Glavnoye (Highlights) programme.

If I may, I would like to address the key topics of your visit to Kazakhstan. Yesterday, you took part in the Eurasian Economic Forum, which we followed closely. As we all recall, the central theme of the forum was the focus on artificial intelligence amidst the global digital race.

Speaking of artificial intelligence, Alexander Lukashenko remarked yesterday that it was merely hype – a fashionable buzzword of the younger generation. But setting the hype aside, the reality remains: where do we, Russia, stand in this global digital race? That is my first question.

Yesterday, you also spoke about specific projects already being implemented in Moscow, particularly the use of AI in emergency medical services. What other developments and initiatives are we prepared to share with our partners in the EAEU, including Armenia, while it remains a member, so that we can stay at the forefront of technological progress and preserve our technological sovereignty? We are obviously aware that this is especially important today in light of the pressure created by Western sanctions.

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: I mentioned the example of Moscow’s ambulance service more or less off the cuff. It was not part of my prepared remarks; it was simply an example that came to mind. And it is far from the only case of AI being applied in Moscow’s healthcare system.

You are probably familiar with the centralised centres that process, for example, X-ray images. Such images are collected from across Moscow and transmitted to a single centre, where highly specialised experts analyse them before sending the results back. This approach reduces the time required for diagnosis and improves the quality of public services. There are plenty of similar examples.

We have also made significant progress in the advancement of autonomous vehicles. Our online trading platforms, Ozon and Wildberries, are operating successfully and efficiently. Moreover, financial institutions are already being launched on the foundations of these platforms. But this is not all. We are increasingly applying these technologies across industry, science, and education as well.

Maintaining sovereignty in this area is of critical importance. Russia is probably one of only a handful of countries – perhaps one of just three – that both have the opportunity and are actively developing their own sovereign AI capabilities.

Achieving this requires your own algorithms, and your own datasets. Our Chinese partners, for example, have created their foundational models and datasets available free of charge, providing a base upon which others can build applications and additional functionality. This is a positive development, and we are making use of it. Some of our companies openly acknowledge this, saying, “Yes, we have adopted it, made an agreement, and will use it.” Others choose a different approach, developing their own original solutions from the ground up, with Sberbank being one such example. The latter path requires financial resources and significant capital investment.

However, it is precisely this sovereign technological platform that serves as the foundation for everything else. It is what enables us to deploy advanced technologies in areas such as defence, security, and public administration. Russia is among few countries that are capable of doing this. Obviously, these efforts would be easier and more effective if we worked jointly with our partners. First and foremost, I am referring to our partners within the EAEU. We have discussed this informally and have already proposed cooperation to them. Many have considerable interest in such collaboration, in part because our countries have historically enjoyed relations built on a high degree of trust. We are prepared not only to make our developments available but also to share the expertise and knowledge behind them for our friends and partners within the EAEU to create their own national platforms. We are ready to work together. This is an exceptionally important area of activity.

As I mentioned yesterday, the advancement of artificial intelligence requires not only substantial investment but also immense energy resources. Google plans to build several AI platforms, each requiring, as far as I know, one gigawatt of capacity. At the same time, as I mentioned yesterday, Russia boasts considerable potential in nuclear energy, as well as vast hydropower resources, including in Siberia. There are also opportunities for development in northern regions, where the cold climate allows for natural cooling [of computing infrastructure]. In other words, we have evident competitive advantages. We are prepared, willing and committed to independently advance all of the initiatives that I have mentioned. At the same time, we are ready not merely to share our experience, but to collaborate with our EAEU partners – and this is an area of interest to our friends and partners.

Nazigul Zhusupova: Nazigul Zhusupova, RIA Novosti. May I ask a question?

Vladimir Putin: Please, go ahead.

Nazigul Zhusupova: We have heard all statements made by the summit participants today, but I would like to ask about your personal impressions. Do the EAEU member states remain interested in deepening integration? To what extent are current challenges affecting the situation?

As we know, it was exactly 12 years ago in Astana that the decision to establish the EAEU was made. How do you envision the future of the Union?

Will the next summit be held with the same composition, or could there be changes? And might there be changes in the level of integration among the member states?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: You know, everyone remains interested. As for Armenia, you are aware of the situation. In any case, I explained everything exactly as I reported it to my colleagues during the restricted-format meeting. I concealed nothing. I went through every point with them. I first wrote everything down and then presented it. There are no secrets here.

As for the interest of our partners, it remains strong. Moreover, it is growing. Countries that participate openly in this cooperation see tangible positive results, recognise the potential of this interaction, and are interested in its further development.

As for the future, what would it look like? We would all very much like – and I certainly would – for it to be high-tech; not based merely on mutual supplies of raw materials or food products, important as they are for ensuring food security, but on the exchange of goods and services with high added value. That is precisely why Kazakhstan’s chairmanship has made artificial intelligence a key priority for future development, placing it at the centre of our expanded meeting. I hope that this is exactly the direction in which we will move.

And we agreed that, as usual, if nothing interferes with our plans, we will meet in St Petersburg in December.

Kira Latukhina: Kira Latukhina, Rossiyskaya Gazeta.

I have a question about St Petersburg. Another major international event, the St Petersburg International Economic Forum, opens next week. Every year you deliver a keynote address there, and I am sure this year will be no exception: you will also deliver a keynote address to the forum participants. Could you perhaps share some details about the topics you intend to raise?

I would also like to ask whether any of your EAEU colleagues will be attending the forum.

Vladimir Putin: As for your question on the substantive content of my speech, let us not discuss it now. Otherwise, you will have no reason to come, because Everything will already be known in advance, so listening will not be interesting.

As for the participation of our EAEU partners, they attend the St Petersburg Economic Forum every year. This year will be no exception, with large delegations expected to participate. There will also be the main guest from one of the EAEU observer states.

Yelena Shiryaeva: Yelena Shiryaeva, Mir TV channel.

You have said many times that where tigers thrive, everyone thrives. Russia has donated four Amur tigers to Kazakhstan. What is the most important aspect of this project, in your view?

Vladimir Putin: The most important aspect is that we are cooperating in a humanitarian field that is very important to us – the restoration and preservation of nature.

Of course, we did not exterminate tigers here in the steppes. But when we lived together as part of a single state, these things happened, and we bear responsibility for that as well. If we are now able to support our colleagues in their efforts to restore wildlife, then that is exactly what we should do. This is our response to the efforts our friends are making in this and many other areas.

Let me give you an example, not from the EAEU but still relevant. Tajikistan once gifted us snow leopards. We are now working to reintroduce snow leopards, including in the Caucasus. There are many similar examples. I have mentioned our cooperation in humanitarian fields, and this is one of them.

Andrei Kolesnikov: Andrei Kolesnikov, Kommersant.

Mr President, at your previous news conference on May 9, you said that, in your opinion, the situation in Ukraine was nearing its conclusion. Could you clarify what you meant? Since then, many people have been wondering exactly what you had in mind.

Do you still hold that view now, despite the drone strike on Starobelsk, for example, and reports of planned strikes on Kiev? If so, when, in your opinion, will this conclusion come?

Vladimir Putin: As for the timeframe, I think both you and my other colleagues understand what my answer will be. It is impossible to specify exact timelines in the context of military operations. Not only would it be imprudent, but it is also rarely done in practice. I am not going to do it.

You mentioned the attack on Starobelsk, and now I am being informed about attempted strikes on Russian territory. Yes, of course, Western countries continue supplying drones. What could be simpler? You assemble them, press a button, and they fly. But this means only one thing: we must continue strengthening our air defence system. We are doing so and will continue to do so.

As for my statement that the situation is nearing its conclusion, I made it based on an assessment of developments on the battlefield, where our forces are advancing in all directions. As you can see, this is happening every day.

By the way, since Starobelsk has been mentioned, I sometimes watch Western television channels to understand the information environment being created there and presented primarily to European audiences. Perhaps you watch them sometimes, too. What I see is, frankly, disturbing and outrageous. They are simply misleading their own citizens. Our strike on the Kiev region was our response to their crimes against students in Starobelsk. From morning until night, coverage focused solely on Russian aggression, strike, destruction, and damage. As representatives of the media, you are probably ashamed of your colleagues. There was not a single word about the tragedy in Starobelsk, about kids killed there, or about the deliberate targeting of civilians. Not a single word, as though it had never happened. What is that? Is that journalism? No, it is the means of mass deception.

Then comes the next step: they show drones being used by Ukraine for strikes, and present them as examples of military success. They discuss the cost of those drones, implying to their audiences that more funding is needed and more financing must be provided. What is that? Is that journalism? I do not believe it is.

Going back to your question and to what I said earlier: based on developments on the battlefield, we believe the situation is evolving in a way that allows us to say it is moving toward its conclusion.

Pavel Zarubin: Pavel Zarubin, Rossiya TV channel.

Hardly a day goes by without European politicians and even leaders saying that they are getting ready for a war against Russia. They have even mentioned specific dates. Here comes a logical question: are we factoring into our preparations the fact that they are preparing for a war against us?

Vladimir Putin: First, as far as the statements by European politicians about their preparations for a war against Russia are concerned, that is nonsense. They are allegedly doing this in connection with Russia’s aggressive plans with respect to Western European countries. It is a lie. It is a gross, blatant lie.

And as Goebbels once said: the more unbelievable the lie, the quicker people will believe it. These are the very standards guiding Western politicians and mass media in their day-to-day operations.

Russia has never had any aggressive intentions regarding European countries. And the tragedy that is unfolding in Ukraine – this is what they have done, this is the result of their policy. They were the ones who brought about the government coup in Kiev in 2014, which compelled Russia to defend the people of Crimea and then, I will not go into details, as I said it on many occasions, assist the Donbass People’s Republic and the Lugansk People’s Republic, which we did not recognise for a long time, for years. But when we realised that no one was going to honour the Minsk agreements, we had to, we had no option other than to assist the two then unrecognised republics. We had to recognise them, and provide them military assistance, because under interstate treaties we assumed the obligation to respond to their request for defence. That agreement was ratified, including through the upper house of the Russian parliament. Everything we did was absolutely transparent, legal and consistent. We acted on a step-by-step basis. And they have caused today’s tragedy and are now attempting to shift the blame from the guilty party onto the innocent, to suggest that it is Russia that is acting aggressively. No. It is their policy from the first step, when they deceived us that there would never be any expansion, that NATO would never make a single step to the East.

Yes, the Ukrainian tragedy involving the government coup results from their policy. And let them not deceive their own people. Russia has never threatened and is not threatening European countries.

Everything they do is designed to keep the confrontation with Russia going and justify the huge spending from the budgets of their countries, getting into the pocket of the European taxpayer.

Lana Samsoniya: Mr President, can I ask you to share some details about your meeting with Lukashenko?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, go ahead, please.

Lana Samsoniya: Your conversation lasted for an hour and a half. Could you tell us what were the topics that you discussed? Mr Lukashenko has probably informed you about his conversation with Macron. Could it be that specific names of people who could take part in the dialogue with Russia on behalf of Europe were mentioned during this conversation?

My name is Lana Samsoniya, and I am from Interfax news agency.

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Indeed, Mr Lukashenko filled me in on his conversation with the President of France, but I do not think that elaborating on this matter would be appropriate right now since this was a telephone conversation between two presidents. If Mr Lukashenko did it, I think he acted this way based on the premise that the President of France also wanted this to happen. That said, I do not know whether I have the right to disclose what they discussed during their conversation or the information that Lukashenko shared with me. I am sorry.

Anastasia Volodina: Anastasia Volodina, RT.

I have the following question. In its recent report, the Foreign Intelligence Service said that Ukraine has sent its drone operators to Latvia and, therefore, plans to target the territory of Russia this way.

If Russia registers launches of this kind, what kind of a response are we to expect?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: All the locations posing an immediate threat, and I would like to emphasise that I am talking about an immediate military threat to Russia, will be viewed as legitimate targets.

Olga Knyazeva: Mr President, could you tell us, please, what is your assessment of the negotiating process in its current state, considering the Starobelsk atrocity and the fact that Trump has been busy elsewhere lately?

Vladimir Putin: All I can say is that it has been put on pause, as many have been saying. I will not hide the fact that there are certain contacts but no negotiations per se, however. However, we are ready and have never refused talks. We are all for talks, since were not the ones who stopped them and are ready to carry on.

Gleb Ivanov: Alexander Lukashenko has just raised a very sensitive issue for many Russian drivers. When the recycling fee came into effect, this doubled the price of the cars which our drivers import from Belarus, in this particular case. My first question is whether this is what we were after? Second, it was Mr Lukashenko who raised this matter. Did you discuss it during your meeting with him which took place just a short while ago?

Vladimir Putin: No, Mr Lukashenko and I did not discuss this issue during our evening meeting, but we have had a lot of discussions and debates on this matter. What we did consisted in protecting Russian manufacturers. However, we never opposed or restricted, or intend to restrict, imports of products made in EAEU countries to our market, especially when it comes to products from Belarus, which is part of the Union State. Everything we do is designed to make this process transparent and to ensure that our partner markets are not used for supplying any goods from third countries. In this particular case, this deals with motor industry products. This is the gist of the matter. We want to make sure that these products are not presented as being manufactured using knock-down kits, after which they are sent directly to our market.

This requires tedious and complex work, with the corresponding ministries and agencies tasked with assessing the degree of localisation to determine whether a product can be viewed as made in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Armenia, as far as it is still an EAEU member, or Belarus. These agencies have to calculate the share of locally produced parts. This is the gist of the matter.

We have an open and honest dialogue on this matter and can demonstrate that there is a threat that the assembly using knock-down kits takes place in third countries. In fact, this creates a supply line through the territory of our partner countries. We are open, honest and transparent in what we are doing.

There can be some mishaps and mutual claims and reproaches, as well as disputes but this is business as usual, nevertheless.

Alexander Yunashev: Can I ask you for a clarification on Armenia?

Vladimir Putin: Go ahead.

Alexander Yunashev: Alexander Yunashev, Life.

What if Armenia starts dragging its feet on holding a referendum…

Vladimir Putin: All these ifs… Do I have to spell out the whole saying for you?

Alexander Yunashev: How long can it manage to sit on both chairs?

Vladimir Putin: You can refer this question to those who are trying to do this.

Yelena Mukhametshina: Mr President, can I ask you a question about Kaliningrad? I wanted to ask you a question about Kaliningrad to follow-up on what my colleagues have already mentioned in their questions. In recent months, we have been hearing statements coming from the Baltic countries on NATO attacking Kaliningrad, and these statements are becoming increasingly frequent. There was the recent statement by Lithuania’s foreign minister who said that the Baltic countries and NATO have the means to level to the ground Russian air defences in the Kaliningrad Region, if they need to. Is an attack of this kind possible, in your opinion? And what would be the response?

Vladimir Putin: How did you put it? You said that they have the means to level to the ground…

Yelena Mukhametshina: …Russian air defence bases.

Vladimir Putin: Russian bases, you say. The Russian Federation has all it takes for levelling to the ground anyone who tries doing this.

Alyona Nefyodova: Izvestia newspaper. Can I ask my question? Alyona Nefyodova.

The EU is still undecided about who will talk with Moscow on behalf of Brussels. You have already proposed your preferred candidate – it was former German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder. And now the Europeans are discussing this matter. Unfortunately, they have ignored what you said and there was no response.

Vladimir Putin: No, they did respond. There was a response. I have noticed it, there were both a favourable and a negative reaction. There were positive responses too. So, what?

Alyona Nefyodova: Nevertheless, they are now discussing other candidates. There are several names.

Vladimir Putin: Which ones?

Alyona Nefyodova: Specifically, it is President of Finland Alexander Stubb, former Chancellor of Italy Mario Draghi, President of Germany Frank-Walter Steinmeier and President of the European Council António Costa.

Is there anyone among them whom Moscow would prefer as Brussels’ negotiator?

Vladimir Putin: I think that those are right in the European Council who say that they should designate the negotiator themselves. It is not up to us to appoint anyone on their behalf. And, when I mentioned Mr Schröder, I meant that he is the person who can be trusted. You know, they put all sorts of labels on him there, that he is my friend, and so on. Yes, we are friends. Is there anything to hide? What is so bad about it? Is it bad? But it inspires certain trust.

Meanwhile, despite our friendship, he always – I want to emphasise this, I want everybody here and in the Federative Republic to know that he has always prioritised the national interests of the German people and German state. We built, we started building the Nord Streams. So, what? Was it bad for the German state, for the German economy? And now, is it better after they rejected our energy imports? They are trying to get oil from Kazakhstan, but it is pumped via our territory all the same. They are trying this and that, I am not going to mention all of this. Actually, they are trying to restore some ties. Still, Schröder acted in the interests of the German nation.

Was all of it so easy then? We had both disputes and misunderstanding. But we always wanted to find a compromise and find compromise we did. He is someone you can talk to. But it is not up to us to decide. I simply mentioned that this could be Schröder or a person like him. It is not our business to choose the negotiator.

Naturally, it is up to us to decide whether to meet with this or another actor in today's Western European politics. This is up to us. And we will see. They have yet to propose their pick, and we will also see whether they will do it or not, whether we need to meet with this or that politician or not, or whether we can trust them in one way or another.

There was a time when we held talks in Minsk and signed the Minsk agreements. Now we find out that they were signed to win some time and arm Ukraine instead of resolving all the existing issues peacefully, what we always sought and for what we are ready even now.

That is definitely enough now.

Thank you very much, don’t be angry.

Thank you, all the best.

Speech at the expanded meeting of the Supreme Eurasian Economic Council

2026-06-16T19:12:56+04:00

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Friends,

As our colleagues have already noted, the fact that on this day, 12 years ago, May 29, 2014, the founding Treaty on the Eurasian Economic Union was signed is indeed quite symbolic.

Our countries have been consistent and diligent in working together to carry out the provisions of this document, which has helped us create a highly effective integration group. The assessments we have heard from our colleagues, including both positive views and criticism, demonstrate that the Eurasian Economic Union has been generally successful in its efforts and continues to develop. The common markets of goods, services, capital and labour have been created, by and large. We have been expanding our multifaceted cooperation in trade, finance and other domains. This is how we are building a single, effective and inclusive economic space.

I would like to place a special emphasis on the fact that in the current environment, close-knit Eurasian integration has managed to offer tangible benefits to all participating countries, helping businesses generate higher revenue, while also improving the quality of life and wellbeing for the people of our countries.

The key macroeconomic indicators of the five member states have been following a sustained positive trajectory, which speaks for itself. The aggregate industrial output for the Eurasian Union has increased by 1.6 percent, agricultural production was up by 4.6 percent, and there was a 4.2 percent increase in construction. We have been witnessing growth across almost all sectors of the economy.

Last year, trade between our countries reached $95 billion, and its structure is improving with more shipments of high-technology products. Meanwhile, the share of raw materials has been declining in our trade.

We have been consistent in removing trade barriers within the EAEU, and harmonising non-tariff regulations. Our countries are carrying out almost all their settlements in national currencies. Therefore, we have reliably shielded our mutual export and import operations from external influence and negative global market trends.

The participating countries have been taking measures to further harmonise their customs laws. We are about to approve yet another decision on this topic.

Our countries have developed effective value-added chains by expanding their cooperation in manufacturing, while also promoting import substitution, introducing advanced technology and innovation.

The EAEU has launched a mechanism for the concessionary co-financing of promising industrial projects. Loans for these purposes are extended at interest rates considerably below market levels. It is only natural that such a subsidised lending scheme has attracted keen interest from the business communities of our countries. To date, two joint industrial projects have already been actively implemented, financing applications for three have been approved, and a further fourteen are under review by the Eurasian Commission.

The decisions we adopt today will enable us to extend this positive experience to other key areas, including agriculture. This is particularly significant given that food security issues have traditionally received considerable attention within the Eurasian Union. Through our joint efforts, we aim to ensure the independent and uninterrupted supply of essential categories of domestically produced agricultural goods to the domestic market. Another step forward in this direction will be the instruction to be adopted today regarding the common market for agricultural plant seeds.

The Russian side fully endorses the other integration decisions submitted for consideration by the Supreme Council, pertaining to cooperation in the electric power industry, the services sector, and a number of other industries.

Colleagues, we have repeatedly noted that the Eurasian Economic Union and our integration efforts attract considerable attention abroad. This point was likewise underscored during today’s proceedings. Many foreign states and major regional structures, such as the Commonwealth of Independent States, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, have expressed interest in developing ties with our five member states.

For its part, the EAEU remains steadfastly open to mutually beneficial and equitable cooperation with constructive countries and international associations, and the circle of preferential partners of our five member states continues to expand. Last year, trade agreements were concluded with Mongolia, the United Arab Emirates, and Indonesia. Negotiations on trade liberalisation with India have intensified. We fully support the draft decisions to commence negotiations on free trade agreements with new prospective partners. Naturally, we will carefully analyse all aspects of this process.

In conclusion, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and our colleagues from Kazakhstan for their efforts during Kazakhstan’s chairmanship of the Eurasian Economic Union and for the organisation of today’s meeting.

I would like to emphasise that deepening allied ties with all EAEU member states is a paramount priority for Russia, and we intend to continue contributing in every way possible to the development of integration processes throughout the entire Eurasian space.

Thank you for your attention.

Plenary session of the Eurasian Economic Forum

2026-06-16T19:12:52+04:00

Vladimir Putin delivered an address at the plenary session of the Eurasian Economic Forum.

The Eurasian Economic Forum is held annually in the country holding the chairmanship of the Eurasian Economic Union. It traditionally brings together politicians, heads of major companies, financial institutions, banks, as well as representatives of international organisations and the expert community.

The theme of the 2026 forum is “The EAEU in the Global Digital Race: Focus on Artificial Intelligence.” The programme includes approximately 30 thematic sessions dedicated to current issues of economic cooperation both within the EAEU and with third countries and integration associations.

A Joint Statement on the Responsible Development of Artificial Intelligence within the Eurasian Economic Union was adopted during the Eurasian Economic Forum.

Following the plenary session, the Russian President, together with the heads of delegations taking part in the forum, visited the thematic exhibition ‘AI Development in the EAEU’. The guests were shown displays at five national interactive stands and the Eurasian Economic Commission stand, showcasing each country’s achievements in the digital transformation of economic sectors and the development of artificial intelligence, as well as successful Union-wide projects in this area. The exhibition was organised by the alem.ai Artificial Intelligence Centre.

There were nine delegations, apart from the delegation of the Russian Federation, at the forum. They were headed by President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, Chair of the Supreme Eurasian Economic Council Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, President of the Republic of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko, President of the Kyrgyz Republic Sadyr Japarov, Deputy Prime Minister of Armenia Mher Grigoryan, Deputy Prime Minister of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam Hồ Quốc Dũng, Vice President of the Republic of Cuba Salvador Valdés Mesa, Minister of Industry, Mine and Trade of the Islamic Republic of Iran Mohammad Atabak, Minister of State for Foreign Trade of the United Arab Emirates Thani bin Ahmed Al Zeyoudi, and Deputy Prime Minister of Mongolia Nyamtaishiryn Nomtoibayar. Taking part in the plenary session were also Chairman of the Eurasian Economic Commission’s Board Bakytzhan Sagintayev and Deputy Prime Minister of the Republic of Kazakhstan – Minister of Artificial Intelligence and Digital Development Zhaslan Madiyev, who moderated the discussion.

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Address at the plenary session

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Friends, ladies and gentlemen,

Before addressing the main topic, I would like to welcome the participants of the plenary session of the regular Eurasian Economic Forum and, of course, to thank President Tokayev for hosting us today in this format and for organising this useful and informative event, as well as the productive and substantive discussion.

Importantly, the forum provides an opportunity for representatives of government, businesses, and civil society to jointly develop new key initiatives for advancing and deepening integration – an integration that delivers tangible benefits to each member state of the Eurasian Union, facilitates economic growth, and improves the wellbeing of our citizens.

This year, our focus is on advanced technology, digitalisation, and artificial intelligence. Considerable progress has already been made in these areas within the EAEU. The Union applies common standards for trade data exchange, has unified digital commerce rules, utilises electronic navigation seals, and operates integrated labour market information systems.

As for artificial intelligence, it constitutes an entirely new, yet highly promising, area of integrative cooperation. These strategic technologies are becoming a crucial factor in ensuring global competitiveness, economic growth, and progress.

The competition for leadership in this field is already intensifying among states and transnational corporations. I would emphasise that Russia – in my view – possesses distinct competitive advantages. First, we fully recognise the critical importance of this knowledge and understand the fundamental principles underlying these insights and tools. Second, we maintain a clear understanding of the opportunities and risks associated with the deployment of these technologies. Third, we possess – as our moderator has rightly noted – intellectual potential. Within the education sector, this process is advancing actively, and our scientific community is prepared to address challenges of this magnitude and complexity. Therefore, Russia possesses the qualified personnel required to tackle these tasks.

Furthermore, the development of artificial intelligence requires the substantial consumption and utilisation of energy. Russia enjoys distinct competitive advantages in this domain. I refer to advanced nuclear energy technologies, encompassing both small nuclear power plants and large units. This is crucial for creating pertinent platforms. We can also utilise other sources, including hydropower, as well as traditional forms of energy. All these resources can be harnessed; Russia possesses clear – and I believe, for this audience, it hardly needs to be emphasised – competitive advantages.

Moreover, the advancement of artificial intelligence tools requires considerable financing. Russia is fully capable of mobilising the necessary volumes of financial resources for this purpose. In this respect, the Russian Federation is one of, perhaps, the few countries that is both capable of creating, and is indeed creating, its own sovereign platforms for the development of artificial intelligence.

However, we fully understand and we are completely aware that collaboration with our friends and partners is of paramount importance. The pooling of efforts can yield substantial outcomes and produce a so-called joint payoff, if I may phrase it thus, in this area, presenting serious challenges for the EAEU countries and our integration process, while simultaneously offering opportunities, as I have previously noted.

The technologies of political life are changing right before our eyes, as the President of Kyrgyzstan has just mentioned. Indeed, the technologies of political life and transmission of information are changing, a fundamentally new pattern of industry is emerging, education and healthcare are being transformed, and the social sphere as a whole is changing. This concerns not only registration and routing of patients. This concerns the very methods of decision-making regarding the treatment of respective illnesses.

The labour market is being restructured. It is quite possible that millions of people will lose their jobs or will be forced to change their occupation. Entire professions may disappear due to the fact that a computer mind will replace a person. In a number of areas related to process automation, documentation preparation and analysis, and software code development, artificial intelligence is already replacing junior staff, and in the foreseeable future it may replace mid-level staff. Such processes are inevitable and irreversible.

Progress does not stand still. We need to be prepared for the upcoming changes, and even better, use them as a driver of accelerated economic growth. Russia has adopted and is implementing national and sectoral programmes aimed at introducing artificial intelligence in various spheres of life. For example, I mentioned healthcare, but you know, sometimes it seems that it was absolutely impossible and unthinkable a short while ago. In Moscow, for example, these tools are being actively introduced in healthcare. The ambulance arrives, the patient is in the ambulance vehicle, and while en route to the hospital, his or her entire medical record is fully formed, in all aspects – where and when the patient was treated, what instruments were used in treatment, which were effective and which were not. When a person arrives at the hospital, everything is already known about him, and the decision has already been made on further actions by the relevant specialists. This fundamentally changes the healthcare itself in this case.

The same intensive work is underway not only in this area but in other areas as well. I repeat once again – it is very important to join efforts, to implement the best practices and replicate them.

On our initiative, an International AI Alliance was created, and an International Conference on Computational Optimisation was established. These entities have brought together business, scientific and academic circles from many interested countries. We also propose to hold a high-level meeting in Russia next year on artificial intelligence so as to discuss cooperation in the development of sovereign artificial intelligence models, the formation of an interconnected infrastructure of computing power and energy facilities, and the adaptation of technologies to local needs.

I have only briefly outlined our approaches to the development of artificial intelligence. Of course, this issue is very multifaceted and requires comprehensive consideration, including on international platforms, as I have already said.

Thank you for your attention.

Victory Parade on Red Square

2026-05-10T17:04:50+04:00

President of Russia and Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin attended the military parade marking the 81^st anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War of 1941–1945.

Vladimir Putin was joined on the podium by the heads of foreign delegations.

The parade began with the ceremonial carrying of the Russian national flag and the Victory Banner onto Red Square. The parade was reviewed by Defence Minister Andrei Belousov and commanded by Colonel General Andrei Mordvichyov, Commander-in-Chief of the Ground Forces and Hero of Russia.

The marching column included cadets and personnel from higher military educational institutions representing all branches of the Russian Armed Forces, participants in the special military operation, and a parade contingent of the Korean People’s Army.

During the aerial part of the event, the renowned Kubinka Diamond formation – consisting of Sukhoi Su-30 and Mikoyan MiG-29 jets flown by the aerobatic teams Russian Knights and Swifts – passed over Red Square. The flyover concluded with Sukhoi Su-25 attack aircraft releasing colored smoke in the colours of the Russian national flag.

Music for the ceremony was performed by the combined orchestra of the Moscow Garrison.

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The President’s speech at the military parade

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Citizens of Russia,

Dear veterans,

Comrade soldiers and sailors, sergeants and sergeant majors, midshipmen and warrant officers,

Comrade officers, generals and admirals,

Soldiers and commanders participating in the special military operation, guests,

I congratulate you on Victory Day, our sacred, inspiring and most important holiday!

As we celebrate it, we feel pride and love for our country, we understand our common duty to protect the interests and the future of our Motherland, and we are sincerely thankful to the great generation of victors.

We honour the legacy and enduring values of the soldiers of Victory. Devotion to our Fatherland unites our entire country, all the people of Russia, and preserving the memory of the Great Patriotic War, its true history and its real heroes is a matter of honour for us.

We will always remember the heroism of the Soviet people and the fact that it was their decisive contribution that made the defeat of Nazism possible. They saved their country and the entire world, put an end to total and merciless evil, and restored sovereignty to the nations that had capitulated to Nazi Germany and become obedient accomplices to its crimes.

Our soldiers suffered colossal losses and made enormous sacrifices in the name of the freedom and dignity of the peoples of Europe. They became the embodiment of courage and nobility, fortitude and humanity, and crowned themselves with the great glory of a monumental Victory.

Friends,

June 22, 1941 is one of the most tragic and mournful dates in our history. This year marks 85 years since the beginning of the Great Patriotic War.

The Nazis treacherously attacked the Soviet Union, planning to seize the country and its vast resources, to completely destroy its culture and historical heritage, and ultimately to annihilate, enslave and commit genocide against the entire multinational Soviet people – all the peoples, nations and ethnic groups of the Soviet Union.

To achieve these criminal aims, forces were assembled from across Europe. Nazi strategists seemed to have meticulously accounted for everything. Everything, except for one thing – what is known as the Russian character and the strength of spirit of the Soviet people.

These qualities are most clearly revealed during the hardest times for our Fatherland. Our people stood against the enemy like a wall and proved that devotion to the Motherland is the highest moral truth, capable of uniting millions of people.

We remember the unparalleled resilience of soldiers, sailors and officers, the selfless dedication of members of the people’s militia, partisans and underground resistance fighters, and the immense efforts of the home front, science, industry and agricultural workers.

The front and the rear were united. Genuine patriotism, courage and self-sacrifice of the people elevated them above the enemy, gave them strength, and reinforced their faith in Victory. It was hard-won, deeply suffered for, and ultimately achieved!

All of this lives on in family histories, in the hearts of our children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren. In the memory of each and every one of us.

We bow our heads before those who fell in battle. Before those who were tortured under occupation and in captivity, who died of hunger in besieged Leningrad, in other encircled cities and towns. Before all those who gave their lives for the Motherland, for Russia. We bow our heads in memory of sons and daughters, fathers and mothers, grandfathers and great-grandfathers, husbands, wives, brothers, sisters, relatives and friends.

I declare a minute of silence.

(Minute of silence.)

Dear friends,

The great feat of the victorious generation inspires the soldiers carrying out the tasks of the special military operation today. They are confronting an aggressive force armed and supported by the entire NATO bloc. Despite this, our heroes are advancing.

Alongside Russian soldiers are workers, designers, engineers, scientists and inventors. They continue the traditions of their predecessors, and drawing on modern combat experience, create advanced and unique models of weapons, and launch their mass production.

But no matter how the equipment and methods of warfare change, one thing remains unchanged: the fate of the country is determined by its people – soldiers and factory workers, agricultural labourers, weapons designers and war correspondents, doctors and teachers, cultural figures and clergy, volunteers, entrepreneurs and philanthropists. All citizens of Russia.

The key to success is our moral strength, courage and valour, our unity and ability to withstand everything and overcome all challenges.

We have a common goal. Everyone makes a personal contribution to Victory. It is forged both on the battlefield and in the rear.

I firmly believe that our cause is just! We are together! Victory has always been and will always be ours!

Glory to the victorious people! Glory to the veterans! Glory to the Armed Forces of Russia! Happy holiday to you! Happy Victory Day! Hooray!

Future Technologies Forum plenary session

2026-02-25T22:53:13+04:00

Vladimir Putin took part in the plenary session of the Future Technologies Forum. The discussion theme is Bioeconomy for Humanity.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Ladies and gentlemen,

Dear friends, good afternoon,

I was informed that you have already had a professional discussion as part of the Future Technologies Forum. This year, it is dedicated to bioeconomy. In continuation, let me say a few words on the steps the state is taking to develop this vital sphere.

Since the audience of today’s discussion are not just experts but also the broader public, I would like to take a moment to elaborate on issues that may be well known to specialists yet could be something new to a wider audience.

I venture to outline what the bioeconomy entails and what practical prospects and opportunities it offers for people, the economy, agriculture, and healthcare, as well as the role it plays in enhancing the country’s industrial and technological sovereignty and ensuring environmental safety.

My colleagues have just introduced me to some of the advanced developments showcased at the exhibition that is being held on the sidelines of the Forum. They are indeed impressive.

By drawing on the principles and wisdom of nature and unlocking its immense creative potential, researchers and manufacturers are developing solutions that support quality of life, health, and active longevity. These include healthy foods – high-quality food products are all good for health anyway – as well as vitamins, supplements, and vaccines. This is very important, and Ms Skvortsova promises me every year that such vaccines will be delivered soon. Unfortunately, the Healthcare Minister is not here today to specify this, but I very much hope that the relevant certification procedures and technical clarifications will be completed without unnecessary delays or red tape, so that these important health innovations can become available as soon as possible.

These are medicinal products. And even tissues, blood vessels, and – something that is no longer fantastical – individual human organs. True, the creation of a living heart has yet to be achieved, but progress is being made in this direction.

Biotechnologies have a wide range of applications in industry, where natural microorganisms and other living systems are used instead of chemical reagents. They serve as catalysts for complex technological processes and initiate closed cycles, where waste from one production process becomes raw material for another. Mr Kovalchuk has been explaining this to me for many years, and I am deeply grateful to him for that. These technologies are applied in bioenergy, environmental solutions, and agriculture – enhancing soil fertility, aiding in plant protection, and purifying water, soil, and air. After purification, I observe fish swimming there, which require clean water – so it works.

Thus, bioeconomy is far more than just a field of scientific knowledge. Through their bold ideas, scientists and engineers are, in essence, shaping a new reality and an industrial paradigm, applying breakthroughs in biology and genetics to improve people’s lives and preserve our planet and its fragile ecosystem.

In Russia, we take pride in the fact that our contributions to the life sciences have been significant, thanks to the discoveries and philosophical and scientific teachings of Vernadsky, Mechnikov, Timiryazev, Koltsov, Vavilov, Engelhardt, and other outstanding domestic scientists, including our contemporaries. I will certainly return to this topic later in my speech today.

We will continue to expand our capabilities and move forward. Especially since biotechnologies, bolstered by the power of computational systems and artificial intelligence, are advancing at an unprecedented pace, helping to address key challenges of our time – such as climate change, food shortages, and the depletion of renewable resources – and can serve to implement projects both on Earth and in space.

I have repeatedly emphasised: equal access to future technologies, rather than privileges for the chosen few, is an indispensable condition for the equitable development of our civilisation. Therefore, on the platforms of BRICS and other groups, as well as within the framework of bilateral cooperation, we are ready to implement joint scientific, educational, and investment programmes in biotechnology for the benefit of all humanity.

For our part, we intend to harness the colossal potential of bioeconomy to strengthen the nation’s health, address other priority tasks, and accelerate technological and industrial development without compromising the unique natural potential of our country.

This year, we launched a national bioeconomy project. Its overarching objective is to secure our sovereignty in several critical areas within this field and, where we already have the potential and groundwork done, to achieve leadership positions.

I would also ask the Government to step up the development of a long-term vision – a national strategy for bioeconomy up to the mid 21^st century. Its provisions should be integrated into the policy documents that shape our responses to challenges in Russia’s food and bio-security, as well as the systemic development of healthcare, energy, agriculture, industry, and other key sectors.

To reiterate, we are discussing the development and implementation of truly cross-cutting, universal technologies and products that impact virtually every area of our economy. It is therefore critically important to establish effective cross-sectoral and supra-departmental governance for bioeconomy and to focus our efforts on significantly increasing its contribution to the nation’s GDP. The relevance of this was clear from the exhibition we just visited. Representatives from a wide range of fields are, in effect, articulating the same need – solving common challenges.

A primary implication of this is a substantial increase in funding, not only for the respective national project but also for other bio-industry initiatives, with the central focus on attracting private investment.

We must also remove the barriers that hinder active business participation in shaping bioeconomy. Existing support measures need to be focused on accelerating its development, and we should introduce additional instruments to encourage private investment by providing tax incentives and other benefits to companies that develop and introduce such technologies. These and other tools must be applied consistently at every stage – from scientific research right through to the launch of breakthrough solutions and competitive bio-based products.

To enable our domestic biotech companies to pursue long-term plans and recoup their investments more quickly, I ask the Government to propose effective mechanisms for cultivating and protecting domestic biotechnology market and develop clear scenarios for their practical application across various sectors of our economy and social sphere.

When I speak of maintaining our competitiveness, I am also referring to what I have just witnessed: how our competitors are faring and the scale of their investment in developing these technologies. But we must certainly protect our domestic market – using only modern, market-based mechanisms, of course – but this effort is absolutely essential.

It is important for us to create domestic demand for such innovations on the system level. And, of course, we need to expand the output and to secure a strong position on global biotechnology markets. Therefore, we must establish an effective system to support high value-added bioproduct exports, as well as promote our standards, technological platforms, and competencies in other countries.

And of course, my colleagues, especially the Russian audience, will understand what I am saying. We need to work with our closest neighbours, with whom we already have strong and friendly relations and enjoy decades-long cooperation across many areas.

A crucial issue is the availability of our own instruments, equipment, enzymes, and biocatalysts, as well as other critically important components. In these key areas, we must speed up the transition from import substitution objectives to production of globally competitive products based on our own platforms and solutions. Please supplement the national bioeconomy project with specific decisions in this regard.

Friends,

To accelerate the development of bioeconomy, it is necessary to create a modern legal and regulatory framework, as well as a system of standards and rules to access the market of bio-based solutions.

Regulation should support and stimulate the creation and rapid implementation of innovations, while at the same time guarantee safety and quality of products for individuals and society. I emphasise that this applies to all areas from biopolymers for packaging purposes to artificially grown organs and tissues. Everything is important.

It is essential from the beginning to set clear ethical boundaries for the application of biotechnology, to prevent potential threats, primarily to human health and life, and to ensure the protection of personal data.

At the same time, I repeat, as in any advanced field, we must create conditions for scientific breakthroughs. For example, in the field of unmanned systems and artificial intelligence, the experimental legal regimes have proven effective. I propose extending such regimes to individual areas of the life sciences. Our innovation-driven scientific, technological, and educational centres can serve as platforms to develop and to conduct controlled testing of innovative biotechnologies and products, including the already well-known federal territory of Sirius.

I am asking the Russian Science Foundation to award this year grants named after our great scientist Yevgeny Velikhov to create innovative solutions for the agro-industrial sector, biotechnological production facilities, the pharmaceutical industry, healthcare, and other sectors. Such technologies should be developed using bioinformatics and artificial intelligence, among other methods.

Friends, I would like to invite scientific teams to actively participate in the Russian Science Foundation’s competition. Its winners will, over five years – and, I believe, with an additional three-year extension – be able to receive up to half a billion rubles from the state for research, as well as co-financing from leading domestic companies.

To develop new biotechnologies, we will also utilise Mega-Science-class research. This year, the Siberian Circular Photon Source in Koltsovo, Novosibirsk Region, will undergo a technical launch. It will soon operate at full capacity. I believe that by 2027, our scientists should finally gain full access to this facility. We are ready to implement international scientific programmes in the life sciences, and in biology, medicine, and pharmaceuticals using this unique installation.

At the same time, it is crucial that research and development in bioeconomy are not only fundamental but also applied in nature. They should enhance the economic and technological potential of the regions and thus serve the objectives of spatial development in Russia, with its vast territory.

For example, in the country’s northwest, we need to set up recycling of timber industry waste; in the Far East – the production of bio-based products derived from aquatic bioresources; and in Siberia and southern Russia – the deep processing of grain.

I reiterate, these are just individual components of major regional programmes in the sphere of bioeconomy. They must, without a doubt, take into account the unique requirements of such territories, their resource base, and economic specialisation. Naturally, regions must have the necessary personnel and appropriate technologies for such projects.

In this regard, I propose creating a broad network of engineering development centres for bioeconomy in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, at universities and research institutes. These centres are intended to shorten the path from laboratory research to full-scale industrial production, providing access to equipment and computational resources for scientific and student teams, as well as for small technology companies from across the country. And they – I want to emphasise this particularly – must become full-fledged participants in the national bioeconomy project. Let me stress this once again.

I would like to address what is most important – and I think you will all agree with me – what is most important? What is the most crucial element? It is the specialists, people like you, whose expertise is the foundation of building a bioeconomy. We must acknowledge that, for now, the competencies and knowledge of graduates from many universities and colleges do not align – moreover, they significantly lag behind even the current level of biotechnology development. But this is understandable; much here is new, and thus much remains to be done. The personnel challenge in this sphere is one of the most complex and systemic, and of course, we must respond to it.

In this regard, we must first ensure the training of senior and mid-level specialists with strong interdisciplinary expertise at the intersection of biology, chemistry, engineering, and artificial intelligence. To achieve this, it is essential to work closely with businesses so as to significantly update vocational and higher education curricula and to expand practical training for students directly at enterprises.

This work must take into account cutting-edge trends in microbiology, genetics, and bioinformatics. I therefore propose establishing new advanced engineering schools at universities and colleges and extending the Professionalitet educational project to these areas.

Second, I would like to ask the Government, together with regional authorities and businesses, to carefully review the workforce forecast for biotechnology, taking into account the demand for specialists to implement major regional projects in this field. If necessary, decisions should be made to increase the number of state-funded places in bioeconomy programmes at universities and colleges across the constituent entities of the Russian Federation.

Third, it is important to use this new foundation to adopt a more focused approach to career guidance for schoolchildren, aligning it with the needs of the biotechnology sector, and to expand specialised education in the natural sciences. Overall, I propose launching a comprehensive programme to promote bioeconomy. This effort should actively engage the media and leading digital platforms. The earlier people become familiar with this field, the better, as it is complex and multifaceted.

I would also like to use this opportunity to thank Russian biotech companies, scientists, philanthropists, and enthusiasts for their significant educational efforts. Let me repeat: this work must undoubtedly be expanded, opening new horizons and career opportunities for young people and for citizens overall. Public outreach in this area – let me even say “propaganda” – is extremely important and must be carried out in a systematic and timely manner.

Friends,

At the forum, we traditionally discuss the trends and innovations shaping the future of humanity. Advances in biology, genetics, and other life sciences are rightly referred to as the technologies of the 21^st century. Together with the IT sector and artificial intelligence, they are transforming the economy and society, creating new opportunities for millions of people.

I propose dedicating the next Future Technologies Forum to the creation and implementation of digital platforms. These platforms are already enabling scientists to carry out research projects more efficiently, connecting entrepreneurs from small towns with customers in major cities, allowing residents to participate in managing their homes and communities, and analysing medical data in record time, thus helping doctors save lives. This is only a small share of what the platform economy can do. In Moscow, such solutions are already being successfully implemented. For example, we have recently discussed that when an ambulance is dispatched, doctors receive their patient’s medical history on screen in advance, enabling them to prepare the necessary equipment and make informed decisions even before arriving. This is just one illustration, just one example of such platform services.

In this field, Russia is developing world-class solutions and is ready to share its experience and expertise for the benefit of all humanity.

I am pleased to invite everyone interested in cooperation to take part in the Future Technologies Forum in 2027.

Thank you for your attention. I wish you all the best.

We will be meeting now with some of the colleagues to continue the discussion and the conversation. Thank you.

Ceremony for presenting letters of credence

2026-01-15T21:02:36+04:00

Vladimir Putin received the letters of credence from newly appointed ambassadors of foreign nations. The ceremony took place in the St Alexander Hall of the Grand Kremlin Palace.

The letters of credence were presented to the President of Russia by: Alenka Suhadolnik (Republic of Slovenia), Mohamed Abukar Zubeyr (Federal Republic of Somalia), Sosthene Ndembi (Gabonese Republic), Shobini Kaushala Gunasekera (Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka), Nicolas Louis Marie Olivier de Rivière (French Republic), Stephan Sylvain Sambou (Republic of Senegal), Joseph Nzabamwita (Republic of Rwanda), Daniel Kostoval (Czech Republic), Sidati Cheikh Ould Ahmed Aisha (Islamic Republic of Mauritania), Mawlawi Gul Hassan Hassan (Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan), Toufik Djouama (People's Democratic Republic of Algeria), Sara Feronha Martins (Portuguese Republic), Nazrul Islam (People's Republic of Bangladesh), Sérgio Rodrigues dos Santos (Federative Republic of Brazil), Heidi Olufsen (Kingdom of Norway), Anna Christina Thérése Johannesson (Kingdom of Sweden), Hamdy Shaaban Abdelhalim Mohammed (Arab Republic of Egypt), Jorge Ignacio Zorro Sánchez (Republic of Colombia), Sami Mohammed Al-Sadhan (Kingdom of Saudi Arabia), Koma Steem Jehu-Appiah (Republic of Ghana), Monica Ndiliawike Nashandi (Republic of Namibia), Gerhard Sailler (Republic of Austria), Enrique Orta González (Republic of Cuba), Faisal Niaz Tirmizi (Islamic Republic of Pakistan), Lee Sok-bae (Republic of Korea), Manuel Augusto De Cossío Klüver (Republic of Peru), María del Rosario Portell Casanova (Oriental Republic of Uruguay), Bashir Saleh Azzam (Republic of Lebanon), Jürg Stephan Burri (Swiss Confederation), Abdul-Karim Hashim Mostafa (Republic of Iraq), Stefano Beltrame (Italian Republic), and Abdul Raheem Abdul Latheef (Republic of Maldives).

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Speech at the ceremony for presenting letters of credence

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Ladies and gentlemen,

First, I would like to warmly welcome you to the Kremlin for this formal ceremony to present your letters of credence. Our meeting comes at the very start of a new year – a time when we all look to the future with our plans and, naturally, with the hope that difficulties, hardships, mutual recriminations, and conflicts will be left behind. Therefore, I would like to take this opportunity to offer my heartfelt wishes for prosperity and success in 2026 to you, your families, and the peoples of the nations you represent.

You will, I trust, agree that international cooperation is fundamental to humanity’s sustainable development and prosperity. In today’s diverse and interconnected world, global stability and security depend directly on the ability of states to interact constructively. Open and honest partnerships create the conditions needed to tackle our shared challenges, even the most complex ones.

There is a reason why people say that peace does not come by itself. It must be built, day-by-day, and it is a painstaking process. Achieving peace requires effort, a sense of responsibility and the ability to make deliberate choices. This posture is especially relevant today considering the increasingly deteriorating international environment. I think that no one would claim otherwise. Old conflicts are escalating, while new serious hotbeds of tension emerge.

At the same time, unilateral and dangerous actions often substitute diplomacy, efforts to come to a compromise or find solutions which would suit everyone. Instead of having states engage in dialogue with one another, there are those relying on the might-makes-right principle to assert their unilateral narratives, those who believe that they can impose their will, lecture others how they must live and issue orders.

Dozens of countries across the world have been suffering from the infringement of their sovereign rights, from chaos and lawlessness. They lack the strength and resources to stand up for themselves.

Placing a greater emphasis on having all members of the international community respect international law, as well as facilitating the advent of new emerging trends and a fair multipolar world order can be viewed as a reasonable solution. In this world order, all states would have the right to follow their own development models and to define their future independently, without outside interference, while preserving their unique culture and traditions.

I would like to note that Russia is sincerely committed to the ideals of a multipolar world. Our country has always pursued and will continue to pursue a balanced, constructive foreign policy course that takes into account both our national interests and the objective trends of global development.

We are determined to maintain truly open and mutually advantageous relations with all partners interested in cooperation, deepening ties in politics, the economy and culture, and jointly confronting acute challenges and common threats.

Russia advocates for strengthening the key, central role of the United Nations in global affairs, the organisation that celebrated its anniversary last year.

Eight decades ago, our fathers, grandfathers, and great-grandfathers, having emerged victorious in the Second World War, were able to unite, find a balance of interests, and agree on the fundamental rules and principles of international communication, enshrining them in their entirety, completeness, and interconnectedness in the UN Charter.

The imperatives of this foundational document, such as equality, respect for sovereignty, non-interference in internal affairs, and the resolution of disputes through dialogue, are now more relevant than ever. Most importantly, we must proceed from the understanding that security must be truly comprehensive and, therefore, equal and indivisible, and it cannot be ensured for some at the expense of the security of others. This principle is enshrined in fundamental international legal instruments.

Disregarding this basic, vital principle has never led to anything good and never will. This has been clearly demonstrated by the crisis around Ukraine, which became a direct consequence of years of ignoring Russia’s legitimate interests and a deliberate policy of creating threats to our security, including the advancement of the NATO bloc towards Russia’s borders – contrary to the public promises made to us. I want to emphasise this: contrary to the public promises made to us.

Let me remind you that Russia has repeatedly put forward initiatives to build a new, reliable, and fair architecture of European and global security. We have proposed options and rational solutions that could satisfy everyone in America, Europe, Asia, and across the world.

We believe it would be worthwhile to return to a substantive discussion of these proposals to establish the conditions under which a peaceful settlement of the conflict in Ukraine could be achieved – and the sooner, the better.

It is precisely a long-term and sustainable peace, one that reliably ensures the security of all and everyone, that our country strives for. Not everywhere, including in Kiev and the capitals that support it, are they ready for this. But we hope that an awareness of this necessity will come sooner or later. Until then, Russia will continue to consistently pursue its objectives.

At the same time, I would like to reiterate and ask you to bear in mind in your activities that Russia is always open to building equal and constructive relations with all international partners for the sake of universal prosperity, well-being, and development.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Taking part in today’s ceremony are ambassadors from 32 countries. Every one of them is an active member of the United Nations and makes their own contribution to addressing essential tasks on the global agenda.

Many of you represent countries that are Russia’s strategic partners and allies with whom we share relations of friendship, cooperation, and mutual support; countries with which we work actively within large international and regional associations.

I am confident that the Brazilian ambassador will agree that our two states, who were the founding members of BRICS, share the same views regarding the necessity to build a truly just multipolar world order.

Russia-Brazil cooperation is developing progressively, gaining new mutually beneficial projects across various fields. As you know, just yesterday I had a telephone conversation with President Lula da Silva. This conversation reaffirmed our shared approaches to global and regional processes, as well as the fact that our positions on many key issues either coincide or are very close.

I would like to emphasise that Russia and the Republic of Cuba enjoy genuinely strong and friendly relations. We have consistently provided assistance and support to our Cuban friends. Russia stands in solidarity with Cuba’s firm determination to defend its sovereignty and independence.

The Russian-Cuban alliance has withstood the test of time and is rooted in the sincere mutual goodwill of our peoples. Together, we are implementing projects of critical importance to the Cuban economy in areas such as energy, metallurgy, transport infrastructure, and healthcare, while also expanding cultural and humanitarian exchanges.

I would also like to underscore that Russia has long maintained close, constructive relations with many countries of Latin America, treating the states of the region with the utmost respect as equal, sovereign partners.

This fully applies to the countries represented here today: Colombia, Peru, and Uruguay. We can see significant potential for expanding trade, investment, and business cooperation, as well as collaboration in healthcare, pharmaceuticals, education, and professional training.

In the same spirit of partnership and mutual trust, Russia remains committed to further strengthening its engagement with the countries of the Middle East and North Africa.

A special role in this region is played by Egypt, a friendly country to Russia. Our relations are based on the Comprehensive Partnership and Strategic Cooperation Agreement. Our two countries are successfully implementing major joint initiatives, such as the construction of the El Dabaa Nuclear Power Plant and the establishment of a Russian industrial zone in the Suez Canal area.

In a month, we will mark the centenary of establishing diplomatic relations between Russia and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Our bilateral partnership has evolved into a comprehensive and steadily expanding relationship. Close coordination within the OPEC Plus format has been established and continues to play a genuinely important role in maintaining stability in the global oil market.

We welcome the Kingdom’s decision to serve as a guest country at the St Petersburg International Economic Forum to be held in June. Of particular note is Saudi Arabia’s intention to host the Intervision International Music Competition, which has been revived at Russia’s initiative.

Relations with Lebanon and Iraq have traditionally developed in the spirit of mutual respect and goodwill. Russia has consistently supported the unity, sovereignty, and independence of these states and firmly opposes any external interference in their domestic affairs.

We maintain close cooperation with Pakistan, a full member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, the largest regional organisation in terms of economic, technological, and human potential. Russian-Pakistani relations are genuinely mutually beneficial.

Afghanistan holds observer status in the SCO. In recent years, Russian-Afghan cooperation has gained notable momentum, facilitated by Russia’s decision last year to officially recognise the country’s new authorities. We are sincerely interested in seeing Afghanistan emerge as a united, independent, and peaceful state, free from war, terrorism, and drug trafficking.

Our cooperation with Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and the Republic of Maldives is progressing very effectively. We are successfully expanding engagement in traditional areas such as tourism, fisheries, agriculture, and energy, while remaining committed to developing cooperation in other spheres of mutual interest.

Today’s ceremony is attended by a broad representation of ambassadors from friendly African nations: Somalia, Gabon, Senegal, Rwanda, Mauritania, Algeria, Ghana, and Namibia. Russia maintains relations with all states on the continent based on genuine partnership, mutual support, and solidarity.

The foundations of these relations were forged during the period when African nations were fighting for freedom and independence. Our country made a significant contribution to liberating African states from colonial oppression, to establishing their statehood, to developing their national economies and social sectors, as well as to the training and equipping of their armed forces.

We remain steadfast in our commitment to expanding mutual political, economic, and cultural ties. We continue to provide assistance and support to African nations in their pursuit of development and active participation in international affairs.

All these matters were discussed in detail at the Russia–Africa summits in Sochi and St Petersburg, as well as at the ministerial conference of the Russia–Africa Partnership Forum held a month ago in Cairo. Preparations are underway for the third Russia–Africa Summit, which is scheduled to take place this year.

Unfortunately, much of the positive momentum in our relations with the Republic of Korea has been eroded. Yet in the past, by adhering to pragmatic approaches, our countries achieved truly positive results in trade and business. We look forward to restoring relations with the Republic.

With each of the European states represented here – Slovenia, France, the Czech Republic, Portugal, Norway, Sweden, Austria, Switzerland, and Italy – our relations have deep historical roots and are rich in examples of constructive partnership and mutually enriching cultural cooperation.

The current state of bilateral ties between the aforementioned countries and Russia leaves much to be desired. Dialogue and contacts – through no fault of ours, I must emphasise – have been reduced to a minimum, both at the official level and in business and civil society circles. Cooperation on key international and regional issues has been frozen.

It is my hope that, in time, the situation will nevertheless change, and our nations will return to normal, constructive dialogue based on respect for national interests and due consideration of legitimate security concerns. Russia has been and remains committed to such approaches and is prepared to restore the required level of relations.

More broadly, as I have stated on multiple occasions, we are open to constructive and mutually beneficial cooperation with all countries without exception. Naturally, we are keen to ensure that the work of each ambassador present here yields the most fruitful results.

Ladies and gentlemen, you may rest assured that all constructive initiatives you propose will receive support from the Russian leadership, executive authorities, the business community, and civil society.

Allow me to wish you success and all the best in your endeavours.

Thank you for your attention.

Results of the Year with Vladimir Putin

2025-12-23T20:05:21+04:00

Vladimir Putin answered questions from journalists and the people of Russia in a live broadcast.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Good afternoon.

We are broadcasting live from Moscow.

We, Pavel Zarubin…

Pavel Zarubin: … and Yekaterina Berezovskaya…

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: … welcome all our viewers from Gostiny Dvor.

Pavel Zarubin: The President will be joining us in just a few minutes. Of course, we are all looking forward to this, since we all have so many questions. Yekaterina and I are well aware of the fact that we received tens of thousands, even millions of questions from our television audience. At the same time, we don’t yet know what questions matter most to you, journalists from the leading media outlets. Right now, you have a unique opportunity.

We can see that you are recording everything, but may I ask you to stop just for a moment, and listen to us?

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Colleagues, we can see that you have already taken your seats. Now, it’s time to put your phones aside, even if you are using them to record us or your colleagues around you or scrolling through the news to learn about the latest developments, as we journalists so often do. The main news messages will be coming very soon, just be patient. They will come from our studio when the President joins us. For now, we have a few minutes to talk to each other.

As Pavel has said, we are working live, and the entire country can see and hear you.

Colleagues, do not be shy, since you have a unique opportunity to ask your question.

Please, introduce yourself. Which media outlet do you represent?

Remark: When I looked into your big, beautiful eyes, I knew that you would turn to me. This was inevitable. After all, I am from Belarus.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Belarus. What is on the minds of people in Belarus? What is your question about?

Remark: First and foremost, the development of our shared home, the Union State, is what matters for Belarus, along with the threats we have had to counter together with Russia.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Thank you very much.

Indeed, we are about to begin the media event of the year. This is reflected in every detail. We have representatives of regional media outlets, as well as our foreign colleagues, and guests from the Union State. There are all kinds of people in this hall. This will be a true question-and-answer marathon.

Pavel Zarubin: The hall is divided into sections, and I should mention that from here, from the central podium, we have a perfect view of everyone. So when you raise your hand to ask a question, the President will see you.

I’ll start with this sector, and I can’t move past the front row. We have some very young journalists here. How old are you?

Remark: Hello! I’m 13.

Pavel Zarubin: Where are you from, and what media do you represent?

Remark: We’re from Moscow, representing a youth media, Detskaya Redaktsiya (the Children’s Editorial Board).

Pavel Zarubin: A journalist at 13, and right in the front row. What is your question? If it’s not a secret, of course.

Remark: We would like to know how the President receives the valuable information as to what our people really need.

Pavel Zarubin: Well, over these past few weeks we have all been receiving a great deal of valuable information and we continue to do so today. So I would say this array of information is already valuable.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Absolutely. Pavel, you know, my main question for our colleagues is this: how do you actually capture the President’s attention? We know there is going to be a real battle for Vladimir Putin’s focus today. You and I have seen this before – we know how the atmosphere in the hall is about to heat up.

I will now turn to a young lady wearing a kokoshnik. Earlier this year, the President noted that the kokoshnik is no joke – it’s more than just a symbol of our traditional costume. What would you like to ask? Where are you from? Please, introduce yourself.

Yulia Korotkova: Good afternoon. My name is Yulia Korotkova. I am a presenter with the Volga and Volga-24 NNTV channels from the Nizhny Novgorod Region. And this outfit isn’t just about beauty – it represents our region. The red colour, the kudrina pattern, the Khokhloma style.

My question touches on more than just our artistic craft; it is also about the ban on vaping. It is a very serious issue.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: It is a highly relevant topic, too. These questions have been coming up, and I’m sure they will be addressed here today.

Pavel, let’s continue meeting our colleagues.

What does your sign say here?

Remark: This word, “ychchuu,” is from the Yakut language, meaning “cold.” It signals our question to the President about energy prices – a critical issue for us. This is especially important considering that in the Arctic and the North, the so called Far Eastern allowance (a bonus to the salary) is being applied, but its application is somewhat limited. We absolutely want to raise this issue.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Thank you very much.

I should note that everyone now has small placards. The situation is quite different from several years ago.

Pavel Zarubin: That’s right. In previous years, people didn’t just come with placards – you could say they arrived with full-scale banners. They practically staged demonstrations. These banners were so large that they blocked the cameras, interfered with the broadcast image, and even obstructed the journalists themselves. After that, there were understandable requests for more restraint and for placards to be limited to A4 size. Still, as we know, our people are endlessly inventive.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Pavel, look, here it’s not even a placard, yet the subject of the question is clear. But still…

Remark: The word “Astrakhan” is written on a figurine of a Caspian roach. Our question concerns the development of the North–South international transport corridor and the problem of the shallowing of the Volga, which impacts not only the population but also the natural environment, in particular aquatic biological resources.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Colleagues, I would like to draw your attention to how many regional journalists are present here today. In a sense, each of you serves as a conduit to your region. You are not simply members of the press – you will genuinely guide us and voice the specific concerns of the people in each of your regions.

Pavel Zarubin: We really shouldn’t have moved on from this area. I see a young lady here with Labubu dolls. Is that right? I have to admit, I’m not entirely familiar. Who is depicted here and why?

Regina Orekhova: Even I’m not sure of the correct term. We brought them with us. Regina Orekhova, Channel 360. These Labubus became a real sensation – in a good way – at the St Petersburg International Economic Forum, almost attaining symbolic status. We came up with a trend for early 2025: pairing them with the faces of our politicians.

Pavel Zarubin: And who do you have there?

Regina Orekhova: Elvira Nabiullina, Sergei Lavrov – do you recognise them? Mikhail Mishustin. And an exclusive item: Donald Trump. As you might guess, my question will be about international politics. I hope to catch the attention of the President or Dmitry Peskov. By the way, there’s also a figurine with Mr Peskov’s face.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: So, it could just as well have been a question about import substitution.

Let’s give the floor to the Amur Region. What question are you going to ask President Putin?

Irina Batina: Good afternoon. My name is Irina Batina. I represent the Amur Region Television, Blagoveshchensk.

We have come here to invite the President to a unique international event, held on the ice of the Amur River. Blagoveshchensk is the only regional capital located directly on the state border.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: That sounds more like an invitation than a question.

Irina Batina: Yes, it’s an invitation. We’ve handed over our symbols – a panda and a brown bear. We hope they will reach our President.

As for our question, we would like to ask if visa-free travel for Russians to China and for the citizens of China to visit us in Blagoveshchensk, will be promoted. It’s an incredible feeling when you have one foot in Russia and the other in China. We invite our President to experience it for himself.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Thank you very much.

Pavel, what’s happening in your sector?

Pavel Zarubin: I simply can’t walk past the only journalist here who is a Hero of Russia – Yevgeny Poddubny.

Good afternoon, Yevgeny. This applause is for you. I know you always have many questions. What do you want to ask today?

Yevgeny Poddubny: Of course, I have a question, but I don’t want to give it all away. I’ll just say that it concerns hundreds of thousands of people across the country, including those in frontline regions where fighting is underway. That’s why it’s especially important for me to ask it.

Pavel Zarubin: Do your best, keep raising your hand.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Colleagues, we’ve just taken our viewers on a virtual tour of the hall, introducing our regional journalists and luminaries. I’d like to give the floor to Anton Vernitsky.

Anton, what are you doing?

Anton Vernitsky: You won’t believe it, but I’m streaming for our channel.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Just like that?

Anton Vernitsky: Yes, I’m doing two jobs at once, running two live broadcasts simultaneously.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: That’s impressive. How many major events like the annual news conference have you attended? What was it like in the past, and what is it like now, this Results of the Year with Vladimir Putin event?

Anton Vernitsky: Yes, I was just thinking about that. The first large news conference for regional and foreign journalists was held in 2001. It was really something new. The first time it was held was in 2001. As for how many I have attended, the answer is 22. That’s a lot –I might even be a record holder. Somebody asked me today: “Can we talk or take a photo with you? You were one of the first to attend this event.”

Actually, there are many such people, like Alexander Gamov from Komsomolskaya Pravda. I know that he’s in the hall today; we were just talking about it.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: There he is – Alexander is waving to you, over there, closer to Pavel.

Anton Vernitsky: You know, we look forward to this news conference every year because we always hear something new. This time, I’ve taken a strategic position – right in the centre.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Absolutely.

Anton Vernitsky: I really hope I will get a chance to ask my question.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: It really is a long-anticipated event, and our programme, Results of the Year with Vladimir Putin, will begin in just a few minutes.

Colleagues, I would like to emphasise that we are already live on air, and that the entire country can see and hear you. We always have a huge audience since viewers take a lot of interest in events of this kind. There are likely tens of millions of people watching this broadcast.

Pavel Zarubin: Of course, we received many serious questions. It goes without saying that you contributed the bulk of the serious questions. That said, there were all kinds of questions. Here is what I noted. For example, there was a question on when we will have a banknote with an image of the Oreshnik missile? This is what our viewers want to know. “Who does the President find harder to communicate with when making important decisions: his opponents, allies or himself?” There was also a question on who is better, Messi or Ronaldo – it also came from a children’s editorial board, it seems. Here is another question for Vladimir Putin: Would you like your knowledge to be digitised and used by artificial intelligence in the future?

Still, we have no doubt that today you will be asking the very best questions.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: I am sure that these will be the best questions. I would like to draw the attention of our colleagues to this young man with a placard that reads, “I want to get married.” And over there is a young lady, as my colleagues tell me, with poster saying, “I want a husband.” Why are you sitting so far apart from each other? Where is the young lady who wants to get married? Here she is.

Pavel Zarubin: They should be sitting together, it seems.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: May I ask you to introduce yourself. Demographics is, of course, a very important topic. I assume that is what your question is about.

Remark: Yes, I want to ask a question about demographics, especially since I know whom I want to marry. We’ve been together for eight years now. We met in school. I’m from Yekaterinburg – in fact, from Pavel’s home region. I work at the same TV channel, Channel 4. Overall, I very much hope that this wonderful placard will help me attract the President’s attention.

Pavel Zarubin: I didn’t put off my marriage for such a long time.

Deputy Chief of Staff of the Presidential Executive Office – Presidential Press Secretary Dmitry Peskov: Friends,

We are delighted to see all of you here. In just a few minutes the President will be joining us, and we will start the Results of the Year with Vladimir Putin programme.

Let me remind you that this is a hybrid format, combining the annual news conference with the Direct Line with the head of state. Having this direct engagement is something unique for the entire world. Over the past two weeks, we have received almost three million messages from the people. This is why we will be switching back and forth between questions from the people – the ones we received and which were selected by the moderators and the President himself, and the questions from journalists. As usual, I will ask you to raise your hand. Please, try to be as brief as possible when asking your questions. The briefer you make your question, the more of your colleagues will be able to ask their question as well.

Let me remind you that everything said during the Direct Line and the news conference undergoes extensive scrutiny and serves as a basis for drafting a list of presidential instructions. This will be the case this time too. And the Russian Popular Front will work throughout the year to make sure that no request we receive from the people is left unanswered, to review all of them and offer the needed assistance. Municipal, regional and federal government agencies contribute to these efforts.

I would like to ask you to mute your phones so that they do not distract us. The President will be joining us very shortly. Let us stay focused. We will be starting soon.

Thank you.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Yes, thank you, Mr Peskov.

But I would like to quote the President, who once said that “every rule and every law become outdated already in the course of its development and adoption. Only direct communication with people <…> helps the state steer its policy <…> in the right direction.” Perhaps this is the primary purpose of this programme: direct communication and the opportunity to keep one’s finger on the pulse of current events.

Pavel Zarubin: Yekaterina, it has happened in the past that new laws were adopted or amendments were made to existing laws following direct lines. It’s very likely that we will see the same happen today.

The Popular Front has once again offered enormous support with processing questions. Both volunteers and veterans of the special military operation have been taking calls. By the way, when the questions first started coming in, I asked the Director of the Popular Front: “You have received an immense number of questions. What are you going to do with them? Will you forward them to the same institutions that gave people the runaround before?” “No,” he answered, “We will take charge of following through on the most urgent matters.” And this is exactly what happened – right up until we went on air.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: That’s right. As a matter of fact, we also have a virtual assistant called GigaChat. But I’ve been told we are ready to start. Here we go.

President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin.

We will be accepting questions and inquiries until the end of this live programme. As always, there are several options: you can call 8 (800) 200 4040, send an SMS or MMS message to 0 4040, or submit your question via VK, Odnoklassniki, moskva-putinu.ru, or the MAX chat bot. By the way, we are using MAX for the first time this year and it’s been incredibly popular. As for the number of questions, by this very moment we have received over 2.5 million.

Pavel Zarubin: We are about to start asking the President questions. Just a few more things.

Yekaterina and I have reviewed tens of thousands of your questions. They have come from across Russia and beyond. Of course, these two million questions come from different people, although they often concern similar issues. We have grouped them into topics that are truly relevant to millions of people. And we all know which topic concerns the public most of all.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr President, numerous questions are coming in regarding social policy, yet the main inquiries concern war and peace.

You have made it clear on several occasions that we are ready for peace negotiations; however, at the same time, we are satisfied with the dynamics on the frontlines. So, what is it to be – war or peace? What path guarantees the attainment of the goals of the special military operation? What is the situation on the negotiation track, given Vladimir Zelensky’s statement in Berlin that Ukraine is not ready to discuss the territorial issue?

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: So far we really do not see such readiness.

Let me remind you how it all began. It began with the 2014 coup d’état in Ukraine and the deception over the potential resolution of all issues through the Minsk agreements. In 2022, when everything had already reached a breaking point, when the Kiev regime unleashed war in southeastern Ukraine, we made it clear to them: listen, we will have no choice but to recognise those unrecognised republics. It would be preferable if you simply let the people live peacefully as they wish, without your coups, without Russophobia and so on – just withdraw your troops from those territories, and that is all.

They did not accept that, even then. Following the negotiations in Istanbul, they first agreed, virtually initialled [the agreements], and then reneged, discarding all these arrangements. Today, they are essentially refusing to end this conflict by peaceful means. Nevertheless, we perceive and are aware of certain signals, including from the Kiev regime, indicating that they are prepared to engage in some form of dialogue.

The only point I wish to convey, and we have always stated this, is that we are ready and willing to conclude this conflict by peaceful means, based on the principles I outlined in June of last year at the Russian Foreign Ministry, provided that the root causes that led to this crisis are eliminated.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr President, the situation on the frontlines changes daily; we have seen, time and again, and know, that you always keep your finger on the pulse, personally engaging with commanders and our fighters. Yet, I repeat, the situation changes every day, and our forces are advancing confidently and daringly.

As Supreme Commander-in-Chief, how do you assess the situation at the moment?

Vladimir Putin: I have just received another report from the Chief of the General Staff.

In general, here’s what I would like to say. Basically, ever since our forces drove the enemy from the Kursk Region, the strategic initiative has been firmly in the hands of the Russian Armed Forces. What does this mean? It means that our forces are advancing along the entire line of contact, faster in some areas, a little slower in others, but in all directions. The adversary is being pushed back.

The key thing, and we started with that when we said that we had offered the Kiev regime to withdraw their troops from the territory of the then-unrecognised republics that did not want to live under the pressure of nationalists: the Kiev regime had already constructed, over the course of a decade, a fortified area in the Slavyansk–Kramatorsk–Konstantinovka agglomeration – this is their principal fortified area.

Let’s begin there. What’s the situation? Just recently, the Chief of the General Staff, the group commander, and local commanders, including the brigade commander who was in my office, reported the capture of Seversk. This is a key town that provides a staging point for an advance towards one of the main fortified areas in this urban area – Slavyansk.

Meanwhile, a little further south, our units are also conducting active and successful operations in the southern Liman sector. Our troops are already inside the city of Krasny Liman, engaged in street fighting. I expect it to fall very shortly. We currently control roughly half the city, and the advance will press southward, towards Slavyansk.

As I mentioned, this urban area also includes Konstantinovka. Fighting is ongoing there as well, and we hold over 50 percent of the city. I have no doubt our forces will secure that area too.

The capture of Krasnoarmeysk was a particularly significant development. It opens up several opportunities… The high command has yet to finalise the exact axis of advance, but it provides an excellent springboard for future offensive operations.

Just to the north-northeast, the city of Dimitrov – another critical locality and strategic foothold – is now completely encircled. I believe our troops already control about half of it. The enemy has not been given orders to surrender and is attempting to break out in small groups.

They have made attempts to retake at least a portion of Krasnoarmeysk, but without success. They are sustaining heavy losses there and have made no headway.

Separately, our Vostok Group of Forces is advancing rapidly through the Zaporozhye Region, liberating one community after another. As you know, combat is currently taking place in Gulyaipole. The city is divided by the river, with the main part on the right bank. Our troops have crossed that water obstacle, entered the city, and now control approximately 50 percent of it. However, not all of our forces are committed to this urban fight; a significant portion continues to advance from east to west, systematically clearing settlements across the region.

In addition, we are establishing security zones. On the Sumy axis, the city of Volchansk has been taken. And in the Kharkov Region, as is widely known, the city of Kupyansk came under our control several weeks ago. Our forces are consolidating their hold there. They are not yet pushing west because they have a critical prior task: eliminating the enemy grouping on the left bank of the Oskol River and securing the key rail junction of Kupyansk-Uzlovoy. The encircled force in that pocket is substantial – about 15 battalions, as I’ve said, roughly 3,500 personnel. They, too, have not received orders to lay down their arms. Their position is practically hopeless, as they are tightly surrounded by our Armed Forces.

Once that operation is concluded – and it will be – our units will then redirect westward. I am confident, absolutely confident, that before the year’s end, we will see further significant successes by our Armed Forces all along the line of contact.

Pavel Zarubin: What is the situation in Seversk? Why was it so difficult to seize that city?

Vladimir Putin: You probably saw and heard the reports from the Chief of the General Staff, the commanders of the group of forces and the army, as well as the commander of the brigade that was fighting there. I asked him: “How do you assess the situation in Seversk? Are you safely controlling the city?” He replied: “Mr President, we are already moving west. My brigade has advanced about 1.5 to 2 kilometres in the western direction, and we keep moving.”

You also probably remember that part of our meeting when an assault group reported live about capturing Seversk right from the city. You may recall that at the end of that report, I asked them to quickly change their position. Yesterday – I think it was yesterday – at the Defence Ministry [Board] meeting, after the meeting, the Defence Ministry Board meeting, I presented decorations – yes, I think it was yesterday or the day before – to our men who liberated Seversk.

After that, I returned to the Kremlin and asked the commander of that assault group to come to the Kremlin too. I wanted to talk with him about current matters. I sometimes do that when there is such a possibility. He arrived while I was discussing preparations for today’s event with my colleagues. He entered the Security Council room where we were meeting. I asked him: “Please, say a few words so that my colleagues know what the situation in Seversk is now, and what it was like.” And he started talking right there and then, reporting briefly.

When he left the room, my colleagues asked: “Can we invite him to the Direct Line?” I replied: “I don’t know, you’ll have to ask him if he has time for that. His leave is very short.” They called him, and he agreed to come.

Here he is, Naran Ochir-Goryayev. (Applause.)

Dmitry Peskov: Give him the microphone, please.

Vladimir Putin: Naran, please sit down. Have I told everything correctly?

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: Yes, sir.

Vladimir Putin: If anyone has any questions about the current situation in Seversk and what the fighting there was like, you can ask them now. That will be the best way.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Colleagues, let’s welcome our Hero of Russia, who is with us today. (Applause.)

Pavel Zarubin: Naran, we saw you during that videoconference – you were the one in the helmet – but we don’t know you. Can you tell us about yourself? Where are you from? How long have you been participating in the special military operation? Where did you start?

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: I’m from Kalmykia. I joined the fighting at Soledar, starting as a rank-and-file assault soldier and rising to assault company commander.

Vladimir Putin: Naran is too modest. He started as a driver, and now he is an assault company commander with over 80 subordinates. He has been awarded the title of Hero of Russia for his service. (Applause.)

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Naran, we, and I think the journalists here all saw your video conference with Mr President. When you spoke, the connection was unstable, which is understandable given the conditions [on the front line]. But now that we have an opportunity to talk to you directly, could you please share the details of that brilliant operation to liberate Seversk, or at least as many as possible. How did you liberate the city? What was it like? And how did your men, your subordinates act in that situation?

Vladimir Putin: Let me ask the questions I posed to Naran when he entered the Security Council hall. I asked, “Mr Ochir-Goryayev, what was the most challenging aspect of capturing Seversk?”

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: The most difficult part was reaching Seversk undetected, as the terrain was open with minimal natural cover. Therefore, we decided to advance in small, covert groups. This task was accomplished. We gathered under the enemy’s nose and, once assembled, we waited for the order to begin the assault.

Pavel Zarubin: There were also many civilians remaining in the city. How did the Armed Forces of Ukraine treat these people?

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: The civilians were under constant…

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: In fear, of course, under the direst conditions.

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: They were constantly under enemy pressure. Once we liberated our designated zone in Seversk, we began engaging with the civilians. As they retreated, the Armed Forces of Ukraine, much like the Nazis, shot civilians who refused to leave with them.

Pavel Zarubin: So, these were unarmed civilians, and they were shot simply for staying behind?

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: Yes, precisely because they stayed.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: When our troops arrived, when you entered, how did the people react? What did they say?

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: When we arrived, the people were in a dire state – physically and morally broken. When they first saw us, they were overjoyed, truly overjoyed. They had even been secretly listening to Russian radio, awaiting our arrival. They were immensely relieved.

Vladimir Putin: Mr Ochir-Goryayev, you mentioned that the AFU executed civilians as they retreated. But you also explicitly stated that primarily young people were targeted, correct?

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: Yes, young people. Particularly those aged 30 to 40 were taken out and executed without trial or investigation.

Pavel Zarubin: Everyone indiscriminately?

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: Yes, everyone.

Pavel Zarubin: How do you assess the current situation on this sector of the front?

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: The situation is stable. As the President noted, we have advanced beyond Seversk.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr Ochir-Goryayev, looking at you and listening to you, I must say again that our fighters are true heroes, real men. Thank you for your service. I’d like to ask, what is the morale of your troops?

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: Our lads are determined. We are acting methodically and consciously, upholding the course set by the Supreme Commander-in-Chief. The objectives of the special military operation will be achieved.

Pavel Zarubin: Mr Ochir-Goryayev, how many personnel are under your command? And, if possible, what losses have you sustained?

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: My assault group consists of 157 people. For the capture of the community, as I mentioned earlier, 24 teams totalling 84 personnel were deployed. Losses were minimal due to our small-group tactics. During the capture, four personnel were lost.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Out of 157?

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: Out of 84.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Out of 84.

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: Those directly involved in the assault operations.

Pavel Zarubin: Let us once again welcome and thank the Hero of Russia.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Thank you very much.

Pavel Zarubin: Given all this, I have to ask: a week ago, [Vladimir] Zelensky supposedly filmed a video in front of the Kupyansk stele. But many people quickly called it a fake, pointing to various inconsistencies as proof. If it really is staged, why would he resort to a forgery of this scale at such a critical time?

Vladimir Putin: I don’t know; I don’t follow that. He’s an actor – a talented one, I’ll say that without irony. We remember him from his old films. So, it’s not exactly out of character. They say the actual stele looks completely different now.

But that’s not even the main point. That stele is about a kilometre from the city proper. If Kupyansk is really under their control, why linger on the doorstep? Why not simply enter?

Meanwhile, some female bloggers actually managed to slip in there. Thankfully, they came out unharmed.

Let me tell you, the skies there are simply swarming with drones, like flies, from both sides. You can’t just take a stroll into Kupyansk.

The time will come when our forces will complete their mission to eliminate the encircled group on the river’s east bank, they will turn west, and it will happen pretty soon. They will take it all back. It’s just a matter of time. There are no problems here.

As for these staged stunts, or their desperate attempts to regain lost ground, like what they’re trying now near Krasnoarmeysk, they’re failing there, too. Their bigger problem is this: due to the active and effective operations of our troops, it seems the enemy has exhausted its strategic reserves. They’ve suffered very serious losses; there are practically none left. This, I hope, is a significant factor that should encourage the Ukrainian regime in Kiev to resolve all disputes and end this conflict by peaceful means. Their reserves are practically gone.

Pavel Zarubin: I think everyone watching, and everyone here, understands that war places a heavy burden on any economy. Yet, European “swine underlings,” as you recently called them, continue doing everything in their power to, as they say, ruin the Russian economy.

Under such difficult conditions, can we even speak of further economic growth? Are we seeing growth in some sectors but not others? And if so, which ones?

Vladimir Putin: You know, I usually bring a spreadsheet to every Direct Line. This is nothing confidential – it’s open data on the performance of the Russian economy over the past year. Our GDP growth is 1 percent; however, if we take the previous three years – this sort of review is also meaningful –, the overall growth has been 9.7 percent. Meanwhile, the Eurozone has shown 3.1 percent.

As for the 1 percent growth this year and the economic growth rate in general, they are the result of deliberate actions by the Government, the Central Bank and the country’s leadership to target inflation. I should note that overall, we have been able to handle this task because the goal was set to lower the inflation rate to at least 6 percent. We can see now that by the end of the year, the inflation rate will fall even further, to around 5.7–5.8 percent. Slowing economic growth was a deliberate step to maintain the quality of the economy and the macroeconomic indicators.

What else is happening? Industrial production has grown by 1 percent while the processing industry is up 3.1 percent. Agricultural production has increased by 3.3 percent.

Housing construction is an important area. Millions of square metres have been built. Last year, the total was 107.8 million square metres. This year, output is slightly lower although still considerable, around 103˗105 million.

We have managed to maintain good real wage growth. The rates are not as high as last year, but in my opinion, they provide a solid real wage. Adjusted for inflation, real wages have increased by 4.5 percent.

Unfortunately, it must be admitted frankly that, over the same period, labour productivity growth has been rather modest, only 1.1 percent. Of course, we should make effort to improve this ratio in favour of higher labour productivity.

Last year, the unemployment rate was at a historic low of 2.5 percent. This year, it has fallen further to 2.2 percent. Overall, these are excellent indicators.

The Central Bank’s international reserves are also growing. I spoke with Ms Nabiullina yesterday: as of a few days ago, the reserves amounted to $741.5 billion if we use the US dollar equivalent.

The federal budget deficit stands at 2.6 percent. We expect it to fall to 1.6 percent next year and 1.5 percent within the next three years. This is a good indicator, considering that the national debt remains very low, one of the lowest among developed economies. We estimated yesterday that the national debt currently stands at 17.7 percent and is not expected to rise above 20 percent in the next three years.

So, these are the indicators. The principal thing is that… What is the principal thing? Most importantly, we have managed to balance the budget – and credit is due to the Government for performing significant work. The quality of this balancing is at the level of 2021. This is a very important indicator of stability of the economy and the financial system of our country.

It means that we will be able to fully solve the issues regarding the social obligations towards the population, handle the development issues under our national projects, achieve technological development goals and, certainly, meet the needs of the Armed Forces. All this put together indicates that the economy and the financial system are stable and fully under the control of the Government and the Central Bank.

Pavel Zarubin: People in the audience are eager to ask their questions.

Mr Peskov, over to you.

Dmitry Peskov: Let me remind you that we are working in a hybrid format, since this is both a Direct Line and the annual news conference. I suggest we now turn to journalists so that they can ask their questions.

We can start from the central section, perhaps. I can see someone with a ‘Siberia’ placard. Why not start with Siberia then? Go ahead, please.

Ivan Dvoynichnikov: Good afternoon, Mr President.

Ivan Dvoynichnikov, Gorodskaya Volna [City Wave] radio station, Novosibirsk.

Everyone knows Novosibirsk for its Academic Town. In recent years, and with your support, by the way, we have been building the Siberian Circular Photon Source, or SKIF. What makes this device even more unique is that it will open new research horizons not only for our country, but for the entire world too.

The researchers managed to build it without using any foreign parts or materials, all while facing sanctions and having to navigate a very complex economic environment. This unit is expected to be launched next year.

What is my question? My question is whether it is possible and what can be done to retain young researchers?

We will be launching the SKIF next year and are looking forward to seeing you at its opening ceremony.

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Thank you for raising this topic. This is excellent news and very welcome for everyone involved in this process.

What do I mean? This topic came up during a meeting of the Presidential Council for Science, which took place in 2018, I think, and Novosibirsk served as its venue. It was then that our colleagues from the Siberian Branch of the Academy of Sciences – the Institute of Nuclear Physics – raised this issue and talked about the need to create the SKIF, this system, an accelerator.

It is true that sanctions-related issues caused some delays, but we managed to complete the project and finish the job. This is a great achievement. I would like to congratulate everyone who was involved in this process and who will be operating and using this unit in the future. It is an unquestionable success.

We already had a similar unit here in Moscow, at the Kurchatov Institute. It is an older generation unit that requires quite a few upgrades, and there are plans to make these improvements. At the same time, similar systems with the same equipment will be installed in Vladivostok and other cities. We have them in Gatchina and other locations as well. We will work to make this happen.

As for the SKIF, this is a great success story, indeed. Why? Because it makes it possible to conduct not only basic but also applied research. This is instrumental since it offers an opportunity to work on pharmaceuticals, new materials, etc.

How do we keep young specialists in the country? We’ve built a comprehensive system, and overall, it’s working. But what’s the key? We have to develop the laboratory infrastructure. True scientists are driven by their work; for them, that passion can be the most important thing. But other factors matter, too: salary, housing and quality of life. We’re implementing all of this step by step. That’s the purpose of our entire grant system, including the “megagrants.”

In fact, the recipients of those megagrants – top-tier scientists, both Russian and international, who have worked under these programmes – raised this very point with us at a meeting. They said it plainly: you must create the conditions for young specialists to stay. You have to offer them a clear horizon, so they can see the scope of their research, ensuring that funding isn’t just for six months or a couple of years, but for a longer cycle – five years and beyond. We’ve done that as well, and it helps retain talent. It does.

Moreover, many are coming back. I’ve spoken with such specialists myself. Young people who used to work abroad are now returning to Russia. Ironically, our so-called Western colleagues are actively helping us with this. When asked why they returned, they say, first, because research facilities and opportunities are being created here. But one of the main reasons is: “We’re concerned for our children. The idea of sending them to the local schools there is out of the question.”

Well, thank God, the protection of traditional values is part of our agenda. People appreciate that, and together with other aspects, it leads them to come home. There are many such people, and their number is growing.

We will, of course, continue working in all these areas.

Ivan Dvoynichnikov: Will you come visit?

Vladimir Putin: I will certainly try, thank you very much.

Dmitry Peskov: Let’s take a couple more questions from the audience.

I see one of the long-standing members of the Kremlin press pool. Please give Alexander Gamov the microphone. Alexander, if you have a question – you raised your hand very timidly.

Alexander Gamov: Of course I do. Thank you very much.

Alexander Gamov, Komsomolskaya Pravda radio, news website, and newspaper.

Mr President, this year, Komsomolskaya Pravda is celebrating the 100th anniversary of its first issue. You awarded us the Order of Honour. Thank you very much for this high recognition. I simply haven’t had an opportunity to thank you yet.

I wanted to remind you that you held your very first Direct Line conference at our offices, on February 9, 2000, if you recall.

I would like to frame my question in Komsomolskaya Pravda’s frontline-reporting style. I wanted to ask you about the Time of the Heroes programme, its development and progress. You initiated it. Have you been following the way people who benefited from this programme have been doing their job, those you have assigned to high government posts? To what extent has this system proven its worth in general? How long will this programme last? What new appointments can we expect?

Thank you very much.

Vladimir Putin: First, I suggest that we remember those who took part in the Great Patriotic War. The people who fought on the frontlines of the Great Patriotic War came back and achieved outstanding results in research, art and education.

You know, when I was a university student, there were Great Patriotic War veterans among the faculty members who taught me. We treated them with great respect. Some of them had suffered very serious wounds. There was one professor who lost his leg and had to use a prosthetic, but he was absolutely brilliant in his subject. We all remember him with a sense of deep gratitude for the knowledge he shared with us.

There was also Nikulin, and so many other people of science who reached a very high level of excellence and contributed to the development of our Motherland.

Why can’t our fighters, participants in the special military operation, do the same? We have Naran Ochir-Goryayev sitting here. You know, I did not recognise him at first since we are in a big room. There is a microphone, and the cameras are rolling. But these people have a lot behind their belts. When he walked into the Security Council hall in the Kremlin, I told him: “Naran, tell us what is going on there, please.” And everyone could not believe what they heard during his report. Here, he keeps a low profile, but why am I saying this? These people have a lot of positive potential.

Of course, there were doubts at the outset. Fighting is one thing, while heading a team or an entire sector, standing at the helm of a major corporation or even regions, or ministries, is another. It goes without saying that this requires skill and talent.

Look, we have hundreds of thousands of men fighting over there, and not all of them aspire to pursue a civilian career. In fact, this is not what many of them are after. However, for those who do want to move in this direction and have the potential, the necessary level of education and experience, or are ready to get the necessary credentials, the state must do everything to offer opportunities to people who have proven they are ready to assert the interests of their Motherland without sparing themselves.

I think I have already mentioned how this whole idea occurred to me. There was a meeting with young people, including students. I was listening to them as they elaborated on their thoughts and proposals, the goals they set for themselves, and what they thought were important national goals in general – it was during this conversation that it occurred to me that we had to bring together these people and help them achieve more and move forward. With them, the destiny of our country is in safe hands.

Of course, they need training. This much is obvious. Hence the programme. I would like to thank the heads of the regions for scaling and spreading this programme at the regional level. It does work, you know. I am very glad for the graduates of the first enrolment campaign. The second enrolment wave has been completed, and training is underway. Many graduates have already become governors, deputy ministers, or work for our companies. Several people work for the Presidential Executive Office. They are doing great.

It is clear that there can be some challenges here and there. It may well be that some of them decide to choose a different area. However, the programme has been effective and is delivering tangible results.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr President, colleagues, if I may, I have news that is important for our country, breaking news. It has been reported that Brussels’ attempts to seize our asset have failed.

How can you comment on that?

Pavel Zarubin: They have not stolen them yet, but they keep trying.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: But they have not succeeded so far.

Vladimir Putin: Pavel, stealing is not the right word. Stealing is a covert theft of property. But they are doing this openly. Therefore, it is robbery.

Why aren’t they succeeding? Because the consequences will be grave for the robbers. What does this mean? First, it is difficult to accomplish. They have not said that they will rob and seize. One of their ideas is to issue a reparation loan secured by our assets.

What does issuing a loan mean? It means consequences for the budgets of every country involved; this will increase the budgetary debt of each country. If a country issues a loan secured by our gold and currency assets, this must be reflected in its budget. Take France, whose state debt has reached 120 percent [of GDP]. Our state debt is 17.7 percent, and theirs is 120 percent. It is true that our budget deficit is 2.6 percent, but it will go down to 1.6 percent next year, while France’s budget deficit is 6 percent. The new obligations will have to be added to the budget. I believe they are having big problems with next year’s budget. All this is the reason why it is difficult to take decisions related to the robbery of someone else's assets.

But there will be graver consequences for those who might endeavour that. This will not just be a blow to their image, but this will subvert all the confidence in the euro area, since many countries store their foreign reserves in the eurozone. Not only Russia does that, but also those who have free reserves, primarily oil-producing countries. They will look at what is happening – they are already doing so, and they will have suspicions, doubts and fears. What if the same happens to them?

It is only difficult the first time, and then you can do the same under different pretexts. Today, they don’t like our special military operation and the fight against neo-Nazism in Ukraine. Later, they could be displeased with some country’s policy towards the LGBTQ community. There are very many strict laws in Muslim countries that protect our common traditional values. We don’t have such laws, but they do. This could be used as a pretext for seizing sovereign assets, sovereign resources and money. And why not? Or they can find some other pretext.

Apart from image-related losses, there will be direct financial losses related to the contemporary financial architecture. That is why it is so difficult to accomplish. And the main thing is no matter what they steal, sooner or later they will have to give it back.

Besides, we will protect our interests. How? Most importantly, we will go to courts to protect our interests. We will do our utmost to find a jurisdiction that will be independent from the political context.

Dmitry Peskov: Let’s give the floor to the audience.

Vladimir Putin: Yes. Road of Life – please go ahead.

Darya Shuchalina: Good afternoon, Mr President.

Darya Shuchalina, Komi Republic. I represent the Komiinform news agency and I’m a member of the Civic Chamber of our region.

You are aware that a significant part of the Komi Republic and the neighbouring Nenets Autonomous Area are cut off from the mainland, as they lack year-round road connections to central Russia. The road from Moscow ends within our republic, and beyond that, there is no route further north.

At the same time, there is a popular motorway: Syktyvkar – Ukhta – Usinsk – Pechora – Naryan-Mar. This spans over a thousand kilometres, 869 of which lie within our republic. The route ensures year-round northern deliveries, connects residential communities and, most importantly, guarantees safe travel for northern residents.

However, Mr President, to be perfectly honest, much of the road is in a deplorable state. It is clear that the Komi Republic alone cannot possibly maintain and repair a road of federal significance. Moreover, Komi has virtually no federal motorways, unlike other regions in the European part of Russia.

In this regard, Mr President, I have a proposal for you. Is it possible to transfer our Road of Life – the only route serving the North – to federal ownership? This would stabilise northern deliveries for a vast population, ensure connectivity with central Russia, and provide a new impetus for the northern regions.

Also, while I have the opportunity, I would like to invite you to visit the Komi Republic. We have two significant anniversaries approaching: in 2029, the city of Ukhta, the birthplace of Russia’s first oil, will celebrate its 100^th anniversary. Today, it is the largest centre of the oil and gas industry in the northwest. And in 2030, thanks to the executive order you signed, our capital, Syktyvkar, will mark its 250^th anniversary. Your visit would be a historic event for our republic.

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Thank you very much for the invitation.

Regarding the road, this is a known issue, and we are aware of this problem.

Indeed, the solution lies in transferring all sections of this route to the federal level, as the federation faces the task of bringing our federal motorways up to the established standards. This task has been largely accomplished for federal motorways. The focus now is on developing and bringing regional roads up to standard.

Several key issues are at play here – northern deliveries and road safety, I agree. But I can’t promise that construction will begin tomorrow. You understand, we must calculate everything, review the plans for developing the country’s backbone road network – we have such a concept. I will definitely discuss this with the Government, and we will respond – we will certainly respond.

Thank you for the invitation.

Dmitry Peskov: Let’s continue and take a question from the audience.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: The direct line is a combined format. We’ll have to share the territory.

Dmitry Peskov: That’s right. Journalists are also very enthusiastic.

Let’s continue. Channel One, third row. Our military correspondents.

Amir Yusupov: Good afternoon, Mr President. My name is Amir Yusupov. I’m a military correspondent from Channel One. I have three questions but I’ll try to be brief.

My first question is from our drone operators at the front. Of course, they expressed their gratitude for the current attack drone supplies, especially the fibre-optic UAVs that can stop entire columns. Knyaz Vandal Novgorodsky is really something.

However, we have very few large hexacopters like Baba-Yaga – the types that are extensively used by the Ukrainian army. We need them to deliver food supplies and munitions to battlefield positions. You yourself said today that the whole sky is filled with drones, and even carrying a bottle of water to the first line is almost an impossible task. The guys really need these drones.

My second question is also from the operators. Once I was sitting in the trenches with a guy, and he said: “I’m going to be a father. I’ll go home then.” I asked him: “Will you miss the front?” He said: “Of course.” I was surprised when he said he would miss operating drones. We have a great number of drone operators that is growing all the time, and they want to do it as a civilian job. Are there any prospects for unmanned civil aviation? Will this experience be useful in peacetime?

And the last question is from me personally. Since the first days of the special military operation, we have worked with the famous Veterans Brigade. They are famous for their underground operations in Avdeyevka, Dzerzhinsk and Sudzha. Their most recent operation received worldwide coverage. But despite their achievements and daily hard work on the ground, this brigade is simply called a voluntary unit in many Defence Ministry reports. I would like to ask you to confer the honorary title of a guards brigade on the Veterans Brigade.

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: I will start with your last question. Of course, the Veterans Brigade deserves the highest praise. They are truly heroic individuals, and it goes beyond that. You know, it is not easy to risk your life and climb into a pipeline. They prepared every operation competently, meticulously and thoroughly. They conducted serious groundwork to figure out approaches, entrances, exits and supply routes. This is extremely hard professional work. They are heroic troopers, and that is a fact. There is no doubt that this brigade deserves the highest praise and the guards title. I agree with you. This is the first point.

Now, regarding your first question on UAVs. It is true that there is a shortage of heavy drones. The Defence Ministry and the Ministry of Industry are working on improvements. This task will be solved.

I want to acknowledge the Minister of Defence, who is personally in charge of UAV supplies and has done a great deal. It is thanks to his efforts, among other things, that the availability of UAVs has changed drastically. The troops at the contact line have noted this. I think you are well aware of this. We will continue to support our modern-day Kulibins. There is an entire system of grants and other support in place. We will keep going.

I would like to express my gratitude to our citizens and our entrepreneurs. In addition to everything else they are doing, our people have raised 83 billion rubles, which have been used for a number of purposes but mostly for drones.

It should be said – and I think there is nothing to be shy of here – that we are the indisputable leader in terms of the number of drones. We are still short of heavy drones like the adversary’s Baba-Yaga, but with respect to the number of drones, we are ahead of our adversary in almost all the segments of the frontline. It is a fact, although we may be short of some specific types in some segments.

As for civilian goods and proof of our leadership, it can only be proved if the goods we have started producing because we need them for our combat operations are also applied and improved in the civilian sphere, following which they are used to build up and strengthen national defences. We will certainly do this. We have started doing this, and we will continue to do this.

I am talking about everything you are well aware of, such as the use of drones to deliver all kinds of stuff, including mail, food, and medicines. This is not only true for fixed-wing drones or small air-based copters. The matter concerns all types of drones, including unmanned ground vehicles and crewless boats. This field is developing at a good pace, and we will continue to do this in the future as well.

Speaking about those who fought and want to continue fighting, I would like to share some information with you. The situation is somewhat specific. What does this mean? We continue to recruit personnel for our Armed Forces, and this process is progressing at a good pace and in accordance with plans. Many of our men, real men, voluntarily enlist in the Armed Forces and voluntarily protect the interests of the Motherland and our people.

Naran has told us about how the Ukrainian military maltreat civilians. He did not say this now, but he mentioned it when we talked in the Kremlin: “When we saw what they did to civilians, we couldn’t wait to get our hands on them.” Did you say this, Naran? “We are ready to keep fighting to finish off that viper.” Do you understand? When they saw what was done to people, to civilians… Grannies were shot and killed by drones… He is a modest man, and it is probably the first time he is in the same room with so many people, but he said this to me.

So, over 400,000 people signed up in the outgoing year, 406,000 or 410,000, but the number of those who want to serve in the new branch we have recently created, the Unmanned Systems Troops, is so large that the Defence Ministry had to announce a competition. It is remarkable that some very young people, students at various universities, are taking an academic leave to sign up for service on the frontline. Above all, they want to take part in combat activity as drone operators.

I can understand the man you have talked with. Here is what I will tell you. Even those who come home on leave sometimes continue to take part in combat operations. Modern technologies have made this possible.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: This is very important – continuing the subject we have just touched upon, regarding our fighters… You yourself, Mr President, have said that supporting our soldiers is not a trend but the state’s tribute to its defenders. And that is indeed the case.

Here is a very important observation related to preparations for today’s programme. Pavel and I have reviewed an enormous number of appeals. As confirmed by GigaChat, this year the number of appeals from servicemen, their family members, and the fighters themselves is lower than last year or, say, the year before. Work is underway, and a great deal is being done – this work is being carried out by the Popular Front, the Ministry of Defence, and the Defenders of the Fatherland Foundation. Problems remain, related to delays, payment issues, and searching for those missing in action. But again, I’d like to reiterate: much is being done, and it is being done literally within days.

Let me give a few examples. Alexei Gushchin from the Oryol Region wrote to our programme. Two years ago, he was seriously wounded and could not receive the payment of 3 million rubles he was entitled to. As it turned out, not all the documents had arrived from his military unit. The Popular Front got involved in resolving the issue, the payment was processed, and the money should reach him any day now.

There was an appeal from Lyudmila Orlova from Beloretsk, the mother of a fallen hero. Her son died last year and was posthumously awarded the Medal For Courage, but the medal itself could not be handed over to her. Volunteers looked into the matter. The award was found and has now been presented to the hero’s mother.

What do these stories have in common? They remained unresolved for a year or longer, and people did not receive what they were due. The professionals stepped in and, most importantly, deeply caring individuals who genuinely engaged with the problem and resolved it literally within days.

Pavel Zarubin: Just two days ago, at the Ministry of Defence Board meeting, you said that there is still work to be done in this respect. Naturally, while preparing for today’s programme, we repeatedly saw evidence of this.

Now, let’s watch a video message from Kristina Grebe from Novosibirsk. We know her situation is also under control, but we also know that there are many such stories.

Kristina Grebe: Good afternoon.

My name is Kristina Grebe. I am the widow of a serviceman who was killed in the special military operation zone. We live in the city of Novosibirsk. We have two children, six and four years old. Here is my question. To this day, we have not received the survivor’s pension, nor do we have the certificates confirming the status of family members of the deceased, which grant entitlement to certain benefits.

My husband died in January 2024. On December 10, 2024, I received the death certificate based on [Government Resolution] PP-1421. We are now approaching the end of 2025, and there is still no pension. My question is this: can the processing time for such applications – for the survivor pension and the issuance of certificates for family members of the deceased – be shortened?

Vladimir Putin: First of all, Miss Grebe, I want to apologise to you for the sluggishness on the part of the services in charge of these matters. I apologise.

Rest assured, your case is going to be resolved quickly. But the problem is there. I recently met with Anna Tsivileva, who currently also serves as Deputy Minister of Defence, and she briefed me on the work of the Defenders of the Fatherland Foundation. She told me that, unfortunately, normal cooperation still hasn’t been established between the Ministry of Defence and the Government’s social affairs bloc.

The issues are largely bureaucratic: documents get lost, passed down from one department to another, decisions are delayed, and so on. We will work on that to expedite everything. I will definitely keep track of all that personally.

The way forward is clear. We simply need to act faster and more efficiently, so that people, especially those in situations like yours, with two children, don’t face unnecessary hardship.

However, there’s another, widely discussed problem that’s also evident from the questions coming in through various channels. Mr Peskov handed me a large folder of such questions and requests, which I reviewed. It concerns the search for missing persons. This is an extremely urgent matter.

In Kristina Grebe’s specific case, I hope the problems she is facing will now be resolved quickly and without delay. But the issue of missing persons is particularly acute.

I should note that the Ministry of Defence has taken specific steps in this area that are yielding results. First, a coordination centre, a central coordinating body, for the search for missing servicemen has been created.

Second, dedicated departments have been set up within the groups of forces and at the local level, and a separate registry has been created. If we compare the situation at the start of the year and at this time, the number of missing servicemen has been reduced by 50 percent; compared to the beginning of the year, it’s a 3-fold change. That is a significant improvement. This work must and will continue and improve. Our objective is to minimise such cases, ultimately bringing them down to zero.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: The issue of missing persons is really important indeed. I know that many journalists, including some of our colleagues here, have relatives who participated in the special military operation and are missing. This problem is very real. I think everyone present would support a request for you to issue an instruction ensuring that all such inquiries from soldiers’ families receive special attention and are never disregarded. And, as we have said, it’s crucial to remember both the missing and those who have been taken prisoners.

Vladimir Putin: Such instructions have already been issued. In fact, I have just outlined the steps the Ministry of Defence is taking in this regard.

Dmitry Peskov: I suggest that we turn to the people in this room and invite them to ask a few questions. I can see Mir television company. Can you hand over the microphone to the lady in red?

Elina Dashkuyeva: Thank you.

Mr President, good afternoon. Hello to my colleagues too.

I am Elina Dashkuyeva, Mir International Television Company.

Phone scams remain an issue these days. Have the measures adopted by the state been effective? Do you have any information on whether the number of people suffering from this kind of fraud has declined?

Thank you very much.

Vladimir Putin: Yes, I do have this information. The measures have proved to be effective. Much will have to be done, of course, in this regard. There was a seven-percent decline in the number of crimes of this kind, according to the Interior Ministry, while the damage decreased by 33 percent. Overall, this was quite a positive result.

There is, however, one thing I wanted to point out. I would like to address the citizens of the country. Fraud is still very much an issue. And the more sophisticated our devices are getting, the more sophisticated our life is becoming, the more sophisticated tools scammers use in turn to defraud the citizens. This is why, regardless of the voice you hear, which is especially dangerous considering what artificial intelligence can do, if someone starts talking to you about money, about property, just put down the phone, put down the phone right away! You should not say anything.

If this is about banks and the like, there are people to talk to, people you know. You can get things done by visiting the bank in person. This is the best way.

I advise you against discussing any matters dealing with money or property with anyone.

Dmitry Peskov: Thank you.

Staying in this room, I would like to once again ask journalists to be as concise as possible.

Vladimir Putin: I see a young man holding the Children’s Newsdesk poster. How can we fail to recognise him? Go ahead, please.

Maxim Zakharov: Good afternoon, Mr President.

My name is Maxim Zakharov, I am 13 years old, and I am a correspondent with the Children’s Newsdesk.

Here is my question. You have said recently that you sometimes drive around Moscow incognito. In addition, when we hear you at various meetings or even now, you are very well informed. Here is my question: How do you get to know the most important things, what people really need?

Vladimir Putin: I did not exactly say that I drive around Moscow incognito – that does happen, but very rarely. What I meant is that sometimes I drive without a traffic police escort. Most of the time, that is how it is.

These trips aren’t meaningless; even from the car window, it is interesting to see more than just the road I take between the official residence and Moscow. And when I drive through different parts of the city, it is also quite interesting to observe what is happening around.

As for obtaining reliable information on current events, meetings like this probably provide the best sociological snapshot. How many people are we talking about – two million?

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Two and a half.

Vladimir Putin: 2.5 million.

Pavel Zarubin: 2.7 million.

Vladimir Putin: Can you imagine, Maxim? Two and a half million people reached out through the Direct Line.

Of course, it is impossible to process and respond to all of this during our current session. But since these 2.5 million inquiries reflect people’s most pressing concerns, they will be addressed, in part, with the help of artificial intelligence. My, shall we say, loyal colleagues from the Popular Front will be working on this throughout the year. This provides the most powerful sociological snapshot of both the state of society and the issues that matter most to people. That’s the first point.

Second, of course, intelligence and law enforcement agencies provide various types of information. I try to use it not in a generalised form, but in its original context, so to speak. Meeting with people directly – whether with servicemen from the front, workers, or during trips across the country – is extremely important. Direct communication sparks a certain energy; you immediately begin to sense people’s mood, their needs, and their aspirations.

And, of course, we cannot overlook sociological surveys. I understand that people have different views of them, but it is important to remember that these are primarily professional tools. Average figures can sometimes irritate people because they do not always reflect personal experience. Nevertheless, they are valuable and essential for understanding broader trends and dynamics in the country.

Taken together, these various sources provide a fairly objective picture of what is happening.

Dmitry Peskov: Let’s take a few more questions from the audience.

Yakutia, please.

Oleg Kolesov: Good afternoon, Mr President. Oleg Kolesov, Sakha National Broadcasting Company. We represent the coldest part of the world, Yakutia. Right now, the temperature is −50 degrees. As you know, in a harsh climate, people especially value warmth and unity.

You have declared 2026 the Year of Russian Peoples’ Unity. We all know that the special military operation is where this unity is manifested most clearly. As a military correspondent, I know first-hand that our troops are fighting for the Motherland shoulder to shoulder, regardless of their ethnicity or faith. They wear chevrons that say “I am Russian. God is with us,” regardless of their ethnic background.

What chevron would you wear in the Year of Peoples’ Unity?

Continuing on the theme of unity in culture, a unique Arctic Centre of Epic Literature and Arts will open in Yakutia next year, along with a new building for the Higher School of Music. Both are being built at your instruction. We would like to invite you to attend their opening ceremonies.

Yakutia is also known for its film industry. We are working on a film about Hero of Russia Andrei Grigoryev, callsign Tuta. We hope you will support the production and distribution of this film.

What measures will be taken to support Russia’s ethnic groups in the Year of Peoples’ Unity? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: With regard to supporting ethnic groups, we have a targeted policy of supporting the cultures and languages of Russia’s peoples – in schools, in the media, and in literature.

You have just mentioned various initiatives in Yakutia. The people of Yakutia are very talented. It is no coincidence that this music school is opening there. I often recall my first trip, when I visited a similar music school, which has since expanded, where children from towns and villages, no matter how small, across the republic could enjoy creative activities. The film industry in Yakutia is also thriving. In fact, Yakutia itself is on the rise and growing rapidly. The republic is also sending military personnel to the line of contact who possess exceptional capabilities – perhaps unmatched anywhere in the world.

The film you mentioned will certainly receive support with distribution and so on.

As for the Year of Russian Peoples’ Unity in general, I think we are doing the right thing, especially now during the special military operation, because when a country faces challenges, it closes ranks.

You put it perfectly, and it’s true. What difference does it make to people under fire what faith they belong to? Naran understands this very well, doesn’t he? What does it matter? There’s a joke for such situations: if God exists – and I have no doubt that He does – then He surely doesn’t know that people on earth have divided themselves into different churches. What unites us are our shared values. Those are what matter most – values that are traditional for all the peoples of the Russian Federation. And now, during the special military operation, this is becoming especially evident, prominent, and clear. We see it plainly.

This just reminded me of something. We were discussing the reports on the capture of Seversk. You may recall that the commander of one of the brigades was in my office. After the briefing, the videoconference ended, and I began talking with him about the situation in his sector of the front, and about certain welfare issues affecting the soldiers. Suddenly he said to me, “You know, I feel guilty.” I asked, “Why?” He said, “I’m here, while my comrade, the commander of a neighbouring brigade fighting alongside me, is there. We’re discussing basic supplies and state decorations, but believe me, he is just as good and worthy as I am.” I asked, “Who is he?” “He’s from Daghestan,” he said, “a representative of a small ethnic group there. But he is a true warrior, a Russian patriot, and an excellent commander.” I said, “I know. But you can’t all leave the front. You are here now because the group commander decided so; he sent you. Someone has to hold the front. Tell you what – let’s try calling him.”

I went to the phone and, through military channels, located this second brigade commander right at his forward command post. I spoke with him briefly, then handed the phone to the brigade commander who was in my office. And here is what was so remarkable. It’s a common way for men to address each other, but when it comes from real officers, frontline fighters, it carries a special weight. He took the phone and said, “Hello, brother!” In that moment, it was incredibly powerful. This is where the unity of the peoples of the Russian Federation truly manifests itself. And we will strengthen this unity further. We will do everything to foster and cement it.

Thank you for your question.

Dmitry Peskov: Let’s have one more question from the audience before we return to our moderators. I see a sector that has been idling – the man in a blue jacket in the first row. Please introduce yourself.

Vladimir Seroukhov: Good afternoon. My name is Vladimir Seroukhov, the RBC radio and television channel. There will be many changes in the tax sphere next year. It is clear that their goal is to generate additional revenue for the budget. What financial effect do you expect to see? And will there be any relaxations once this goal is achieved? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Yes, this is a difficult issue. It was discussed for a long time within the Government and the Presidential Executive Office. Ultimately, as I have pointed out, it was decided that the best and most honest and transparent way to address our problems, including in the financial sphere, is to raise the VAT rate. Is this what you were referring to? The goal is simple, as I said in my opening remarks: to balance the budget. Overall, we have achieved this, as I have said, including thanks to that decision.

Of course, certain issues remain, and the Government must take them into account. We have talked about them many times. When the tax burden grows, when taxes are increased, this creates a temptation to evade taxes. Our task has been and remains to eliminate the shadow economy, to prevent businesses from going into the shadows and evading taxes. This is a challenging task. We must create conditions in which higher taxes do exist only on paper but actually translate into budget revenues.

I have taken your hint about this being permanent. No, of course it won’t. Our ultimate goal is to reduce the tax burden in the future, and the Government is acting with this goal in mind. I pin my hopes on this as well.

Pavel Zarubin: This year we have received an exceptionally large number of questions from self-employed people and private entrepreneurs. There are millions of them across the country, and tax changes are therefore a matter of concern for a huge number of people.

We have received a MAX message from Denis Maksimov from Lyubertsy. Let’s try to connect with him by video, if this is technically possible.

Mr Maksimov, can you hear us? Ask your question.

Vladimir Putin: Excuse me for a moment. (Writes down a question from a text message.) “When will government agencies start regulating fish prices to make them affordable for the people?”

You know, government regulation of prices in the market is a complicated and very dangerous matter, because products tend to disappear as soon as we start regulating prices and issuing plans. That is what usually happens in a market economy.

On the other hand, regulation is necessary in some spheres, such as essential medicines. There is a price ceiling beyond which prices must not be raised. But applying such a measure to ordinary consumer goods is extremely complicated.

That said, there is one thing you are right about: our people don’t eat enough fish. There are established norms for fish consumption, and we are still below them.

I believe we should find a different solution. We must improve logistics to ensure that fish products from the Far East can reach European Russia as cheaply as possible. We must improve transport links. We should also discuss taxation in this sector. We must create conditions for the construction of fishing vessels, and so on. There are many issues that should bring about the desired result.

Pavel Zarubin: A video call, right?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, please.

Pavel Zarubin: Mr Maksimov, if you can hear us, please go ahead with your question.

Denis Maksimov: Good afternoon, Mr President.

My name is Denis Maksimov, and I’m from Kraskovo in the Lyubertsy District. We run a small family business, a bakery. For about eight years, we have been operating under the convenient patent tax system. Starting next year, however, we will be required to pay income tax and VAT. This means we will need to hire a professional accountant, which will result in additional expenses for us.

We fully understand that the country is in a difficult situation at the moment and that raising taxes is necessary. However, in my view, it would be far more effective for both the state and individual entrepreneurs if the cost of patents was simply increased – two, three, four, or even five times – depending on turnover, for example. As things stand, the situation is tough, and honestly, we don’t look to the future with much optimism. Many businesses may close or move underground.

Could you please advise us on how to navigate this situation, given the drastic changes to tax legislation?

Vladimir Putin: Mr Maksimov, is that your bakery in the background?

Denis Maksimov: Yes.

Vladimir Putin: Mashenka. And who is it named after, with such a lovely name, Mashenka?

Denis Maksimov: My eldest daughter.

Vladimir Putin: You make delicious buns? What do you have there?

Denis Maksimov: I hope they are delicious.

Vladimir Putin: Mr Maksimov, regarding your question, here’s the background. Initially, various measures were introduced to support individual entrepreneurs and small businesses. More recently, however, the Government has identified problems, particularly in trade, both among individual entrepreneurs and small businesses. These measures and business formats have sometimes been used for the uncontrolled import of “grey” and “black” goods. That’s where the problem arose. But this does not mean that production businesses should face difficulties. I will certainly bring this matter to the attention of the Government and the relevant agencies.

Regarding accounting, I would note that you do not necessarily need to incur significant additional expenses to set up an accounting department. Many major financial institutions now offer a range of banking and accounting services. You could, for example, consult Sberbank – they should be able to help you organise this work without seriously disrupting your business or creating a heavy financial burden.

But you are absolutely right on one point: production business must not suffer because of the transition to a new tax system. I assure you that this issue will be brought to the Government’s attention.

In any case, I wish every success to you, your [bakery] Mashenka, your daughter, and your business with such a sweet name. I sincerely wish you all the best!

Perhaps you could even send me some of your tasty stuff?

Denis Maksimov: With pleasure.

Vladimir Putin: And I, for my part, will work with the Government to support your business and others like it.

Thank you very much.

Denis Maksimov: Thank you.

Pavel Zarubin: Incidentally, there was a news alert just now saying that the Central Bank has revised its key interest rate down to 16 percent. We are getting there.

Vladimir Putin: You know, the Central Bank, of course, is under constant pressure. The high interest rate is a very controversial matter. The difference between it and the inflation rate… By the end of the year, as I have said, inflation will be under six percent at 5.7˗5.8 percent, or maybe 5.6 percent, while the interest rate remains unchanged at 16 percent. Experts expected a cut of up to one percentage point.

According to the law, the Bank of Russia is an independent institution, so I try not to interfere with its decisions and to shield it from any outside influence or pressure. Overall, the Bank of Russia has not only succeeded in delivering on its mandate, but has been quite diligent and responsible in this regard.

In late 2024 and at the beginning of this year, we had conversations with the Central Bank Governor, with senior Government officials and the cabinet’s economic block, saying that we had to make a decision on targeting inflation and to do everything to ensure that the Russian economy and the macroeconomic situation are sustainable and robust and that the national economy remains on a solid footing. The fact that there is this gap between the inflation rate and the key interest rate offers the Central Bank’s critics an angle of attack.

What is the problem here? In fact, there are quite a few challenges, and one of them, as I have already said, or as I will say, if I have not mentioned this until this point, is the slowing investment activity. It decreased by 3.1 percent in the first three quarters. But what matters for the Central Bank is not this substantial decline but the fact that lending remains quite high. The number of issued loans has not been decreasing all that much. It did decline, but only marginally. This compels the Bank of Russia to exercise extreme caution in order to avert any inflation spikes so that it does not have to make any moves in the opposite direction. These back-and-forth oscillations are the worst thing you can imagine. The Bank of Russia is seeking to ensure stability in this regard, which is important, of course. We cannot agree more.

Is a cut of half a percentage point enough? I will not share any assessments at this point, leaving it up to experts. We have many prominent specialists – let them draw the corresponding conclusions. There will also be a response from the real economy. I can even anticipate how they will respond. That said, we have yet to see what comes of it all.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr President, official inflation is one thing, but the so-called perceived inflation is somewhat different. We receive a substantial amount of correspondence about this. We also do our own shopping and see how everything is getting more expensive. What can be said? You often refer to it as the “ballpark figure” – approximately six percent. Indeed, people write complaining that everything is getting more expensive, and prices are growing like mad.

Pavel Zarubin: Maxim Volkov from Chapayevsk in the Samara Region: “Why has everything become so expensive? Even the price of chicken has almost doubled. I am a father of three. I work, making 50,000 rubles, but even so, I cannot meet their needs or feed them properly.”

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Or take these various appeals, for example. Here is one from the Rostov Region – clearly written by a child, as it states they are under 18: “Hello! Why are the prices for food and buns in the canteen going up, while my parents’ salaries aren’t?”

Vladimir Putin: I have already mentioned that when people see average indicators, these average figures often raise questions, because as a rule, they do not match what a person encounters in daily life.

For instance, we say inflation will come down. That means prices will go down, and it will be at about 5.7–5.8 percent. However, food inflation, especially in certain categories, may be higher – and it is higher – and this depends on the food basket a person uses. If that food basket consists largely of protein products like chicken, then naturally, this impacts the family budget. There is certainly nothing good about that.

At the same time, I would note that last year, or the year before, we were critically assessing the actions of our colleagues in the Government when the price of eggs suddenly spiked. Now, prices are not just falling – they have dropped by over ten percent, almost 16 percent. These are also important factors. Nevertheless, without any doubt, we must closely monitor the situation in every segment and across every demographic group.

As for families with children: the family must be at the centre of everything here, and we are striving for that. I would like to emphasise that additional measures to support families with children will come into effect from January 1 next year. For example, out of the 13 percent personal income tax paid, in families with modest incomes – less than one and a half times the subsistence minimum per person – seven percent, that is, the larger part, will be returned to the family. I hope this will be a real way to support families with children. By the way, if a family’s income, correct me if I’m wrong, is below one and a half times the subsistence minimum, then additional support equivalent to one subsistence minimum is provided for each child.

I am not even mentioning other components of support for families with children. Naturally, this is not enough. We all realise, of course, that this is not enough. But what is to be done? First, we will continue to refine this system of family support, because state policy, both at the federal and regional levels, should revolve around this.

Second, we will, of course, strive to increase salary levels, to ensure that incomes, especially for families with children, do not fall. When labour incomes rise, the state must under no circumstances reduce these support measures, which, unfortunately, is what happens now. This is a well-known problem: a family with children receives certain benefits and support, then their earnings rise, and the state cuts back the benefits it had been providing. Therefore, when earnings rise, the family’s total income, including benefits, must not decrease.

I return to this issue once again and ask the Government to pay the closest attention to it. It makes no sense to do otherwise, because the budget gains nothing from it – it cannot gain – and we only discourage people from working.

Dmitry Peskov: Let’s return to the audience for a few more questions. We haven’t covered that sector yet. I see Tyumen. Tyumen, please pass the microphone.

Kristina Smirnova: Good afternoon, everyone. Kristina Smirnova, Tyumen Time television channel, Tyumen.

I have a question about the unusual object, 3I/ATLAS, that’s currently approaching. According to forecasts, later today, on December 19, this object – which some speculate is a spacecraft with an engine and others say is simply a comet – will make its closest approach to Earth. My question is: what are the intelligence services and Roscosmos telling you? Are there any genuine signs of the object’s artificial origin? As far-fetched as it may sound, there are a lot of theories circulating. And while we in Tyumen – Russia’s thermal capital – are ready to welcome any guests, if they are guests from space, we’d like to be prepared.

Secondly, is the date of our news conference today connected to this forecast? This is the first time we’re holding our year-end review on a Friday. Thank you.

Pavel Zarubin: Mr President, they’re actually asking you here to wink if you know that aliens exist, but it’s classified. That’s what it says. Go on, wink if you know.

Vladimir Putin: Kristina, is that your name? I’ll tell you, but this must stay strictly between us. It’s classified information. It’s our secret weapon, but we will only use it as a last resort. Because we are, in principle, against the placement of weapons in space.

But in all seriousness, it is a comet. Our scientists understand what’s happening with it. Moreover, this comet is of extragalactic origin, so it behaves differently from comets within our own galaxy. It has a different composition, and as it approaches the Sun, slightly different processes occur on its surface and within its dust tail, which makes certain aspects appear unusual. But it’s quite large, somewhere between 2 and 6 kilometres, I believe. Just consider this: the Moon is about 400,000 kilometres away. The object you’re asking about is hundreds of millions of kilometres away. I don’t believe it poses any threat to us. We’ll send it on its way to Jupiter. Early next year, it will leave the Solar System entirely.

Dmitry Peskov: Thank you. Let’s continue.

Pavel Zarubin: So, no winking then.

Vladimir Putin: I’ll wink just for you.

Now, let’s turn to Belarus. Please.

Viktoria Senkevich: Thank you very much, Mr President, for this opportunity. Viktoria Senkevich, Channel One News, Belteleradiocompany.

Belarus and Russia have synchronised their policies so well that we are also holding a major event these days, the All-Belarusian People’s Assembly. Our President says: “Belarus and Russia must be together.” You must have heard this. Let’s also build a bridge together, Belarus and Russia. It is not the first time we have done this. We actually rely on Russia’s strength. Oreshnik is to be put on combat alert in Belarus these days. Thank you for bringing tactical nuclear weapons back to us. For some reason, not everybody likes our union. It is odd. One day Lithuania closes its border, another day Poland. One day they are planning to build a training ground, another day they are planning to steal or, as you say, rob us of our property. Belarus has been affected by this, too. My question is, what do you think about the actions of these “European swine underlings”? Thank you for the new diplomatic term. How will Russia respond to threats at the western borders of our shared home, the Union State?

Vladimir Putin: As for the term, I blurted it out when I was talking to a military audience. I did not mean anybody specific. In fact, I never engage in ad hominem attacks. It is not something I ever do. I was talking about a group of people in general, “an indefinite number of persons,” as lawyers say. And some of them may be long gone or irrelevant. It is ancient history. But it is unimportant. What is important is our relations.

I watched the Belarusian President’s remarks at the National Assembly yesterday. I must congratulate him: it was a very emotional, memorable and substantive address. I want to thank him for his review of Russia-Belarus relations in their current state.

As concerns security, we deal with these issues both on a bilateral basis and within the CSTO. You have mentioned Oreshnik. Alexander Lukashenko spoke yesterday about the deployment of Russian tactical nuclear weapons in Belarus. We hold regular military exercise and have created a grouping of forces. Our defence ministries maintain very close cooperation. The security of the Union State is in safe hands of our military and it will be guaranteed, there is no doubt.

Dmitry Peskov: Since we already had Belarus, I think that we can invite our guests from NBC to ask their question.

Vladimir Putin: Yes, please.

Dmitry Peskov: Pass the microphone, please.

Keir Simmons: Keir Simmons from NBC News.

Mr President, I want to ask you about relations with President Trump and the United States.

President Trump has a peace deal on the table. Ukraine is offering enormous compromises, yet you continue to talk of war.

Mr President, if you reject President Trump’s peace offer, will you be responsible for the deaths of Ukrainians and Russians in 2026?

Vladimir Putin: We do not believe that we bear any responsibility for human casualties because we were not the ones who started this war. It followed a government coup in Ukraine – the unconstitutional government coup in 2014, followed by the effort by the leaders of the Kiev regime to unleash combat operations against their own people in southeastern Ukraine.

We refrained from recognising the Donetsk and Lugansk people’s republics as independent states for quite a long time. But when we got misled and the other side failed to fulfil the Minsk Agreements, we had no other option left than to use our armed forces for putting an end to the war unleashed by the Kiev regime with the support of Western countries.

President Trump has been serious about ending this conflict. He said that he was absolutely sincere in his efforts. Moreover, during the meeting with Trump in Anchorage, we coordinated and came really close to accepting President Trump’s proposals.

Therefore, it would be totally wrong and groundless to claim that we reject something.

During preliminary meetings in Moscow, some proposals were made to us, and we were asked to make certain accommodations. When I arrived in Anchorage, I said that those would be difficult decisions for us, but we are still in agreement with this trade-off proposed to us.

So saying that we reject anything is inappropriate and groundless. The ball is entirely in the court of our Western “opponents,” so to speak, primarily the chiefs of the Kiev regime and, most importantly, their European sponsors. We are ready for talks, and we are ready to conclude the conflict by peaceful means.

Dmitry Peskov: Let’s take a couple more questions from the audience. Let’s continue.

Thank you very much, thank you.

Let’s go to Belgorod, please.

Anna Rudchenko: Good afternoon, Mr President.

Vladimir Putin: Good afternoon.

Anna Rudchenko: My name is Anna Rudchenko, Belgorod State Television and Radio Company.

First, I have to say we would be delighted if you could find an opportunity to visit us. We will always welcome you.

Vladimir Putin: Thank you.

Anna Rudchenko: Today, in frontline regions like Belgorod, reliable communication is one of the most urgent and painful issues. It’s essential for attack alerts and drone warnings. It allows children to continue their education remotely. And for some, it’s a lifeline. Children with diabetes have glucose sensors connected to smartphones so parents can monitor their levels. Without mobile internet, that system glitches.

We urge you to instruct the Government to add diabetic services to the Ministry of Digital Development’s ‘whitelists,’ so that they function without interruption, like the Gosuslugi portal, even when mobile access is restricted.

And one more point. Thanks to your decision, residents of border areas are receiving federal compensation for homes lost to shelling by the Ukrainian Armed Forces. Thank you very much for that.

But previously, also thanks to your decision, compensation was also provided for the second lost property. That support has now been discontinued. We ask for your help in resolving this compensation issue.

Vladimir Putin: One moment, please. Could you clarify the second part again?

Anna Rudchenko: It’s about a second home. Some people lost both their parents’ house and their own. There aren’t many such families, but they are suffering. People are relocating from unsafe areas, taking on mortgages, and the state compensation isn’t enough. We ask for your help in restoring compensation for the second lost property.

Thank you so much.

Vladimir Putin: Let’s start with where you ended. I give you my word, we will certainly review these cases.

You know, similar issues constantly arise in emergency situations – after fires, floods, accidents. Here, the circumstances are even more severe. In principle, such matters have been addressed in disaster relief efforts before. They can be resolved here as well, and we will do so. That’s the first point.

Second, regarding services: for children’s schooling, for monitoring diabetic sensors, and so on. As I understand, the issue isn’t access to the medication itself, but the ability to monitor whether it’s being taken on time. Is that correct?

Anna Rudchenko: When the internet is down, the sensors don’t transmit data.

Vladimir Putin: Yes, yes, I understand. Without a connection, it’s impossible for parents to monitor their child’s condition. And here, of course, we have to weigh this against the necessary security restrictions, which serve to minimise the risk of air and drone strikes. Because if the servers for these services are located abroad, then, regrettable as it is, it makes target acquisition easier for the enemy. That’s the reality we are facing today.

But there are two ways to resolve this problem: first, to migrate to domestic software and hardware platforms, which many services are already using. And second, we can work with foreign manufacturers operating here to negotiate transferring these specific services to servers within the Russian Federation. In any case, work must be done on both fronts.

Anna Rudchenko: Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Please, hold back your placards. Thank you for displaying this humble attitude.

Zeljko Sain: Good afternoon,

My name is Zeljko Sain, and I work for Politika, a Serbian newspaper. Thank you for offering me an opportunity to ask a question. My Russian is not very good – sorry for that, but I think you understand me.

You have embarked on an effort to bring relations between the Russian Federation and the United States back to normal. If we take a general view of the latest developments, we will see that Russian companies operating in Serbia, including NIS, are facing sanctions. What would be your comment in this regard, and what can the people of Serbia expect?

I have another question [about the meeting with Donald Trump in Alaska, a new security framework and Russia-NATO cooperation].

Can we expect any future cooperation so that we can live normal lives without wars? I hope that next year, when we meet again, we will be talking about peace, not war.

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Thank you for your question.

We also want to live in peace free from any military conflicts next year. Let me reiterate that this is what we really want. We strive to resolve all disputes through negotiations.

Of course, and I think you will agree with us on this point, we must address the root causes of the conflict so that nothing of this kind happens again, so that the peace is lasting and durable. This is what we will seek to achieve.

As for our cooperation with NATO, there used to be a time when we worked with them. It was not a matter of cooperation, but a question of NATO membership, first for the Soviet Union, and later for the Russian Federation. However, in both cases we realised that no one wanted this to happen, and the promises they had given us about refraining from expanding NATO were being ignored. Once again, we were misled with NATO expanding its ranks in several waves. Of course, this effort to move military infrastructure closer to our borders could not fail to cause us concern and still causes serious misgivings.

Of course, against this backdrop, devising a new security framework for Europe is quite timely. There was a time before the dissolution of the Soviet Union when there were smart people in Europe, including the leaders of Germany’s SDP. Take Egon Bahr. An accomplished politician, he went as far as suggest establishing a new security system in Europe without expanding NATO. Instead, it would have included the United States, Eastern European countries and Russia in order to ensure inclusivity without placing anyone in a tight spot.

We are not making any extraordinary requirements. We are not denying any given country the right to choose the way it wants to defend itself, but the way it does it should not pose a threat to anyone, including Russia.

We do not ask for anything that has not been declared before. All we do is insist on having our Western partners fulfil the pledges and obligations they had assumed. After all, they defrauded us, while we want to build a reliable security framework in Europe.

As for NIS, you were right to describe this as a challenge. Unfortunately, the sanctions pressure is still there despite the effort to create an illusion that they want to improve our relations. This is part of power politics, which applies to Gazprom Neft, among others. It owns NIS and has invested generously in this company. This investment has already exceeded US$3 billion, which helped turn NIS into an advanced and effective enterprise. It is the main contributor to Serbian budget.

We know what is happening in this context. Russia signed an intergovernmental agreement with Serbia regarding any restrictions against this private entity. Of course, we expect our friendly Serbian leaders to take this into account and deliver on their commitments. Otherwise, this puts into question the possibility of investing in this economy. What are the safeguards if even an intergovernmental agreement fails to deliver? That said, we do have a sense of how and in what direction we can move forward together. There is an ongoing dialogue in Serbia with our friends there on this topic. We hope to be able to find a suitable solution.

Pavel Zarubin: I would like to revisit the issue you have already partly addressed, but if possible, to revisit it once again, because there are numerous appeals regarding the fairness of child benefit calculations. Moreover, it is large families who reach out most often. Parents work hard, doing their best for their children, but as soon as such a family finds itself just 100 rubles above the so-called eligibility criteria, they cease to qualify for support or benefits.

Let’s try to call Gulnara Bayazitova via video link – she also sent us this question. Gulnara, if you can hear us, please go ahead with your question.

Gulnara Bayazitova: Good afternoon, Mr President. And happy upcoming New Year to you!

This is the village of Abalak in the Tyumen Region. My husband and I work in the public sector: I’m a preschool teacher assistant with a salary of 27,000 rubles, and my husband is a driver earning 50,000 to 80,000 rubles, commuting to work in the city. We have six children and are expecting another baby.

We participate in all competitions, all events – we’re an active family, each of us – the children, me, my husband – has a golden GTO [Ready for Labour and Defence] badge. But I’ve been a mother of many children for 11 years, and in all that time, I’ve only once met the criteria for receiving benefits. Last month, we were 100 rubles over the threshold, and in November, it was 259 rubles. Because of this, as a large family, we get no benefits at all: no transport passes, no school meals, no summer camps – nothing is available to us as a large family, not even subsidies for utility bills – nothing.

We’d like some support – because, truly, six children is a lot. We both work, we work very, very hard, taking on extra jobs, keeping a small homestead, raising chickens. We’d just like a little more help from the state.

Vladimir Putin: Yes. Gulnara, I’ve broadly touched on this issue earlier while responding to similar questions. I completely agree with you. You’ve just said that when you work harder and your earnings increase, state support immediately shrinks – the assistance you received when your earnings were lower is abruptly reduced. It ends up making work seem pointless – it discourages people from working.

But I think this is a mistake on the part of the Government. I strongly believe the Ministry of Finance and the entire Government leadership will hear what we’re discussing now. There is simply no saving to be made here, and attempting to generate revenue at the expense of large families is immoral. I agree with you. My colleagues will certainly look into this, and I hope the matter will be resolved.

I want you and all other citizens who struggle with paying utility bills to know that the general approach is that if utility bill payments exceed 22 percent of a family’s aggregate income, the state is under obligation to step in and cover everything above the 22-percent mark. I’m not sure whether you are aware of this. Are you?

Gulnara Bayazitova: Yes, I am aware of all the benefits.

Vladimir Putin: Use them.

Gulnara Bayazitova: But everyone is looking at income.

Vladimir Putin: Yes. In some regions… Moscow is a relatively rich region. Here in Moscow, as far as I know, help from the regional authorities starts not at 22 percent, but at ten percent. Regional authorities must continue this work, and the federal government should not forget about it either.

Our entire policy is built around supporting families with children. I ask the regional authorities, our colleagues in the regions to always keep this in mind. Anything the state plans to do – and I have said that many times – must first be assessed in terms of how it will affect the lives and incomes of families with children.

With regard to your most important question about state support measures getting cut when income increases – we will do everything to resolve it.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr President, I have something to add to this on behalf of working mothers. I think Gulnara can hear us and will hear my question as well.

In our country, child allowances are paid until the child is 18 months old. Many mothers wrote to us saying that at this age, children are not admitted to kindergartens, many are not ready to let their children attend nurseries, and nurseries are often not even available, so they ask to extend allowances until the child is three years old.

Such requests abound. Here is one from the Stavropol Territory, “Why is this allowance paid only until the child is 18 months old? A mother remains on maternity leave until the child is three. There are no nurseries where we live,” Yulia Petkova explains. “Most kindergartens accept children from the age of three, and once your child is admitted you start getting one sick leave after another,” this mother accurately notes. “Employer will not tolerate such employees, and will fire them, Please extend eligibility for child allowances until the age of three.” We have been flooded by such requests.

Vladimir Putin: The appeals are well grounded, and you’ve framed the question correctly. Allowances are paid until the child is 18 months old, but they are not paid from 18 months to three years of age. We need to be frank and honest about this: it’s purely a matter of budget constraints. There are no other explanations, that’s the only reason.

However, the Government will, of course, have to consider how to resolve this issue comprehensively.

Now, regarding nurseries, kindergartens, and letting mothers return to work – that is yet another way of resolving this issue. And here, too, not all the problems have been solved. We have accomplished a great deal in renovating schools through a very extensive programme. A programme for renovating kindergartens is currently underway. And I would like my colleagues in the regions to take note: when tackling kindergarten renovations, it would be sensible to address the creation of nurseries at the same institutions. That is the first point.

Secondly – also seemingly simple but requiring additional attention and, of course, funding – is the need to extend the daily hours a child can spend in a kindergarten or nursery. For example, not just until 6 pm, but longer.

This, in turn, will require increasing the number of teachers and caregivers. That means recruiting more staff and creating additional positions in these institutions. This is the direction we must take.

And, of course, the Government must examine how to close this support gap for children between 18 months and three years old.

Overall, we do have a fairly well-structured system of support for motherhood, childhood, and families with children. For instance, motherhood benefits are provided continuously from pregnancy until the child turns 18. Furthermore, if a child continues full-time education after turning 18, the benefit support for the family is extended until they reach the age of 23.

Large families also require special attention. For example, the status of Mother Heroine has been elevated. A holder of the Mother Heroine title now receives the same range of benefits as a Hero of Labour. That is the first part. Another one has to do with the pension calculations. Previously, women with large families could receive pension points for having three children, that is, only the first three children were taken into account.

A new decision has been made and is coming into force: now, when calculating pensions, pension points will be added not just for the first three children, but for all subsequent children as well. That is a positive step. I hope this measure will also be effective, but the Government, and the state as a whole, must, of course, continue to develop and implement a system of support measures for families with children.

Dmitry Peskov: Let’s now take a couple of questions from the audience. We have already been working for two hours without noticing.

Vladimir Putin: We’ve got Kazan here. Let’s go to Kazan. You wanted to ask something about Islam, didn’t you ?

Artur Khalilullov: Mr President, good afternoon.

Vladimir Putin: Isänmesez! [“Hello” in Tatar.]

Artur Khalilullov: Thank you very much for the opportunity to ask a question. Artur Khalilullov, Tatar-Inform, Kazan. In 2026, as you probably know, Kazan will be the cultural capital of the Islamic world. This decision was made at the Conference of Ministers of Culture of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) member states. Generally speaking, we know that Russia has been consistently improving relations with the Islamic world and the Global South in recent years. Rustam Minnikhanov in Tatarstan, and the republic in general, are also actively promoting this agenda alongside the Russian Foreign Ministry, as well as within the framework of the Russia – Islamic World strategic vision group.

I have two questions. In your view, what should be the key priorities in Russia’s mutual relations with the Islamic world? And my second question: Can it be said that Muslims around the world look to Kazan, Tatarstan, and Russia and see this model as an example of what Islam should be in the modern world? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: The Islamic world is very diverse, just like the Christian world – we both know this well. But I am confident that the example set by Tatarstan is undoubtedly highly positive.

Many of my colleagues from countries with predominantly Muslim populations have noted this and are looking at the positive experience of coexistence among people of different ethnicities and religions, which Tatarstan demonstrates.

I would like to congratulate everyone – this all began with Tatarstan’s first leader, and now Rustam Minnikhanov is actively continuing this work. It is no coincidence, I think, that the capital of Tatarstan has been chosen as the host for major future international events under the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation. Russia is an observer state there. By the way, I was the one who initiated Russia’s observer status. I once reached out to my colleagues so that Russia could become an observer in the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation.

You know, this was done with great enthusiasm by all our friends and colleagues, representatives of Islamic countries. I watched with delight as this happened. It was very gratifying for me. This was a very, very long time ago, but it was absolutely the right decision on our part. More than 10 percent of our population are Muslims. This is also… But I will not – alright, I will not go into what the Patriarch told me on this subject. In general, our Orthodoxy is Eastern Christianity, and in terms of all our major traditional values, we are fully aligned.

What is being done in Tatarstan across these domains – spiritual, educational, academic… The establishment of an academy in Tatarstan is a very important decision, especially considering that we must train Islamic scholars within our own territory. Moreover, the same developments are taking place in Bashkortostan. Just as we have supported, we intend to continue supporting all traditional religions in the Russian Federation.

Artur Khalilullov: One more question, Mr President. We also have the annual KazanForum, and this platform grows year by year. I would like to know if you plan to attend the KazanForum this year.

Thank you very much.

Vladimir Putin: You know, we have divided responsibilities among colleagues: I usually attend the Far Eastern Forum or the one in St Petersburg, while the Prime Minister attends the forum in Sochi – so as not to gather the same people repeatedly but to involve representatives from different levels of government. Nevertheless, this forum is very important, and we will certainly support it, as it is another thread connecting us with our friends and allies in the Arab world and the Islamic world as a whole – and, without exaggeration, with the Global South.

Dmitry Peskov: Thank you.

(Addressing Artur Khalilullov.) You ended up asking three questions, you know. Friends, let’s respect one another.

Our guests from China, Xinhua, please.

Liu Kai: Good afternoon, Mr President,

My name is Liu Kai, and I represent Xinhua News Agency.

As you have repeatedly stated, China-Russia relations are at their highest point ever. This year alone, you and President Xi Jinping have met twice, and next year, we will celebrate two major milestones: the 30^th anniversary of the strategic partnership and cooperation between China and Russia, and the 25^th anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Good-Neighbourliness, Friendship, and Cooperation.

My question is: How do you assess the achievements of China-Russia strategic cooperation over the past 30 years, and how do you see its development over the next three decades?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: First, I would say that I consider President Xi Jinping to be a reliable friend, a stable partner – my reliable friend and stable partner – and Russia’s ally. This is the most crucial foundation for the development of Russia-China relations; they are progressing steadily.

Obviously, the agreements you mentioned as well as the efforts to maintain the strategic partnership are indeed significant, yet the most essential aspect is the practical cooperation between us – the actual, hands-on collaboration across all sectors.

As we have already mentioned, the figures on trade differ slightly between China and Russia, but the total turnover is somewhere between US$240 and US$250 billion. This is lower than the total trade between the EU and China, but when it comes to country-to-country cooperation, Russia ranks first among European states.

China’s overall trade with the EU stands at some US$700 billion, while the turnover with Russia is around US$240 to US$250 billion. But once again, in terms of bilateral cooperation, Russia ranks first among the European nations. Of course, globally, China’s trade with the United States, Japan, and South Korea is larger – but in Europe, Russia takes the top spot for country-to-country cooperation.

These relations continue to grow and expand into a wide range of areas. I am particularly pleased to see progress in high-tech manufacturing, science, education, humanitarian exchange, and space exploration. Our cooperation in these fields reflects the strong level of trust between our nations. We also cooperate in the military sphere, conducting regular joint military exercises and patrols involving strategic aviation, naval forces, and ground troops.

All of this underscores that Russia-China relations are a significant factor driving global stability, as I have stated on many occasions before and would like to emphasise once again. On the international stage, our foreign ministries are in constant contact, coordinating our agendas.

So, I am hopeful that we will further develop relations with our Chinese friends in this manner for the short and long term.

Dmitry Peskov: Let us take another question from the audience.

Yevgenia Volgina: I am Yevgenia Volgina, a host at the Govorit Moskva (Moscow Speaking) radio station.

I have a question regarding demographics in general.

You have repeatedly stated that the birth rate in the country is declining, despite ongoing regular financial support measures such as benefits, payments, incentives, and other forms of assistance. At the same time, there is currently a relatively small generation of women of childbearing age, and demographers are debating when the population decline will reverse.

Meanwhile, many young people are primarily focused on building a career and creating a financial safety cushion, while some are simply afraid to have children.

This leads directly to two questions.

First, what additional financial incentives do you view as new measures that might be introduced to encourage young people to start families and have children?

Second, perhaps now is the time to speak with young people about how important it is to stop postponing family life, and encourage them instead to have children and not be afraid? In other words, to take a value-based approach.

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: This is an issue faced by all post-industrial countries – virtually all major economies. The same trend is occurring everywhere, and in certain states the situation is truly alarming. For example, in Japan the birth rate is 0.8, while in South Korea it is 0.7. To clarify, the birth rate refers to the average number of children per woman of childbearing age.

In our country, this figure has also declined slightly and now stands around 1.4, whereas we need to reach at least two. This is an extremely challenging task. Naturally, a great deal depends on the financial situation of families. A family should not experience a drop in income when a child is born; this is a very important factor. For that reason, I will not go over the efforts that are already underway; there is a wide scope of measures in place. As I mentioned earlier, benefits are provided starting from pregnancy and continuing until the child turns 18. Additional support has been introduced in certain regions; a couple of years ago we allocated 75 billion rubles to assist the territories where fertility rates require special attention, and so on. I have mentioned raising the status of mothers with many children, called Mother Heroine in Russia, among other initiatives. There is support for family mortgages, and we still need to continue working on the six-percent mortgage programme. We have discussed – and will continue to do – every possible effort to encourage young people to start families and have children as early as possible.

This is indeed a very delicate process, but everyone is aware of it. Young people, and particularly women, first seek to obtain education, then uplevel it, take their first career steps, and by the time they do all that, they already turn 30 and only just have their first child. After that, they often lack the strength or energy for a second child, and so on. Naturally, it needs to become trendy, so that people see and feel the joy of motherhood and the joy of fatherhood.

I want to get back to Naran Ochir-Goryaev again: he has been taking part [in the special military operation] for four years now and has four children. You know, everyone learns primarily from their own experience, even though there are constant calls to learn from the experience of others – we keep saying this in every field and in life in general, but still people usually learn from their own experience; only after they have to grapple with something really concrete, they actually start reflecting and drawing conclusions, thinking if they should have done this or that differently.

I am recalling something now, and I believe I have even spoken about it publicly before. At my most recent meeting with large families, there was a woman whose family had, I think, nine or ten children. She said something very kind and truly wonderful, words that have stayed with me. She said: “You know, we now have ten children, but every time a new child was born even when we already had five or six, we immediately thought, ‘How did we ever live without you?’” This kind of reflection captures a person’s state of mind, their attitude towards their children, and their understanding of their own happiness in being a mother or a father. Translating this feeling to others is not an easy task. But it is something we all must do.

I am addressing this audience, your colleagues, representatives of the media, and cultural figures because they are all talented people. They create good films, stage performances, write books, and see their works brought to the stage. I ask you, please, to always keep this in mind and to frame everything you talk about, write about, and show in a way that promotes fatherhood and childhood.

The material aspect is essential – but what matters even more is a person’s state of mind as well as their understanding of simple human happiness.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr President, there is an interesting story related to this. A young lady has turned to us. She is choosing self-fulfilment while being afraid of missing the ideal age for becoming a mother because she is a med student. And as we know, a new measure has been adopted this year, requiring med students to work off their state-funded residency. This requirement applies directly to her.

I suggest listening to a video message. But overall, there are many such messages, with young people still not fully aware of the way their lives would be organised.

Vladimir Putin: Excuse me for interrupting. When you asked your question, I noted that there is one positive aspect for us. Positive demographic trends have emerged in 25 regions of the Russian Federation, which indicates that our colleagues at the local level, in the regions, are making substantial progress in case they focus on this issue. This is particularly true for demography, a challenging but crucial area for our country. So, 25 regions of Russia are already showing positive demographic trends.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Let us now watch the video message.

Vladimir Putin: Yes, please, go ahead.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Here is Alina Gamazina from Kemerovo.

Vladimir Putin: Please, go ahead.

Alina Gamazina: Good afternoon, Mr President,

I am a fifth-year medical student at Kemerovo University, enrolled in a targeted programme. I am prepared to work in my region following graduation. However, I am facing a dilemma: my mandatory years of work will fall between the ages of 27 and 31, which is the perfect time for having children and starting a family. Unfortunately, my schedule, workload, and the low salaries for young professionals make this very tough. I would like to ask whether there are any special conditions in place or planned that would allow combining work with motherhood, without penalties or disruptions to my work experience? Perhaps there is financial or housing support for young medical professionals? Because, in the current situation, we either lose young professionals to other regions, or we face demographic challenges. How can the state help us achieve both goals of having children and working under a targeted programme?

Vladimir Putin: As regards support for young families with children, we have already discussed this a few times; there is a wide range of measures in place to support families with children.

But when you say that you are in your fifth year and needing to fulfill a service commitment, it is all very clear. I am not sure if it is simple, but at least it is understandable. What is clear is that when someone enters medical residency, starting from March 1 of the following year, a procedure is established: following residency, if they are studying under a state-funded scholarship, they are required to work as a doctor for a certain period in the area where they are assigned.

This period varies depending on the location: in rural areas, it will be shorter, while in larger cities, it will be longer. But it is the individual’s choice: they sign a contract for state-funded education, and then they are obligated to work off the residency they received with state funding. If they do not want to do so, they do not have to sign the contract – and in that case, they can study on a paid basis. Incidentally, in this scenario, a young person can take out an education loan and repay it later, once they have finished their studies and during their professional career.

As for medical students, we are not talking about a mandatory work period after graduation or assignment to a specific city or region. No, this is about the requirement that anyone who has completed or is completing their medical education must work in their specialty for a set period of time in a medical institution that follows the compulsory health insurance regulations. It is about working in their field, regardless of the place of work. I do not think this requirement is excessive.

As for starting a family and having children, that is always a personal choice. You need to assess your circumstances and make your own decision.

But, as I have already mentioned, I do not believe that getting further, additional education, building a career, or reaching a certain income level should be the reasons to delay marriage or delay having children.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: An important clarification here is that this specifically refers to certification for the title of [medical] doctor.

Vladimir Putin: It does. A person graduates from university, and they are not assigned to a remote city, town, or village. They simply need to work in their field at an institution that is covered by the compulsory health insurance system. That is all.

We remember how, in Soviet times, everyone was required to go wherever the state decided. That is no longer the case. Even the proposals and decisions that have been made are quite soft, almost advisory in nature.

Perhaps it would be better if we reach a point where this would not be necessary at all. Obviously, the young lady who asked the question is right. What needs to be done? We need to improve living conditions and resolve housing issues. Overall, the state is doing its best to follow this path. This includes support programmes like Rural Paramedic, Rural Teacher and other. We will, of course, continue and improve these forms of support.

Pavel Zarubin: Students at teacher training colleges are also wondering whether they will face mandatory work assignments later on.

Vladimir Putin: This decision has caused quite a stir. It does not yet apply to students at teacher training colleges, and I believe it is not necessary at this point.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: The floor goes to Dmitry Peskov.

Dmitry Peskov: Let us work with the audience.

I can see Yevgeny Poddubny, also a Hero of Russia, and a military correspondent.

Yevgeny Poddubny: Good afternoon, Mr Putin.

Vladimir Putin: Good afternoon.

Yevgeny Poddubny: I have a question that I believe concerns many people in the regions that have a lot of problems – I mean frontline regions such as Donbass, first of all. The issue of water supply is extremely acute there and has been discussed for many years.

The current situation is such that not only in Donetsk, but also in other cities of Donbass – Gorlovka, Makeyevka, Debaltsevo, and virtually every city in the region – water is supplied irregularly, once every two to four days, and its quality is poor. Residents living above the fifth or sixth floor often receive no water at all due to insufficient pressure.

Strictly speaking, this water blockade is man-made, and we are well aware of it. Its primary cause is the actions of our adversary. However, residents of the Donetsk People’s Republic and the Lugansk People’s Republic have been dealing with this issue for many years. Will it take a long time to fix, or is it still impossible to give a clear answer? Thank you very much.

Vladimir Putin: Yevgeny, you know very well where this problem originates. The main water intake facilities and the core water supply system are located beyond Slavyansk, in the territory that, unfortunately, remains under enemy control. Under the old system, this issue can be fully resolved only when this territory comes under the control of our Armed Forces.

That said, this is not the only solution; there are other opportunities, as you are certainly aware: constructing water pipelines, searching for water in territories under our control, drilling wells, and so on. One water pipeline has already been built, and the construction of another one is currently under consideration.

A key issue inherited from the past is the level of water loss. Until recently, losses in the existing pipeline systems reached 68 percent. While this figure has been reduced, it still stands at around 50 percent. I have discussed these issues repeatedly with government members as well as with regional authorities. However, addressing water losses means bringing the entire water pipeline system, which was neglected for decades and is now in a state of disrepair, back up to standard. Restoring this system and reducing water losses to a minimum, or ideally to zero, would require funding comparable, according to experts’ reports, to the cost of building another major water pipeline.

But I want us to be heard. Please note that we know about this issue. We are aware of how acute and painful it is for people, and we will make every effort to promptly resolve it.

Dmitry Peskov: Thank you. One more question. I can see BBC, UK. Your question, please.

Steven Rosenberg: Thank you very much. Steven Rosenberg, BBC News.

I have a question about the future – the future of Russia. What future are you planning and building for your country and your people? In this future, will any public disagreement with the official line be punishable by law, as it is now? Will the search for enemies, both external and internal, intensify? Will mobile internet shutdowns become increasingly common across the country? Will there be further special military operations, or will Russia choose a different path?

I remember you saying that our future is in our hands – that is, in the hands of everyone. But essentially, almost all power in Russia is in your hands, which means that, to a large extent, its future is also in your hands. So, what will it be like? What lies ahead? Will it be the continuation of what we are seeing now?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: What will Russia’s future be? Will actions or people who disagree with the authorities be punishable by law, as you put it? You are probably referring to our well-known and frequently criticised law on foreign agents.

Colleague, I would like to point out that this is not our invention. Such laws were adopted in a number of Western countries, including the United States, back in the 1930s. Moreover, all these laws, including the American one, are significantly harsher. They envisage criminal liability, including imprisonment, for political activity funded from abroad.

We have nothing of the kind. Our law requires only one thing: if you are engaged in political activity, you must disclose your sources of funding. There is no repression and no criminal prosecution for this.

Furthermore, if a person ceases political activity or refuses foreign funding for such activities, they are removed from these lists. There are many such examples.

Pavel Zarubin: There is another question: what will happen next with the BBC? There is a multi-billion-dollar lawsuit from the US President against the BBC.

Vladimir Putin: That is their family business; let them sort it out themselves. I do not want to add fuel to the fire or dwell on that topic.

Although, of course, it is an issue of false reporting and manipulation. That is obvious. I believe President Trump is right. But that is not the point here.

You also asked whether there will be new special military operations. There will be none if we are treated with respect and if our interests are taken into account, just as we have consistently tried to take yours into account. But you deceived us, for example, with NATO’s eastward expansion. We were told there NATO would not expand “one inch eastward” – that is a direct quote. And what happened? As they say it here, they simply deceived us and disregarded our security interests.

You – well, of course not you personally, but Western politicians – created the current situation with their own hands and continue to escalate it. They constantly talk about preparing for war with Russia. You have lived here for years, as far as I know. I think even those who speak about war with Russia understand [the absurdity of] this. Are we planning to attack Europe or something? What kind of nonsense is that?

This is being done for internal political reasons in order to create an image of an enemy. And an image of an enemy, Russia in this case, is being deliberately constructed in order to conceal the mistakes that many Western governments have consistently made over the years, both in economy and social policy.

Where is the “green agenda” when coal mines are being reopened? Nuclear power plants were shut down, and now they are being reactivated. Mistake after mistake – yet all of this is being covered up by portraying Russia as a malicious external threat and diverting public attention away from internal failures, shifting it toward the outside world.

Your questions basically follow the same logic. You said that all power is concentrated in my hands. True, there is power vested in the President of the Russian Federation. But the scope and extent of that power are clearly defined and enshrined in the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the fundamental law of our country. For instance, when legislative decisions are made, I do indeed sign laws, as is the case in any country. I cannot recall the exact share in percent, but a significant portion of these laws is initiated by deputies of the State Duma or by members of the upper chamber of parliament, the Federation Council. These are objective facts. Obviously, the President of Russia enjoys extensive powers; but I believe that, under current conditions, a presidential form of government is justified for our country.

I would like to conclude on a different note. We are ready to work with you – with Great Britain, with Europe as a whole, and with the United States – but solely on the basis of equality and mutual respect.

If we ultimately reach such an understanding, everyone will benefit.

I recall a conversation I attended back in 1993, where Helmut Kohl, former Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, spoke. He said that if Europe wishes to remain an independent centre of civilisation, its future must inevitably be with Russia. We naturally complement one another; together, we could work, develop, and prosper. Without this, Europe would eventually vanish.

Consider this: despite the fact that Russia’s economic growth rate has slowed to around one percent amidst our efforts to curb inflation, Russia still ranks fourth globally in terms of purchasing power parity after China, the United States, and India. Russia is followed by Japan and Germany. The United Kingdom, which you represent, unfortunately ranks only seventh, eighth, or ninth – most likely seventh or eighth, I believe.

If Russia and European nations were to unite their efforts, our combined GDP in terms of purchasing power parity would exceed that of the United States. This is obviously a theoretical calculation. But the underlying reality is clear: by pooling and complementing our capabilities, we would achieve prosperity rather than confrontation. It is not Russia that is fighting you. It is you who are fighting us, through Ukrainian nationalists.

We are ready to stop these hostilities immediately, provided that Russia’s mid- and long-term security interests are guaranteed. And we are ready to cooperate.

Pavel Zarubin: On the whole – and I believe the audience will agree with me – in recent years, we have seen so many statements and actions from European politicians that are simply mind-boggling.

Why do you think we see such rampant support for the Kiev regime in all aspects? Human rights no longer seem to matter and no one speaks about European values anymore – there is just unbridled backing, and, apparently, they are even ready to start confrontation with the President of the United States.

Vladimir Putin: Why is such a policy being pursued – rampant, as you put it? I have just tried to explain this when answering a question from your colleague from BBC. First, they are using this policy to cover up their own mistakes: in foreign policy, economy, finance, and other areas. That is what I believe is happening.

Second, they have gotten themselves into a rut, as we say when talking about bad roads. Once you are stuck in a rut, it is very hard to turn left or right.

As for conflicts with the President of the United States, there is nothing unexpected or surprising here. Why should it surprise anyone? It is all quite clear to me, and I believe it is clear to any observer, even a non-expert. European political elites supported the Democratic Party and Ms Harris in the US presidential election, and they did so quite openly, if not brazenly.

There were once allegations that Russia had intervened in the US presidential election to support Donald Trump. Nothing was ever confirmed; all investigations launched by Congress came to nothing. There was no cooperation and no Russian interference. Yet, European political elites did interfere – and they did so directly. It was obvious, visible, and blatant. Even now, it seems to me that they are counting on a shift in the political landscape after the US congressional midterm elections next autumn. They hope this will bring back their traditional allies, allowing them to exert greater pressure on President Trump. That is why they are acting the way they are, anticipating a change in the US political balance ahead of those elections.

As for certain individuals, they are indeed behaving very aggressively and, in my view, even unprofessionally.

Regarding these aggressive statements – you know, I look at them, and I am surprised too. For instance, I personally know the current NATO Secretary General, Mr Rutte. He is the former Prime Minister of the Netherlands. I once visited the country and spoke with him. He is an intelligent man, and he was a competent, strategically minded, and efficient prime minister. The Dutch economy is in good shape, and this is partly due to his efforts. And what nonsense is he talking now? I just want to ask him: what are you saying about a war with Russia? “We must prepare for war with Russia.” They want to prepare for a war with Russia. But can you even read? Just read the new US National Security Strategy. It says that the United States – let me emphasise – is the key player in NATO. The United States established NATO; it is NATO’s main sponsor. All the main resources come from the US: funding, military technology, weapons, ammunition. That is the foundation of the Alliance.

And yet the new National Security Strategy does not list Russia as an enemy or a target. Nevertheless, the NATO Secretary General is preparing for war with us. How does that make sense? Can you even read? How can NATO aim to go to war with Russia if the Alliance’s leading power does not regard us as an adversary or an enemy?

It seems that the level of professional competence in this position is inadequate. One needs to pay closer attention to their responsibilities and the events unfolding. This applies not only to the NATO Secretary General but to many other Western leaders as well.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr President, we have been live for almost three hours now, and we have received three million requests.

Vladimir Putin: Do you want to process all three million?

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: We are striving to do so. And, as is traditional for the final conference of the year, we have a huge number of questions concern housing.

Vladimir Putin: Please go ahead.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: People are sending requests to expand the use of family mortgages for existing housing. Let me remind you that such a programme is already in place.

Vladimir Putin: Family mortgages?

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Yes, family mortgages, but for existing housing.

Vladimir Putin: I understand.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Such a programme does exist; it involves nearly 900 cities, but there are limitations, and they are critical for young families and those with many children. Essentially, they have to move to places where there are new buildings. In many towns and villages, there simply are none.

Let us watch a video message from Yekaterina Yerastova from the Tomsk Region.

Yekaterina Yerastova: Good afternoon, Mr President,

We are a large family from the town of Strezhevoy. We have three children. We would like to use the Family Mortgage programme, but there are no new buildings in our town, and none are being constructed. Those that exist, with apartments suitable for our family, are more than 20 years old. So, we would like to ask you to expand family mortgages to families like ours and to towns like ours.

Thank you very much.

Vladimir Putin: Is there no such option in your city? Do we have a direct connection?

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: No, this is a recording. This is the town of Strezhevoy, Tomsk Region.

Vladimir Putin: What is the name of the town?

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Strezhevoy. A town of oil workers.

Vladimir Putin: And the region?

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Tomsk.

Vladimir Putin: The Tomsk Region.

Look, this decision – are they listening now?

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: I believe Yekaterina is definitely watching.

Vladimir Putin: The decision has been made. In the regions where no or very little construction is underway to build new housing, family mortgages can be used to purchase housing on the secondary market. Of course, this raises a number of questions and challenges related to construction quality as well as the condition of the buildings being purchased. While a mortgage is being repaid, the housing itself may deteriorate, so people should always be very careful when choosing a property.

You have mentioned that nearly 900 cities are included – around 880, if I remember correctly. If your city is not on this list, we will add it. I would also like to note that just yesterday I discussed this issue with my colleagues in the Government who are responsible for housing construction and support for families with children. When these measures were initially adopted, they were intended to support both families and the construction sector. Why was it so difficult to allow purchases on the secondary market? With new housing, everything is clear as family mortgages stimulate construction activity. But even in the current conditions in locations that permit purchases on the secondary housing market, many questions persist. The key task is ensuring that this particular support measure is aimed primarily at supporting families, and not merely at supporting the construction industry. There are plenty of issues, and the Government will work to address them. As regards your city, if it is not yet on the list, we will make sure it gets included.

Pavel Zarubin: In previous years, we all remember how our direct lines were constantly flooded with questions from defrauded homebuyers. To prevent this, the escrow account mechanism was finally introduced – meaning a developer only gets paid once the building is actually completed and commissioned. But now we are seeing a surprising new problem. There are numerous cases where developers have already taken the money from these protected accounts but still have not handed over the keys. Here’s just one example.

Video question: Good afternoon. I bought a flat in Vsevolozhsk, Leningrad Region, but I still haven’t received it because the developer keeps moving the deadlines. The original deadline was September 30, 2025. Then in July, I was notified that my block of flats is scheduled for commissioning in December 2025 due to technical connection problems. Yet, on August 21, my escrow account was debited, and that very evening I got a notification that my block of flats was officially completed and ready to be commissioned. Right now, I know there’s still no heating in the building, and only one window ever has a light on – so it’s not clear any work is happening at all. Then, on October 30, I was notified that my flat’s handover is now postponed again until April. I’m asking you to look into this. I believe it is fraud: no flat and no money.

Pavel Zarubin: And here is another important point. One of the few ways a buyer can pressure a developer is to demand penalty fees for delays. But another problem has come to light. Since the pandemic, developers have been shielded from these penalties by a moratorium. It was introduced during the pandemic to support the construction industry, and it has been extended several times since. People are now asking: will it be extended again?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, this problem is well-known. Indeed, the decision to introduce this moratorium to support the construction sector during the COVID-19 pandemic was taken, and it is still in place with respect to penalties until the end of this year. I think this is sufficient, and I would ask the Government not to extend any moratoriums of this kind. Flats should be handed over on time.

There are, of course, legitimate questions and problems that can cause delays – I was discussing some with my colleagues just yesterday. In some contracts, for instance, the flat is supposed to be furnished. But there is no furniture, other things are missing.

In this specific case, the woman mentions problems with utility connections and other issues. But the moratorium on penalties needs to end, and I ask the Government to end it.

More broadly, we absolutely must establish a system-wide approach to ensure developers fulfil their obligations. We introduced escrow accounts to protect citizens, and now we need to revisit that mechanism to close these loopholes. We will go back and do exactly that.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Another problem we have highlighted is again with protracted construction projects – this time concerning sports facilities. There are similar complaints here as well: everything is almost finished, but they just won’t open.

Residents of the town of Abaza in Khakassia say the local ice arena is not complete. They write that parents, trying to speed things up, even helped dig the foundation pit themselves. But now the construction is frozen.

In the village of Dzhabyk, Chelyabinsk Region, the walls and roof of a sports and fitness centre are up, but the work has stalled.

Vladimir Putin: There is not much to add here.

For several years now, while the Government has been working hard, and it is hard work, to balance the budget, we have been saying the same thing: we must. If projects are not finished, we cannot start new ones. We need to complete the construction we have begun, not leave it hanging. It is the same story every time. Please pass…

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Absolutely.

Vladimir Putin: Please pass that information on – we will look into it.

Ah, I cannot help but notice the ‘I want to get married’ sign back there. Something else is coming up, I see.

Kirill Bazhanov: Mr President, good afternoon. Kirill Bazhanov, Regional Television, Channel 4, Yekaterinburg.

Vladimir Putin: Look at you, already dressed as if you are on your way to the wedding.

Kirill Bazhanov: Yes, exactly. And the sign is no accident. I know my girlfriend is watching the direct line conference right now. Olga, will you marry me? Well, since the proposal is happening here, Mr President, we would be honoured to have you at our wedding.

Now for my question. The sign is here for a reason. I will not ask about utilities or anything else – my question is about support measures for young families. My new fiancée and I have been together for eight years. I come from a priest’s family. We both really want children, but the reality is, I do not see how we can afford them. For example, if I were to take out a mortgage on a one-bedroom flat in Yekaterinburg now, I would be paying 50,000 rubles a month for 30 years.

Mr President, is there any way to help young people so that this money does not just go to the banks, but is instead invested in our future, in our children? As a 23-year-old, I can tell you for sure that this would be the most important incentive to improve the birth rate.

Thank you very much.

Vladimir Putin: I should point out – you have been with your fiancée for eight years, and you are 23, so you started dating at 15. Well done. That’s good.

In the Caucasus, among the peoples of the Caucasus, there is a very good tradition: they marry their children at a fairly young age. It is truly the right thing to do. We should follow their example. How do I know? Ramzan Kadyrov has a large family, many children, and they marry quite young. He told me, “This is our tradition in the Caucasus.” It’s really quite admirable.

In your case, as I have already mentioned, an entire support system for families with children has been created, including assistance for student families and others. I will not list all these measures now, as that would take too much time. However, it has already been said that you can wait indefinitely for the perfect moment: for your financial situation to improve, for your education to be completed, and so on. Yet it is better not to postpone having a child. This is part of life, and we must live our lives as they are. Procreation – especially since you are probably a believer – is perhaps a person’s divine mission. Therefore, of course, we will continue these support measures. Despite certain tensions related to the need to balance the budget, we have nevertheless preserved mortgage programmes.

Moreover, there are regions where mortgage rates are only two percent, not six. You can take out a mortgage there – because, in fact, home is where your heart is, and even a hut is heaven. It will not be a hut; it will be an apartment, but in regions where the mortgage rate is only two percent rather than six.

We need to review all support measures for young families. I believe all these issues can be resolved.

What does your fiancée do?

Kirill Bazhanov: She is a third-year student in the psychology department at Moscow State University, and I am graduating this year from the journalism department at Ural Federal University.

Vladimir Putin: You see, I have already said that there are measures to support student families. You should look into what they include. But overall, I agree with you: when young people think that they first need to buy this and that, secure housing, and resolve countless everyday issues, it can feel overwhelming. Still, it is better not to delay such fundamental decisions as starting a family and having a child.

Dmitry Peskov: I see the Zvezda TV Channel over there. Can we give the floor to Zvezda, Mr President?

Vladimir Putin: Please.

Konstantin Kokoveshnikov: Good afternoon.

Zvezda TV, Konstantin Kokoveshnikov.

You have already spoken about attempts to undermine the Russian economy, but I cannot help asking about the strikes carried out by Ukrainian drones and unmanned naval vessels, and about this issue in a broader context.

There is a growing impression that, in addition to targeting critical infrastructure inside Russia, attempts are being made to strike at Russian exports, particularly the supplies of Russian energy resources abroad. Some heads of state have already expressed concern about this, including Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Sitting next to me is a young woman from Rostov-on-Don, and I cannot help recalling that just two days ago, a Ukrainian strike killed two crew members on board a civilian vessel in the port of Rostov. Prior to that, the Ukrainian regime targeted four tankers in the Black Sea.

Will Russia respond to this, and if so, how? What might Russia’s response be in the event of a possible blockade of the Kaliningrad Region, should such an idea occur to someone in Europe?

Vladimir Putin: Let us start with the final part of your question. I hope that this does not happen. If threats of this kind are created for us, we will eliminate them. Everyone must understand this clearly and be fully aware that actions of this nature would lead to an escalation of the conflict unprecedented to date, pushing it to an entirely different level and expanding it, potentially to a large-scale armed conflict. This must be fully understood by all.

As for strikes against our civilian infrastructure, you, as a representative of what is effectively a military media outlet, Zvezda, are well aware that our forces respond to this on a regular basis, delivering retaliatory strikes whose scale, power and precision are simply incomparable with what the Kiev regime is doing. However, anything that causes damage to civilian infrastructure and non-combatants, that is, people who have no involvement in hostilities, is, of course, deserving the strongest condemnation. There will always be a response from our side.

Pavel Zarubin: News is coming in right now that one more of our tankers has been attacked in the Mediterranean Sea.

Vladimir Putin: This is being done, among other things, for a utilitarian purpose: to drive up insurance premiums. Ultimately, this will not lead to the expected result, will not disrupt any supplies, and will only create additional threats. Response from our side will certainly follow.

Question: Good afternoon, Mr President.

Thank you very much for the opportunity to ask a question.

First of all, let me convey warm greetings to you from the people of my entire republic – and from your home region, Pavel – and thank you for the attention to our region.

My question is partly related to this topic as well. A Russian–Tajikistani industrial park is currently being created in Tajikistan, with Bashkortostan acting as the Russian operator of this project. My question is: in which other friendly countries could similar parks be created? Where else could the experience of my home region, Bashkortostan, be useful?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: We have been working for several years on creating a similar structure in Egypt, in the Nile region. It is a very promising site. The Government, the Ministry of Industry, and our Egyptian friends are giving it serious attention. I believe this project would bring significant economic benefits to both Russia and Egypt.

We are also considering launching similar projects in several other partner countries, and your experience will certainly be in demand. To be honest, I am not fully aware of the current progress of the industrial park project in Tajikistan, but I have no doubt that Bashkortostan, with its strong technological and industrial base, will play an important role and achieve all of its objectives. If necessary, I ask the federal Government to provide you with support. Thank you very much.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr President, back to the audience?

Vladimir Putin: I have one big request: if we start making noise from all sides, we will have to stop, because it will be impossible to work and communicate.

(Inscription on a journalist’s sign.) Kokoshnik? Let us see what this kokoshnik is like. It is a headdress that young women usually wear.

Remark: Good afternoon, Mr President. Good afternoon, colleagues.

To be honest, I am nervous. I was looking forward to asking you a question.

Vladimir Putin: There is young men with a sign saying “Kokoshnik,” and you are wearing one and you have stood up, so please, go head.

Remark: Women first, as they say.

Vladimir Putin: Yes.

Question: Mr President, my question follows up on the question posed by my 13-year-old colleague sitting in the front row who asked you about you driving around Moscow without flashing lights or any identifying signs.

Do you think Moscow has become more beautiful? What about the roads? Have they become less congested? After all, a huge number of motorways have been built in Moscow; you and I opened the Moscow High-Speed Diametre and launched Prospekt Bagrationa. Do you think the roads are less congested now? Fewer traffic jams? That is my first question.

Second, what are looking at on the car market? Are we going to switch to domestically produced vehicles because of higher disposal fees? I have been saving up for five years to buy a foreign-made car. I checked on December 1, and foreign-made vehicles were gone, because they are so expensive now. I will now have to save up for the next five or six years. Please tell me whether a domestically produced vehicle is a good choice. You have driven a Lada. Or, perhaps Moskvich is a better choice?

Vladimir Putin: You know, let’s start with the disposal fee. We need to be straight about the issue. Higher disposal fee means higher car prices. We are talking about fairly expensive cars with, I believe, 160-horsepower engines.

Without a doubt, the Government understands this; this move affects people with at least average incomes, or even those with good incomes relative to the overall situation, primarily in major cities. It is clear, and again, it must be stated directly that this move is about the Finance Ministry’s attempt to raise extra revenue for the noble goal of technological advancement.

Of course, this move indirectly supports the domestic auto industry as well, and you stated it clearly: it has become a bit expensive, so shouldn’t I consider buying a domestically produced car? Of course, I would be remiss not to tell you to buy a domestic car. It would be strange if I told you to buy a car made outside Russia.

I hope that this measure will not be permanent, and our people will eventually have an expanded choice of cars: either as incomes rise or as this fiscal burden is reduced.

Question: Has Moscow traffic become less congested?

Vladimir Putin: What can I say? We are all proud of Moscow. Sergei Sobyanin has accomplished a lot.

Moscow is a vast urban and economic centre… Look, 12 million people live here, plus three million people come to Moscow to work every day. That is almost 15 million people in Moscow every day.

Transport issues are addressed systemically. This concerns public transport, primarily the metro, and road construction, interchanges, and overpasses. Sobyanin’s team is generally succeeding in solving these matters.

To reiterate, issues abound. When I drive around Moscow… I said that I drive without a motorcade, but that does not mean I do not use flashing lights. Occasionally, the driver turns them off, and we merge with the traffic. Of course, before and after the work hours, the traffic is very heavy, especially in downtown Moscow.

This means that we can’t rest on our laurels. Much has been accomplished, but we must keep an eye on this matter at all times.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr President, we have already spoken today about problems faced by people with diabetes. Due to disruptions in communication services, it has become virtually impossible for them to monitor blood sugar levels using specialised mobile applications.

However, there is another serious aspect to this issue: people cannot obtain subsidised medications. We are receiving a large number of messages about this problem, and it affects more than just diabetics.

Vladimir Putin: Yes, yes, yes, I have seen similar questions.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Exactly. And this is only a small portion of what has been submitted. People suffering from a wide range of conditions are writing to us: cancer patients, people with kidney failure, epilepsy, hypertension. The list goes on.

Let us watch a video message from Dmitry Otstavnykh, the Sverdlovsk Region.

Dmitry Otstavnykh: Good afternoon, Mr President.

My name is Dmitry Otstavnykh. In the city of Krasnoturyinsk, the Sverdlovsk Region, the distribution of subsidised medications that citizens need after illnesses and surgeries has stopped. This is going on every year starting in November. Local clinics explain that funding has run out. As Viktor Chernomyrdin once said: “Never before but once again.”

I would like to ask for your help in ensuring that Sverdlovsk Region officials restore this funding and provide residents with the subsidised medications they urgently need.

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Mr Otstavnykh, I will not deny that there are many such appeals. I read them yesterday and the day before. Before coming here, I spoke with the relevant officials: senior representatives of the ministries and the Government. They assured me that everything falling under federal responsibility, including the compulsory medical insurance system, has been fully financed and that all funds have been transferred to the regions without a single delay.

The issue you raise – and I repeat, many appeals mention the same problem, in fact, Dmitry Peskov gave me a pile this thick – concerns how this work is organised at the regional level: logistics, the timely conclusion of contracts, and the proper distribution of medications within the pharmacy network.

I promise that we will pay close attention to what is happening. I hope this problem will be resolved. The documents I reviewed also point to the closure of state-run pharmacies, which has led to shortages of subsidised medications. I want to emphasise to my colleagues in the regions that subsidised medications must be available at fixed prices even in private pharmacies. This is critically important, and the Ministry of Health and other regulatory authorities must strictly monitor compliance.

Moreover, we need to further develop the pharmacy network, including through mobile pharmacies, which are already being successfully introduced in many regions. This practice is expanding and proving effective. Certain medications can also be dispensed through village first aid stations, which helps address the issue, at least in part. We have also discussed expanding this approach through the Russian Post system. In general, the solution is clear: we simply need to ensure that it is properly implemented. We will definitely do this. And in your specific case, I am confident the issue will be resolved promptly.

Dmitry Peskov: Let’s take our next question from the audience.

Vladimir Putin: Let us: it looks nice first saying USSR and then TF1.

Dmitry Peskov: That is, first a placard saying USSR and then a placard saying TF1.

Vladimir Putin: A colleague of ours is already on his feet. Please, go ahead.

Remark: Good afternoon, Mr President.

Vladimir Putin: Good afternoon.

Remark: May I present a gift first, and then ask a couple of questions?

Dmitry Peskov: Please let us know what it is, and we will take it from you later. Thank you.

Remark: Yes, of course. It is a book titled “The Heart of Asia.” It features poems by126 Russian poets who praised Persia and Tajikistan. There is a dedication to you. The collection begins with Zhukovsky in 1743 and continues to the present day. We have compiled an anthology of the best Russian poets who praised Persia and Tajikistan, mostly Tajikistan. This is my gift to you. I know you love this.

Vladimir Putin: Thank you very much.

Question: Here is my question.

Mr President, you appreciate the poetry of Omar Khayyam. We – Tajiks and Persians – are his descendants. Could we ask the President of Russia to have a monument in honour of this great scholar erected, or an Omar Khayyam Centre created? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: That is a good idea. We will definitely give it a thought. Thank you very much. As they say in such circumstances, thank you for the tip. We will think about it, I promise.

Yes, I wanted TF1 to ask a question.

Dmitry Peskov: Our French colleagues, TF1. Please go ahead.

Vladimir Putin: Please.

Jerome Jerome Garro, from TF1 French TV.

Mr President,

One of my compatriots, the Frenchman Laurent Vinatier, has been put in jail for three years for an administrative offence. Now the Russian justice system is raising the issue of espionage, which worsens the situation.

Vladimir Putin: Pardon me, could you say again the name of the person who was sentenced to three years?

Garro: Laurent Vinatier, a Frenchman.

Vladimir Putin: Who is that? This is the first time I am hearing this name.

Jerome Garro: All right. He was a researcher in Russia, and he wasn’t registered as a foreign agent. He didn’t know that the law changed. He was put in jail for three years for this administrative offence. His parents and children are deeply worried right now. We know there are huge tensions between France and Russia. But as the New year approaches, can his family hope for a Presidential pardon or an exchange, and his return to France?

Vladimir Putin: I know nothing about this. This is the first time I am hearing about it, but I promise that I will look into it. If there is even the slightest chance to resolve this matter favourably, if the Russian law allows it, we will make every effort to do so. I cannot say anything specific at this point, because I know nothing about it. But I will find out, I promise.

Dmitry Peskov: Mr President, if you don’t mind, let's proceed. I see someone sitting modestly with their phone out. Please introduce yourself.

Valentin Petukhov: Good afternoon, Mr President. My name is Valentin Petukhov, and I’m a Russian tech blogger. For the past 15 years, I have been informing my audience about services and technologies, both Russian and foreign, and I represent a substantial audience, with several million subscribers across my social media accounts. Currently, extensive work is underway on import substitution and the construction of what we call technological sovereignty. Perhaps one of the most significant topics discussed this year has been the national messenger, MAX.

However, we are aware that there is a vast array of messaging platforms already in use by people, so my question is the following: Was the creation of a national messenger truly such an important and necessary development? Can MAX compete adequately with the existing messaging platforms? And what is your view on such competition? In a purely blogger-like fashion, I’d like to ask you to subscribe to my MAX channel about technology, but I understand that you are already well-versed in this matter. Listening to my colleagues, I recalled that today, December 19, is my father’s birthday. I would like to congratulate him and all Russians, because, using neural networks, I discovered that several hundred thousand Russian citizens are also celebrating their birthdays today.

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: We, too, would like to join in congratulating your father.

As for MAX and competition, competition is always necessary. I am confident that there will be competition.

Regarding Telegram and other messengers, the issue lies in one thing only – compliance with Russian laws. The problem with these messengers was that the political leadership of their countries did not allow them to adhere to our laws, imposing certain restrictions. This was the reason behind the corresponding measures, such as slowdowns and speed limitations, and so on. You are all aware of this.

I am sure MAX will have competitors. Was it necessary to create it or not? Of course, yes, it was absolutely necessary. I would like to draw your attention to the fact that, in principle, we had all the tools in the digital sphere except for a messenger. Now, we can confidently say – and this is very important – that Russia has achieved full digital sovereignty. Russia is one of only three countries that possess this digital sovereignty: the United States, the People’s Republic of China, and now Russia.

Moreover, there are a number of services we can provide to our citizens through the MAX national system, services that we could not previously offer through foreign systems for a variety of reasons, including security considerations. Therefore, this is unquestionably the right step. But I agree with you that competition should exist. It will.

Pavel Zarubin: Many questions about healthcare have also been submitted via MAX, and, by the way, many of them – we have also noticed this – were resolved even before the Direct Line. In total, half a million questions were received through MAX, including many video questions from children and young people…

Vladimir Putin: Excuse me.

“We in Ulyanovsk live as if in the 19^th century. When will your subordinates finally start working and listening to you and the people?” But we just need to understand… I will ask you to note this, Mr Peskov, make a note – we need to understand what this is referring to.

Pavel Zarubin: Is this a text message?

Vladimir Putin: Yes. And now this: “I am tired of these programmes about Ukraine.” I completely agree. We need to wrap it up. “Maybe we should focus on solving our own problems and covering them?” We are trying to do that.

Pavel Zarubin: We should focus more on our domestic issues. There are several video messages from children and young people.

Video question: Hello, Mr President.

My name is Daniil, and I am at the International Literature Fair in Moscow right now. There are very few young people here, almost none compared to the older generation. I would like to ask about your opinion on this trend. Children and teenagers are reading less these days. They mostly prefer reels.

How critical is this, in your opinion? What can we do about this? Is there a book that, in your opinion, every Russian should read?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: What can I say? Unfortunately, people are reading less everywhere in the world. We used to be proud that the USSR was the world’s most reading nation. That is what they used to say about us. Even these days, many people enjoy reading although, unfortunately, the number of readers is shrinking worldwide.

What could be done? Of course, it depends on school, family and parents. Children need more attention in this regard. We should keep up with the competition against modern means of communication, tablets, and so on. I mean that parents should keep up with this competition. Why? Because it is important to communicate the value of books to children in a colourful, vivid and engaging way. It is not an easy task but creativity makes it possible.

You know, I have already said this once, and I want to reiterate and share it with you. I asked a priest once what people usually talk about when they are dying. His answer was that people usually regret not giving enough attention to their children.

I don’t want to personify this answer or comment. And it is not specific. I am not breaking the seal of confession. It is just a general message. It concerns anything, be it education or teaching values.

By the way, in response to the young man’s question about what book to read. World literature, Russian literature, classics and modern books provide many topics for discussion and can be useful reads. The most important thing is that a book should shape one’s views and beliefs. It is difficult for me to name a specific book.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Next, we have a text message. Let me read it out; this one also came via MAX, from Diana Giniyatullina. She asks: “What are your working hours? And what’s the number plate on your car?” Two questions there.

Vladimir Putin: To be honest, I don’t even know if it has a number plate. I’ve never really noticed; I just get in and go.

As for my working hours, from when to when? Well, I used to finish quite late, and these days it seems to be getting later and later. I won’t give you a specific cut-off time, as that wouldn’t be appropriate – it would probably breach labour laws, and that wouldn’t be right. One needs to go to bed on time to be fit and alert. And that’s the kind of work-life routine I’d encourage everyone to adopt.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: The next question is from Viktoria Vasilyeva. And Mr President, it’s not just for you, but for Pavel as well.

Vladimir Putin: For Pavel?

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Let’s have a look.

Viktoria Vasilyeva: Good afternoon, Mr President.

My name is Viktoria. I’m a big fan of Pavel Zarubin’s programme format. So I have a proposal for you. I’ll finish school and university, Pavel will have retired by then, and I’ll take his place. So please, don’t go anywhere; wait for me. I’ll be reporting on your work.

I also wanted to wish you a Happy New Year, good health, and that you always make the right decisions.

Vladimir Putin: Thank you very much, Viktoria.

I return your New Year wishes. All the best to you too, success in your studies, and may you have good, loyal friends by your side.

Let’s not pension Pavel off just yet; he’s still got plenty of life in him. I’ve got a different proposal. I’ll have a word with him, and he won’t say no – he’ll take you on as a trainee. He’s still got a lot to offer; he’s quite young, I repeat. And by the time I retire, and you’re there gaining experience with him, it will stand you in good stead for getting into a journalism programme. Then you and Pavel can work on keeping all sorts of bosses on their toes, right up to the federal level.

Pavel Zarubin: We’ll make that happen.

But while I’m not retired just yet, if I may, I’d like to ask about something that’s concerning us all more and more. You’ve spoken a lot recently about the opportunities, but also the dangers, of artificial intelligence – how you can now solve any problem at the push of a button, without using your head.

Here is another video message from MAX.

Video question (the recording is cut off.) … and what could be the right balance between modern technologies and the task of teaching children to think independently? We would appreciate your response.

We would also like to invite you to the opening of the Point of the Future centre in Yakutsk on September 1, 2026.

Vladimir Putin: This is a pressing and complex issue, given both the topic itself and the nature of the problem.

Of course, today it is possible to obtain a great deal of information and accomplish various tasks using the capabilities of AI. Indeed, there is a risk that children, teenagers, school and even university students will stop thinking for themselves and searching for solutions, and instead, as Pavel said, simply press a button and get the required answer.

This is a major challenge, and it will only become more complicated due to the organisation of the educational process in schools and universities. It is therefore necessary to structure the educational process in such a way that core skills are still developed and practised directly in classrooms, so that the tasks facing school and university students are set right there, in the classrooms, and solved right there by the students themselves. That way, there will be a real need to engage one’s mind, to work and to think.

In the long run, the development of modern technologies should not lead to a situation where part of our population, part of society, remains intellectually active because it works within this paradigm, while another follows the easier path – able to use technology and press the right buttons, but intellectually degrading. This must not be allowed to happen under any circumstances.

This is a major challenge for the education system and for families as well. I believe that there is little more to add.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Let’s give the floor to the audience.

Vladimir Putin: Let’s hear from Spas. Please.

Ksenia Aksyonova: Forgive me, but this is very important for us. Thank you.

Ksenia Aksyonova, Spas TV channel.

Thank you for recognising the International Satanist Movement as extremist. However, occult services, esotericism, psychics, and fortune-tellers remain accessible: they appear on TV shows, social media, and in books. Children’s tarot products are also now available on every shop shelf.

Last year, Russian citizens spent over 2.5 trillion rubles on occult services. Of course, Spas TV channel produced the film Demons: The Whole Truth About Psychics and Sorcerers, where we shared many human stories profoundly and destructively impacted by the occult business. Yet people continue to visit sorcerers.

Tell us, please, is it possible to introduce a ban on magical and occult advertisements, which contradict your Executive Order No. 809 on preserving our traditions and, indeed, the Supreme Court’s ruling prohibiting international Satanism?

Vladimir Putin: As for legislative decisions, rulings by the highest judicial authorities – both the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court – must be observed by all. I will certainly revisit this matter and instruct the relevant regulatory bodies to monitor it very closely, ensuring that no violations of decisions adopted at the legislative or highest judicial levels occur. But here, of course, we must act carefully.

I fully agree with you. Satanism, occult services, all these sorcerers and so on – it is absolute nonsense, which simply misleads people, driving them into a dark corner, both literally and figuratively, causing substantial harm to citizens, their moral state, and indeed their mental and psychological well-being.

This must be combated. We just need to do so carefully, ensuring we do not infringe upon human rights, as your colleagues here have also mentioned, or overstep with these restrictions. Nonetheless, we must, without question, continuously analyse developments in this sphere, respond, and make timely decisions.

We will certainly address this, including with you, representatives of the mass media – such as yours – and with representatives of our traditional religions, including, of course, the Russian Orthodox Church.

Dmitry Peskov: Mr President, we didn’t have enough questions from that sector. I see the Avtoradio radio station there.

Vladimir Putin: Good, let’s have Avtoradio.

Dmitry Peskov: Go ahead.

Nadezhda Rumyantseva: Good afternoon. My name is Nadezhda Rumyantseva, Avtoradio.

Mr President, here is our question. It is believed that the generation of the 1990s was lost for the state. What about the current generation? Do you feel its support?

Vladimir Putin: I can’t agree that the generation of the 1990s has been lost.

The problem of fathers and children is an evergreen issue, as you can clearly see in Turgenev’s novel Fathers and Sons. It has always been said, by every generation, that it was different “in our time,” that “fathers” did it differently, and life is not like it used to be.

I entered the security service immediately after graduating from university, and I was transferred to the Soviet foreign intelligence service soon afterwards. One of the ways to assess people and their ability to serve in intelligence services, especially undercover, is to place them in a difficult or critical situation, especially a life-threatening situation. That is when they reveal their true nature.

Yes, some things and some habits of our young people may seem absurd or inappropriate to the older generations, but it is in a critical situation that your true nature is revealed. It has always been like this throughout our history.

We are living in conditions of the special military operation. We have 700,000 people in the zone of the special military operation, and most of them are young people, including many from the generation of the 1990s. How have they been acting? Naran, how would you describe young people, the individuals you are serving with, those who are serving under your command?

Pass the microphone, please.

Naran Ochir-Goryayev: The children of the 1990s constitute the core. They are the heroes you can look up to.

Vladimir Putin: Thank you, Naran. That answers the question.

As for the younger generation, there is an interesting observation. Yesterday we analysed the information we received in the form of questions during the preparation of the Direct Line. Many questions have come from young people. This means that they are also very active in public life, even more active than in the past few years. Thank you.

Let’s proceed without any notes; you just raised your hand. Please go ahead.

Andrei Belov: Good afternoon. Andrei Belov, Ulyanovsk, Media 73.ru.

I’ve got a question about transport: aviation and public transport. Next year marks the 50^th anniversary of the unique Aviastar plant, which produced the extraordinary An-124 Ruslan aircraft and is now working on the Il-76. What do you think: are modern Russian aircraft like the Ruslan needed? How will Aviastar and Russia’s aviation industry be supported moving forward?

Public transport is a major issue specifically for the city of Ulyanovsk, and I know you discussed both topics with Governor [Alexei] Russkikh. Will there be more concrete steps to support public transport in Ulyanovsk, including procurement with federal assistance?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: We had an entire programme, and we are continuing this work to support the procurement of public transport for the needs of various regions of the Russian Federation. This has always been seen as a measure to support the automotive manufacturing sector, and in one form or another, we will certainly continue it.

As for road transport in the Ulyanovsk Region, I promise you that we will discuss this with the governor. Right now, I probably can’t say with absolute precision what the most pressing issues are or what the Ulyanovsk Region needs most, but we will talk it over with the governor and, if necessary, provide the required support.

Regarding Aviastar and aviation in general – this is a pressing and important issue for us. We have strong traditions in aviation, both military and civilian. The issue has always been that civilian aviation was developed from military-transport aviation, and military aviation involves entirely different approaches – in terms of lifecycle, fuel consumption, noise levels, and so on.

Even though we rightly took pride in our Tupolev, Ilyushin, and Yakovlev aircraft, purely civilian aviation – where these planes were designed from the outset for civilian purposes – was clearly underdeveloped in the Soviet Union. Now, we absolutely need our own modern domestic aircraft. Part of the reason for rising airfare prices is the shortage of such aircraft.

On the one hand, the companies that supplied us with Western aircraft have, for various political reasons, decided to stop working and cooperating with us. This is bad for them because it undermines their reputation, but to some extent, it’s good for us because it forces us to work independently, to engage in this effort, and to leverage the opportunities of our own market.

At one point, I told the incumbent Deputy Prime Minister [Vitaly Savelyev], then the head of Aeroflot, that we needed to buy more Russian-made aircraft. It seemed simpler and cheaper to purchase foreign-made aviation equipment, and we weren’t producing anything digitally controlled. But the aircraft we have now, like the MC-21, are very good machines, fully competitive in global markets. The Superjet 100 has become a fully localised aircraft – this is very important. Naturally, we need our own domestically produced aircraft for regional transport. We will certainly work on all of this.

Are aircraft like the Ruslan needed? Of course they are, and the modernised Il-76 is also needed – we will develop it. All of this is essential. Moreover, this is a high-tech industry requiring extensive cooperation at the same technological level. There are issues that require additional solutions, and there are many matters requiring resolution, but we will certainly address all of them.

Dmitry Peskov: Mr President, we’re coming up on four hours.

Vladimir Putin: Let’s give Dmitry Peskov a chance to speak, shall we? Just a moment, please. Everyone, settle down.

Dmitry Peskov: We really are coming up on four hours, which is practically a record. Frankly, I’d suggest we start wrapping things up.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Shall we do a quick-fire round, then?

Dmitry Peskov: Yes, I know that’s the tradition.

Vladimir Putin: Hold on a moment. Let’s do the quick-fire round, and then we’ll carry on a bit longer.

Pavel Zarubin: Short questions, short answers.

Vladimir Putin: Go ahead.

Pavel Zarubin: Centuries from now, schoolchildren will be studying the history of our time. What would you put in a “time capsule” to define our era?

Vladimir Putin: Is that what they call a “quick-fire” question? This sort of thing requires you to sit down and really think. I believe each of us thinks about the future of our children, our grandchildren, and the future of the country. I also know more or less what needs to be said, but it’s important to lay it out so that it all fits together without tripping over itself. Let’s give it a go. I’m not sure I can do this off the cuff, but I’ll try.

Take a pen and write this down: “We, who lived in Russia in this incessant flux of time, in the 20^th and 21^st centuries, received everything done by our predecessors, our ancestors with gratitude.

We lived, as everybody did everywhere and at all times, with our routine needs. But we were not at a standstill: we made headway, we struggled, we worked, we fought, and we tried to resolve the issues that our time posed for us.

We thought about our future and about you. If you are holding our message right now, that means that you also feel yourselves being part of our shared infinite flux of time, and you are aware of the continuity of time. This is very important, congratulations. That means that we, too, did not live our lives in vain when we worked, struggled and thought of you, and that we succeeded in many respects.

We wished you to be blessed with luck always and be happy, and for your kids, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren to be proud of you as we are proud of our fathers, grandfathers, and great-grandfathers.” Full stop.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr President, another question: are you gathering material for future memoirs, as many world leaders do?

Vladimir Putin: No. I generally believe one should just get on with the work. After all, memoirs are essentially a form of self-assessment. Let others, if they see fit, assess my work and the work of my team, the people who stand with me.

Pavel Zarubin: You speak about the country’s successes – perhaps you could tell us about your personal achievements this year.

Vladimir Putin: My achievements cannot be separated from those of the country. This is what I live by and work on from morning until night – that is precisely what it is all about.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Have you ever, even once in your life, sent a message to your loved ones – your children or grandchildren – via a messenger app, or recorded video messages for them?

Vladimir Putin: No, I have never done that.

Pavel Zarubin: There is one question I am particularly curious to ask. I have seen your Kremlin flat. Everything there seems bleak: an empty refrigerator and just a bottle of ryazhenka. Where is the comfort?

Vladimir Putin: You know, everything that was done there, in the Kremlin, was carried out under the previous Head of the Presidential Property Management Department, during Boris Yeltsin’s time, and nothing has changed since then – no renovations at all. Perhaps the chairs were replaced. I believe this was done, though one would have to ask Pavel Borodin because Kremlin interiors require a certain careful approach. Everything remains as it was done at the time. I think it was arranged so that one could rest there during the day if necessary. I doubt that Boris Yeltsin ever spent a single night there. But I do live there now – that is true, it is how things have worked out. First, I am satisfied with everything there. And second, comfort is created above all by people. And when my loved ones come, which is not often, that is when it feels comfortable.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Does the President experience professional deformation?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, I think so, as does anyone who becomes fully immersed in their work.

Pavel Zarubin: Which moment or event of the outgoing year do you remember most vividly, and which would you prefer to forget and not recall?

Vladimir Putin: It is difficult to single out just one. You know, I have the feeling that the New Year we last celebrated was two or three weeks ago. I say this without any exaggeration – everything has been so compressed, and so much has happened in that time. I believe there has been a great deal of positive development. I recently said at a meeting of the Defence Ministry Board that our Armed Forces have probably become the most combat-ready in the world, taking into account new weapons systems, including strategic weaponry. These are major events in the country’s life, and not only in the life of the Armed Forces. As I said at the outset, we are maintaining economic resilience. Many very important decisions were taken to ensure this, and they have all delivered results. These are all positive developments.

As for what one might want to forget, I have my own view on that. If you want to forget something, it means that something did not work out, something went wrong. That must not be forgotten. We should always remember it, draw conclusions and correct mistakes.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: What personal trait do you hate?

Vladimir Putin: I’ll try to formulate an answer. I’m living virtually all my life in the open, and saying that some of my traits are good and others are bad would be like giving ground for unnecessary gossip. Let people look and draw their own conclusions, which everyone certainly has.

Pavel Zarubin: Do you have a true friend?

Vladimir Putin: First, it is necessary to define true friendship. Definitions are necessary. At first glance, true friendship implies complete selflessness. It must be said that communication with people of my stature can produce a temptation to become part of it, one way or another. However, I can tell you confidently that those whom I regard as friends – there are such people – behave very reservedly and with dignity, and I am not ashamed of them.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: What motivates you and makes you keep moving? And what keeps you from losing heart?

Vladimir Putin: People’s trust is what keeps me motivated and moving. You know, I feel a lump in my throat when I come across or hear certain things that may have been said out loud before. This is what certainly motivates me. I think that anyone would be motivated by this. And belief in the future of Russia is what keeps me from losing heart.

Pavel Zarubin: What do you think is most important for a 13-year-old boy: to study well, to be strong, to have loyal friends, or something else?

Vladimir Putin: To love his mother. I’m not joking; this is not irony.

And again, I want to address Naran. He doesn’t need to say anything now; I’ll speak for him. We discussed this when I invited him to the Kremlin, just yesterday or the day before, and earlier, after his report from the frontline, I asked my colleagues to inquire if he had any issues, including everyday concerns.

They talked with him – Naran, excuse me, but I will disclose your secret now. I asked them what you wanted. “My mother is elderly; she has health problems. Please help my mother.”

Look, this attitude toward one’s mother – it’s not just one person’s attitude toward another; it’s a worldview. And people with this approach, with such values in life, become Heroes of Russia.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Is there love at first sight?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, I think so.

Pavel Zarubin: Where does the Motherland start from, for you personally?

Vladimir Putin: For me personally, well, it starts with my parents.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: A person must believe in something. What do you believe in?

Vladimir Putin: In God, who is with us and who will never abandon Russia.

Pavel Zarubin: The number of questions submitted has now passed three million. That is an all-time record. And for our final question: “What will Russia be like in 200 years, and will it even exist?”

Vladimir Putin: “In 200 years.” Well, you’ve just asked me – I don’t know if I did it correctly – to send a message to those living centuries from now. And as you said, it’s very difficult to make any firm predictions. Given the timescale of centuries, with the growing role of technology, the increasing influence of artificial intelligence on breakthroughs in genetics and nanotechnology – how will this alter human consciousness? Will there even be borders? What will the world be like in hundreds of years? It’s hard to say. So, my message to our descendants centuries from now – that was how I tried to frame it based on our current understanding. But what of the country itself in 200 years? That is quite conceivable. As my colleagues and I were discussing only yesterday, the Bolshoi Theatre is about to turn 250. So, for Russia, 200 years isn’t really that long. However, I very much hope that the country will be highly educated, and that, founded upon this learning, upon the high level of education of our people, it will be technologically advanced. That it will use these technologies to solve all the challenges we face in the economy, in healthcare, and in social policy. And that it will live in peace and prosperity, building relationships with all members of the international community based on mutual respect.

Pavel Zarubin: Thank you very much.

Vladimir Putin: Hold on a second, I promised we wouldn’t stop here. Let’s go sector by sector. What does Ychchuu mean?

Anna Yarygina: Good afternoon, Mr President.

My name is Anna Yarygina. I am from Yakutia. I represent the Sakha State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company. Ychchuu is Yakutian for “cold.” Yakutia is a cold place, indeed, but we are warm at heart. You know this better than anyone else. Here is my question. I’m sorry, I’m very nervous. I have been waiting a long time for you to call on me.

In Yakutia’s Arctic, electricity rates for hospitals, schools, and other social institutions have increased tenfold over the past four years from five rubles to 50 rubles per kilowatt-hour. This is, of course, an onerous burden to carry, especially given that efficiency has not improved at all. I apologise, I’m very nervous.

Vladimir Putin: It’s all right, please do not be nervous.

Anna Yarygina: The incidence of power failures remains high. As you may be aware, power outages are a disaster in the North, in the Arctic. I have a request: is it possible to reinstate the Far Eastern markup to replace the current reduced one at least in the Arctic territories? Thank you.

Mr President, one more question. You visited us in the summer, and before that in the winter. Perhaps, next time you come in the winter. With all due respect to the Kremlin press pool and the presidential press pool, we, regional journalists, would also like to interview you. Next time you come to see us I would be delighted to interview you. Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Good. Thank you very much. Thank you both for the invitation and for your assessment of the press pool’s performance.

Energy is a critical issue for the North in general and for Yakutia in particular. I promise I will pay attention to it. Overall, your economy is growing and needs more energy at affordable and competitive prices.

The coal-fired energy sector in Yakutia is strong, but we should and must consider alternative sources as well. This work is underway, including under designated urban areas effort to create corresponding social and economic infrastructure.

I will not go into details now, but this matter is clear and widely known. We will definitely address it, including, oddly enough, through the development of environmentally friendly modern energy sources. However, we should not forget about gas and oil – in a word, hydrocarbon – power generation. Fuel oil is prohibitively expensive, and we will certainly work to expand grid capacity; both the grid and power generation need to be expanded.

We will definitely work on this. It is extremely important for Yakutia, because it is truly a treasure trove of natural resources, and there is much to be done there. Rest assured the energy sector will also be at the centre of our attention.

I have taken note of your question, and we are working on it separately. Yes.

Artificial intelligence – this is probably a relevant topic.

Please.

Regina Orekhova: Good afternoon, Mr President. This is Regina Orekhova, from Channel 360.

The topic of artificial intelligence has already been touched upon today. You recently stated that you would not allow Russia to become dependent on foreign neural networks.

My question is as follows. Does this mean that ChatGPT and other foreign neural networks will be banned, and will there be any special regulation in this industry?

My second question, if I may, is this: you said today that you believe in love at first sight. Mr President, are you in love?

Vladimir Putin: Yes – that is the answer to the final part of your question.

Regarding your first point: we are not planning to ban anything; we simply demand compliance with our laws. If market participants fail to comply with these laws, then appropriate restrictions may be introduced. We are not planning to ban anything.

Now, let’s go to Tomsk, please.

Dinara Mindubayeva: Good afternoon, Mr President.

Dinara Mindubayeva, Tomskoye Vremya [Tomsk Time].

Tomorrow marks the end of the Federal Agency for Youth competition, and our Tomsk is leading the race for the title of Youth Capital of Russia.

I’d like to take a moment to appeal to those who haven’t yet voted for our student city to cast their votes. We have a lot of young people there. One in seven residents of our city is a student. But nevertheless… Let’s give Tomsk a round of applause.

Vladimir Putin: Yes, Tomsk is indeed a student city, that’s true.

Dinara Mindubayeva: Have you voted, if it’s not a secret?

Vladimir Putin: Absolutely.

Dinara Mindubayeva: Let’s hope so.

Here’s my question. Despite our city being full of young people and students, there is still a severe shortage of personnel, particularly in vocational trades. We lack drivers, seamstresses – a whole range of blue-collar professions.

In your opinion, to what extent is state policy focused on reviving the prestige of blue-collar professions – well, not from scratch, but on elevating it? Or, given the extensive discussion about artificial intelligence today, may I ask whether we no longer need drivers or seamstresses, and if AI will replace them?

Vladimir Putin: I’m almost offended by your question, because it seems to me that we are systematically addressing the issue of training highly skilled blue-collar workers. This is happening at all levels. I don’t even want to enumerate all the measures being taken in this direction right now.

Blue-collar professions are becoming prestigious – we can confirm this unequivocally. They are becoming more complex, which is why vocational training is also provided in secondary specialised educational institutions. Specialised training is a very important focus of our work. We will hold competitions, we will improve the quality of education, and we will integrate training with practical experience at enterprises.

We will continue to engage businesses in this effort. By the way, they are the most invested parties and have long been involved in this work – ensuring that young people can both study and gain practical experience simultaneously.

We will definitely continue all initiatives related to targeted personnel training. There is a whole set of measures, and we will only strengthen them; we will undoubtedly keep working in this direction.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Mr President, I’m sorry but we have breaking news. This news is important for at least one person in the audience. TASS reports that Kirill Bazhenov’s girlfriend has accepted his proposal.

Vladimir Putin: Kirill raised a question about the material side of marriage. And it is fair: a man is supposed to think about his substantial financial contribution. But we can send a hat around the room and at least raise money for your wedding.

I see somebody from A Different Ukraine in the middle. Although we have already talked about Ukraine, we have not talked about A Different Ukraine. Please.

Galina Merkulova: Good afternoon, Mr President.

My name is Galina Merkulova, I represent the online media outlet of the A Different Ukraine international public movement. My question is about Ukraine, of course. Because this matter directly concerns our Motherland, Russia, now.

When Trump said that Zelensky is using the war to avoid holding the presidential election, Zelensky answered that he is willing to hold it in 60˗90 days, which is, of course, a cynical lie. Zelensky has destroyed and ruined the country, choosing terror, violence and lawlessness over guarantees of democracy. How is it possible to hold an election or a referendum – and you, Mr President, said that it is necessary to hold a referendum on the de jure recognition of the new territories in Ukraine, according to its constitution – in a country where he and his corrupt gang have usurped the entire power vertical, destroyed parliamentarism, the judicial system, and turned law enforcement into his pocket puppets?

Naturally, before an election or referendum can be scheduled, it is necessary to restore the constitutional order, scrap the ban on the activity of 18 opposition parties, adopt a law prohibiting the persecution and prosecution of the people who have been persecuted for political reasons since the very beginning, since 2014 when the state coup took place, and continue to be under political persecution to this day, as well as a law on amnesty and exoneration. Those who conducted the state coup in 2014 granted amnesty that not only exonerated those involved in the state coup but also, absurdly enough, those who committed plunder and looting – apparently, for the sake of their independence.

It is necessary to ensure that people can exercise their election rights – because half of the population, or, according to official data, 18 million people, have fled the country because of Zelensky’s criminal regime. Where and how are they supposed to vote? What opportunities do they have for this?

It is necessary to abolish sanctions against citizens of Ukraine and the deprivation of citizenship affecting those who disagreed with the regime’s neo-Nazi policies.

It is necessary to resume the operation of the media outlets prohibited unlawfully since 2019, abolish the monopoly on information established by Zelensky’s executive order, and much more.

Pavel Zarubin: Can you formulate your question please?

Galina Merkulova: Yes, certainly.

Holding elections or a referendum without implementing these measures would legalise the criminal dictatorial regime, and would be elections without true choice. It is obvious that Zelensky’s criminal regime will not do this voluntarily.

Mr President, in March this year, you offered a way out of this situation by placing Ukraine under temporary international administration led by the UN, Russia, the United States and European countries, which would help create conditions for democratic elections.

Here is my question. Do you uphold your idea of a temporary international administration in Ukraine? If this does not help create conditions for holding elections, would you recognise the results of such elections or referendum as legitimate?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: This is more like a political statement than a question. I’ll try to be brief.

Speaking about elections in Ukraine or placing it under external administration, it is true that I have mentioned the idea but only hypothetically. If there was a will to do it, including by Western countries, the idea could be given more though in light of the corruption revelations.

As for the elections, we have heard the leaders of the Kiev regime demand that Western countries, including the United States, guarantee Ukraine’s security, which means a ceasefire, during the elections, for which they are allegedly ready.

What would I like to draw the attention of the Russian audience to? We have held elections, both presidential and municipal and regional ones. We held elections this September. Has anyone ensured our security? Quite to the contrary, attempts were made to disrupt them so as to undermine our internal stability. They deliberately targeted polling stations. I will never forget that when such a threat arose – I believe it was in the Donetsk People’s Republic, people were standing in line at a polling station when the shelling began. They hid in the basements, and once the air raid was over, they returned to the line and cast their votes. We did not demand security; we just did what we thought necessary.

I think that the current representatives of the Kiev regime could do the same, if they wanted to. But if they want to use elections exclusively for stopping the advance of Russian forces, it is the wrong choice.

Nevertheless, I will tell you something that may come as a surprise to you: we are ready to consider ensuring security during elections in Ukraine. At the least, we might stop or refrain from striking into Ukrainian territory on election day.

This brings us to a question that we must ask: millions of Ukrainian citizens are living in the Russian Federation now. According to various estimates, there are between 5 and 10 million of them, and they all have a right to vote. If elections are called, we will have a right to demand that the Ukrainians who are living in Russia are given an opportunity to cast their voice in the territory of the Russian Federation.

There are many other issues which call for a thorough analysis. But this is not an idle question. I agree that the government in Ukraine must become legitimate, which is impossible to do without holding elections.

Let us go over there, to Siberia.

Denis Shalyuta: Mr President, good afternoon.

My name is Denis Shalyuta, and I am a blogger from Siberia, running a Telegram channel that covers political and economic news and the development of Siberia. In this regard, I have a question. Since October, there have been numerous rumours about plans to create an entire cluster in the Angara˗Yenisei region focused on the deep processing of non-ferrous, rare, and rare-earth metals. Could you clarify whether this approach is truly the optimal solution for supplying the Russian economy with critical metals and for launching a new phase of Russia’s industrialisation? The prospects here are certainly enormous. Can we already say today that there is sufficient political will at the federal government level to see this project through to completion and full implementation?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: This is a very interesting project, and your question is quite relevant. Overall, these plans were developed back in Soviet times. This region is extremely promising. Despite being located in Siberia, it reportedly has nearly 360 sunny days a year, and the climate is quite favourable. There are indeed significant opportunities to extract and process minerals, as well as to create new energy sources necessary to support such work. Overall, the logistics in the region are also quite good. Of course, these objectives cannot be achieved today in the same way they were during the Soviet period: solely through centralised planning and the targeted allocation of state resources. Cutting-edge approaches are required. What does this mean? It means attracting companies as investors, with the state providing the support they need.

Work is underway to assess the feasibility of implementing projects in this promising territory. I believe this effort holds great potential.

Potential investor companies are being identified, and the task of the state is to provide them with every possible form of support through incentives, services, logistics, assistance in developing energy generation capacity, and more. This is a large-scale, historic task that could be addressed in this region. We will definitely continue working in this area.

“Mail”, please.

Remark: Good afternoon.

Vladimir Putin: Good afternoon.

Question: Good afternoon! Thank you very much for this opportunity.

Mr President, you have repeatedly stated that Russian culture is the core… Excuse me.

Vladimir Putin: Please, don’t worry. Don’t fret, and don’t rush.

Question: You have called Russian culture a powerful foundation for the development and cohesion of society, emphasising the importance of preserving historical memory and Russia’s ethnic and cultural diversity.

What cultural projects and initiatives do you personally consider a priority in the coming years? And will Russia protect Russian speakers and the Russian language abroad?

Vladimir Putin: What are the priorities, you say? Go on.

Question: What are the priority cultural projects you wish to support? And will Russia protect Russian speakers abroad? And, in this connection: will Russia develop a programme to train specialists to counter the aggressive and unprecedented information warfare being waged by the West? That is, a programme for training information warfare specialists?

If I may, a second question: will the prestige and salaries of teachers in Russia be increased? This is especially urgent in the regions. Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Regarding the protection of our compatriots abroad – of course, we will continue this work. We are already engaged in it, and we will carry on.

But I would like to underline one point for you. Regarding how this is to be done. It must be done in a way that does not worsen the situation of our compatriots, which means it must be handled carefully, ideally using non-confrontational methods.

As for training “information warfare specialists” – those two things do not fit easily together. Although we naturally have such specialists within the military sphere, and we will continue their training as part of the broader modernisation of our Armed Forces.

Regarding our work with compatriots overall: this work is ongoing and we will certainly continue it. But, of course, we probably need to introduce more modern tools to make it effective, to ensure it reaches its audience, and so forth.

Concerning specific, major cultural projects – we have many. I simply wouldn’t want to single any out individually just now, as that would create unhealthy competition, as if we weren’t supporting others. But the fact that such projects exist and that we intend to support them is certain; you can be assured of that.

“HSR: Speed.”

Dina Gazalieva: Good afternoon.

The young man was holding the sign because my arms grew tired, so I asked him to hold it for me.

Dina Gazalieva, TNV Media Holding, Tatarstan. I drew this sign after my colleague from Kazan asked his question.

Mr President, I’d like to thank you for the M12 motorway. We drive to Kazan as if on a breeze; it’s wonderful. There are rest stops, and we already take our children – but still, one always wants more. And as you’ve already gathered from my sign: the high-speed railway. There’s a lot of talk; it flares up and then dies down. Is there a chance, will at least our children get to ride on it?

Vladimir Putin: The railway?

Dina Gazalieva: Yes, the high-speed project. When?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, we will build it.

Dina Gazalieva: What’s the timeline?

Vladimir Putin: The design phase is currently underway, and this is also true for the Moscow – St Petersburg line. The Moscow – Kazan line will indeed be built.

Thank you all very much for your contributions today.

Pavel Zarubin: Thank you.

Yekaterina Berezovskaya: Thank you very much.

Meeting of the International Forum Peace and Trust: Unity of Goals for a Sustainable Future

2025-12-13T13:42:30+04:00

In Ashgabat, Vladimir Putin participated in the forum marking the International Year of Peace and Trust, the International Day of Neutrality, and the 30^th anniversary of Turkmenistan’s permanent neutrality.

Prior to the plenary session, the President of Turkmenistan held a welcoming ceremony for the heads of delegations participating in the International Forum, which was followed by a group photograph of the attending delegation heads.

* * *

Remarks at the plenary session of the International Forum themed Peace and Trust: Unity of Goals for a Sustainable Future

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Mr Berdimuhamedov, ladies and gentlemen,

I am pleased to participate in this forum, which is dedicated to the International Year of Peace and Trust, the International Day of Neutrality, and the 30^th anniversary of Turkmenistan’s proclamation of permanent neutrality.

It is symbolic that on December 12, exactly thirty years ago, the United Nations General Assembly unanimously adopted a resolution formally granting your country the status of neutrality. This day is celebrated in Turkmenistan as a national holiday, and it was precisely this date that, at the initiative of our Turkmen friends, was later proclaimed by the UN as the International Day of Neutrality.

I would like to offer my sincere congratulations to everyone on this significant occasion, to all our Turkmen friends and, of course, first and foremost, to President Serdar Berdimuhamedov, National Leader of the Turkmen people Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, and all the people of our friendly Turkmenistan.

Your country’s leaders chose permanent neutrality 30 years ago, and this decision has de facto defined Turkmenistan’s development as an independent and sovereign state, as a state which commands the respect and authority it deserves in Central Asia and around the world. Turkmenistan has been building on its rich historical, cultural and spiritual heritage to develop and succeed in various economic sectors and in social affairs. Your country has a balanced foreign policy and makes a meaningful contribution to strengthening regional and international security and stability, while making serious efforts to foster an atmosphere of cooperation and mutual trust in international affairs.

In this context, I would like to praise the draft Ashgabat Declaration. Prepared by our colleagues from Turkmenistan, it is designed to present the key outcomes of our deliberations at this forum. Of course, Russia supports this document and the way it affirms a commitment to the key principles governing international relations as set forth in the UN Charter. These principles include the commitment to peace and non-interference in the domestic affairs of other countries, respecting the right of countries and their people to choose their own development and growth models, their own worldview, traditions and religion. Let me emphasise that the UN designated 2025, which is drawing to an end, as the Year of Peace and Trust. The United Nations also celebrated its anniversary in 2025.

Established 80 years ago, it has been worthy of its mission. In fact, it presents a unique and often the only mechanism for balancing interests on the international stage and, importantly, for finding coordinated solutions to challenging issues by taking into consideration the positions and opinions of all countries.

We firmly believe that it is precisely within this logic, and based on the principles of the UN Charter, that truly honest, open, and mutually beneficial relations between states can and must be built in this new era of a multipolar world. A testament to this is the strategic partnership between Russia and Turkmenistan, which continues to develop successfully in a spirit of friendship and good neighbourliness.

Bilateral economic ties continue to expand. In the first ten months of 2025 alone, trade turnover increased by 35 percent, a figure that already surpasses the total for the entire previous year. Russian companies are pursuing new investment projects in the Turkmen market, while cooperation in energy, transport and a number of other sectors is being strengthened.

With the active participation of Russia and Turkmenistan, large-scale multilateral economic initiatives are being implemented, including in the Caspian region and Central Asia. The construction of the North–South international transport corridor is underway, bilateral interregional contacts are progressing steadily, and exchanges in cultural, humanitarian, and educational spheres are growing. Particularly noteworthy is the fact that more than 54,000 students from Turkmenistan are currently studying in Russia.

Our countries are engaged in integration processes within the Commonwealth of Independent States. In 2026, Turkmenistan will assume the CIS Chairmanship. In this regard, I wish our Turkmen colleagues every success and would like to assure them that the Russian side will provide all necessary assistance.

In conclusion, I would like to express my gratitude to the leadership of Turkmenistan, President Serdar Berdimuhamedov, and all our Turkmen friends for their warmth and hospitality. Once again, I congratulate everyone on International Day of Neutrality and on Turkmenistan’s Neutrality Day.

Thank you for your attention.

Meeting with President of India Droupadi Murmu and state reception in honour of the President of Russia

2025-12-06T11:11:27+04:00

The President of Russia met with President of the Republic of India Droupadi Murmu. Thereafter, a state reception was held on behalf of the President of the Republic of India in honour of the President of the Russian Federation, which was also attended by Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi.

Speeches by the President of India and the President of Russia at the state reception

President of India Droupadi Murmu (retranslated): Your Excellency Vladimir Putin, President of the Russian Federation,

Mr Vice President,

Mr Prime Minister Narendra Modi,

Ladies and gentlemen,

It is an immense pleasure for me to welcome His Excellency Mr Vladimir Putin, President of the Russian Federation, and members of his delegation.

This evening’s gathering is indeed a momentous occasion, as we celebrate the 25^th anniversary of the Indian-Russian strategic partnership. Its foundation stone was laid personally by His Excellency President Putin during his visit to India in October 2000, and this partnership was elevated to the status of a special privileged strategic partnership in 2010.

The partnership between India and Russia is based on a shared commitment to peace, stability, and mutual socioeconomic and technological development. This year has been particularly fruitful for our multifaceted partnership. Significant progress has been achieved across all spheres – high-level political engagements, trade, economy, defence, civilian nuclear energy, outer space, science, technology, education, culture, and people-to-people ties.

The joint communiqué of the 23^rd India-Russia Annual Summit reflects the unique nature of our bond and provides a comprehensive framework for the further deepening of our bilateral relations.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The dialogue between our two cultures spans centuries, from Russian travellers who visited India and Indian merchants who journeyed to Russia, to the inspiring correspondence between Mahatma Gandhi and Leo Tolstoy, and our mutual admiration for each other’s rich cultural, literary, and artistic heritage.

I am confident that our friends from Russia will recognise several familiar flavours and melodies of our shared cultural legacy during tonight’s dinner. The spirit of the confluence of two great rivers – the Ganges and the Volga – continues to thrive in our time-tested friendship and will guide our cooperation in all spheres.

Your Excellency, tonight is a celebration of the friendship between our two nations, a friendship which has remained steadfast over the years and is destined to flourish for many more to come.

Your Excellency, ladies and gentlemen,

Allow me to extend our warm wishes for the good health of His Excellency President Vladimir Putin, continued progress and prosperity for the Russian people, and enduring friendship between India and Russia.

Thank you.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Madam President, Mr Prime Minister, friends,

First of all, I would like to express my deep gratitude to President of the Republic of India Droupadi Murmu, and, of course, to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, as well as to all our Indian colleagues for the exceptionally warm and cordial welcome, for the constructive and open dialogue, and for the fruitful joint work during our state visit.

We sincerely treasure our strong friendship with India. The foundation of this relationship was laid in the middle of the last century, when our country actively supported India’s struggle for national liberation.

Soviet specialists played an important role in shaping the future of the Indian people, assisting in the construction of major industrial, energy, and infrastructure facilities, and contributing to the development of the space programme.

It was 15 years ago, in December, that we adopted a joint statement elevating our interstate relations to a new, even more advanced level of a special and privileged strategic partnership. This strategic partnership continues to develop successfully based on the principles of equality, mutual respect, and consideration for each other’s interests, consistently gaining new, mutually beneficial content.

Our talks with our Indian friends yesterday and today were held in a truly open and constructive atmosphere.

The final policy statement we adopted outlines ambitious plans for future cooperation in politics and security, economy and finance, transport, energy, education, and culture.

I am confident that this document, along with other significant agreements reached, will give a strong impetus to the development of our bilateral ties. Equally important is the fact that Russia and India are working together, shoulder to shoulder, to build a just, multipolar world order.

We firmly believe that such an order must be based on the central role of the United Nations and on a balanced alignment of interests among all members of the international community.

Together with our Indian friends, we coordinate our work within BRICS, which India will chair in 2026, as well as in other multilateral formats.

Overall, we work closely together to foster an atmosphere of security, trust, and peaceful cooperation across the vast Eurasian region: between our countries, among the peoples of this region, and throughout the world.

I know there is a saying in India: “Together we go, together we grow.” These words accurately reflect the spirit, nature, and traditions of Russian-Indian relations. We will do everything to ensure that our strategic partnership continues to strengthen and evolve for the benefit of our two nations.

Once again, I would like to express confidence that we will continue to advance our friendship and our special and privileged partnership, and that our nations will enjoy further prosperity. I wish the friendly people of India wellbeing, and I wish Madam President and Mr Prime Minister good health and every success for the benefit of India and its people.

Media statements by the President of Russia and the Prime Minister of India

2025-12-05T20:17:14+04:00

Following Russian-Indian talks, Vladimir Putin and Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi made statements for the media. The statements were preceded by a ceremony for the exchange of signed documents.

Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi (retranslated): Your Excellency Vladimir Putin, my dear friend,

Representatives of the two countries, and our friends from India, good afternoon.

I am delighted to welcome President Putin to the 23^rd Russia – India Annual Summit.

President Vladimir Putin’s visit to India is taking place at a time marked by several historical dates in our relations. President Putin laid the groundwork for our strategic cooperation 25 years ago, and 15 years ago, in 2010, we upgraded our partnership to the level of a special privileged strategic partnership.

Over the past 25 years, President Putin has been relentless in promoting these relations by demonstrating his wise leadership and vision. Regardless of the circumstances, it is his leadership that has reinforced our mutual relations and enabled us to achieve new heights.

I would like to express my sincere gratitude to President Putin for his friendship and for his unwavering commitment to working with India.

Friends,

The world has faced numerous ups and downs over the past 80 years, during which humankind has had to endure many crises and challenges. And throughout this time, the friendship between Russia and India has successfully weathered these storms. These relations are based on mutual respect and deep trust and have invariably stood the test of time.

Today, we discussed our ties and cooperation in all their aspects with a view to creating an even more solid foundation.

We want to reinforce our economic cooperation and elevate it to a new level. This is the objective we share and it is our shared priority. To make this a reality, we have agreed to implement a programme for economic cooperation until 2030. It will provide for diversifying our trade and investment, making them more balanced and sustainable. At the same time, it will help unlock new dimensions in our cooperation.

Today, President Putin and I will be taking part in the Russia – India Business Forum. I am convinced that this platform will also help strengthen our business ties and open new doors for exports, joint manufacture and technical innovation.

Both countries have been proactive in working on a free trade agreement between the Eurasian Economic Union and our country.

Our cooperation in agriculture and fertilisers is extremely important for our food security and the prosperity of our farmers.

I am happy that our countries will work together to promote our mutual production of urea.

Friends, promoting connectivity between our countries is another priority for us.

We will redouble our efforts regarding the discussions on the North-South International Transport Corridor and the Vladivostok-Chennai Maritime Corridor.

I am confident that we will effectively cooperate in the interests of promoting polar trade via local trade routes. We have offered an opportunity to strengthen our cooperation in the Arctic, which will create new jobs for Indian young people.

At the same time, our deep cooperation in shipbuilding will help us boost our joint initiatives. This is yet another important example of our mutually beneficial cooperation, which is increasing the number of jobs and skills while strengthening regional connectivity.

Energy security is another important pillar of partnership between Russia and India. Our cooperation in the field of civilian nuclear energy, which is rooted in our history, has helped us uphold our commitment to providing clean energy, which is extremely important for both countries.

I have no doubt that our mutually beneficial cooperation in the field of critical minerals will also be important for a safe and diversified provision of resources to the world.

We also maintain our cooperation in such areas as clean energy, high technologies and modern industries.

Friends,

Our cultural relations and ties between individual representatives of our countries are of special importance for relations between Russia and India. Over the past decades, our peoples have demonstrated respect and admiration for each other’s cultures, and we have coordinated various measures to further strengthen this cooperation.

The recent opening of two Indian consulates in Russia is a significant step forward, facilitating contacts for all our citizens and bringing our nations even closer together.

This October, hundreds of thousands of pilgrims received blessings at the sacred relics of Buddha Shakyamuni in Kalmykia. I am confident that we will soon implement a 30-day visa-free regime for tourist groups, which will greatly enhance travel between our countries. This measure will not only bring our peoples closer but also invigorate our societies and unlock new opportunities. I am therefore pleased that today we were able to sign two key agreements to advance this initiative.

Our collaboration will also deepen in education and professional development, including through increased student and academic exchanges.

Friends,

Today, we discussed a range of pressing regional and global issues. On Ukraine, India’s position has been consistent from the outset: we stand for peace. We welcome all initiatives and efforts aimed at achieving a peaceful, long-term resolution of this conflict. India has always been ready to support such efforts, and we will continue to do so.

India and Russia have always supported one another and worked shoulder to shoulder in the fight against terrorism. The terrorist attack in Pahalgam and the cowardly atrocity at Crocus City Hall are connected by a common, hateful ideology. India firmly believes that terrorism constitutes a direct assault on universal human values. Our unity within the global community is the only effective way to combat this evil.

We cooperate closely within the UN, the G20, the SCO, BRICS, and other multilateral forums. We will continue this essential dialogue and cooperation across all these platforms.

Your Excellency,

I am confident that our enduring friendship will provide the strength needed to address global challenges. Together, we can help lead the way towards a more prosperous future.

Once again, I thank you and all members of your delegation for your visit to India. Thank you very much.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Mr Prime Minister, dear friend,

Ladies and gentlemen,

My sincere thanks to the President of the Republic of India, Droupadi Murmu, to you, Mr Prime Minister, and to all our Indian colleagues for the exceptionally warm and cordial welcome extended to the Russian delegation.

The discussions we have just concluded with our Indian colleagues, along with our highly productive one-on-one conversation last night – for which I thank you again, Mr Modi, for your generous hospitality – were held in a constructive and friendly spirit, reflecting the privileged partnership between Russia and India.

I would note that the Prime Minister and I have established a close working and personal rapport. We have met at the SCO summit in September, we maintain regular contact by telephone and personally oversee the development of our strategic cooperation across all key areas, as well as the progress of major bilateral projects.

Today, with the participation of our delegations, we conducted a thorough and comprehensive review of the entire spectrum of Russian-Indian cooperation. We also exchanged views on current international and regional issues.

The joint statement we have adopted outlines clear priorities for advancing our ties in politics, security, trade, the economy, and cultural and humanitarian affairs. As you have seen, this was complemented by the signing of a substantial package of intergovernmental, interdepartmental, and corporate agreements.

Many of these documents are aimed at expanding our economic partnership. This is only natural, as our nations are important partners in trade, investment, and technology. Last year, our bilateral trade grew by a further 12 percent, reaching a new record. While various estimates differ slightly, the consensus places the figure somewhere between US$64 and US$65 billion. We project trade will stand at a comparable level by year’s end.

That said, we believe there is clear potential to increase this volume to US$100 billion. To realise this ambitious goal, we have now agreed upon a joint Programme for the Development of Russian-Indian Economic Cooperation until 2030. This comprehensive roadmap provides clear guidelines. Our intergovernmental commission and the relevant economic ministries and agencies are tasked with removing barriers to the flows of goods and capital, implementing joint industrial projects, and deepening our collaboration in technology and investment.

Today, His Excellency the Prime Minister shared a comprehensive list of issues with us. It goes without saying that both Russia and India will be extremely diligent and responsive in reviewing them. Make no mistake, we will work on this matter.

Of course, having India create a free trade zone with the Eurasian Economic Union would help boost Russia-India business ties. The effort to draft an agreement to this effect is already in progress.

I must express my satisfaction with the fact that the two countries have been consistent in their commitment to switching to national currencies in mutual transactions. Their share in business deals has already reached 96 percent. Our two countries have developed resilient interbank channels for lending and financial transactions. Russian economic actors have been making wider use of the rupees they generate from export contracts. Major joint projects receive their funding in Russian rubles.

There has been positive momentum in our energy partnership. Russia is a reliable supplier of energy resources and everything India needs for developing its energy sector. We are ready to continue ensuring uninterrupted fuel supplies for the Indian economy to support its rapid expansion.

Of course, our bilateral energy cooperation goes far beyond this horizon. The flagship project to build India’s biggest NPP, Kudankulam, is underway. Two out of six reactors have been connected to the power grid, while the other four are in the engineering and construction stages.

Once this NPP reaches its full capacity, it will make a meaningful contribution to India’s energy mix, helping Indian companies and households access affordable and clean energy. We believe that building small modular reactors and floating NPPs could also be relevant, just as using nuclear technology for non-energy purposes, including in healthcare, agriculture and other sectors.

We are also working with our Indian partners to create new effective international transport logistics routes. This includes a project to create the North-South corridor linking Russia and Belarus to the Indian Ocean. Infrastructure development along the Trans-Arctic Transport Corridor, including the Northern Sea Route as its main artery, offers ample opportunities for expanding bilateral trade.

There are many other economic sectors in which Russia and India have built a positive track record. We are working on joint initiatives in manufacturing, machine building, digital technology, space exploration and other research-intensive domains.

For example, a business agreement that was signed as part of the visit provides for building a major Russian-Indian pharmaceutical plant in the Kaluga Region for producing high-quality anticancer medicine using cutting-edge Indian technology. At the same time, Russian companies will start producing their goods as part of the Make in India programme, which is Prime Minister Modi’s flagship project.

Prospects for strengthening interaction between Russian and Indian entrepreneurs and business communities are being discussed in detail at the business forum that is currently underway in New Delhi. Mr Prime Minister and I will attend its plenary session later today.

Russian-Indian humanitarian cooperation is ongoing in many spheres. Our peoples have been sincerely interested in each other’s traditions, history and spiritual values for centuries. Our scientific and educational contacts, as well as youth and public exchanges are actively developing. The regular cross festivals of Russian and Indian films invariably enjoy success. Mutual tourist flows grow every year.

The Russian RT channel will begin broadcasting to India today. This will certainly help the Indian audience learn more about Russia and Russians and acquire objective information about current developments in our country.

Our discussions on key global and regional issues have reaffirmed the similarity of our countries’ positions. Russia and India pursue an independent and sovereign foreign policy.

We are working together with our allies in BRICS, the SCO and other countries of the Global Majority to promote the shaping of a more just and democratic multipolar world order, and to protect the fundamental principles of international law enshrined in the UN Charter. These include the right of every country to its own path of development, the preservation of its own cultural and civilisational identity, respect for sovereignty and a delicate balance of interests of all members of the international community.

Russia and India, as the founding nations of BRICS, have done and continue to do a great deal to enhance the prestige of that organisation. As you know, India will assume the BRICS chairmanship next year. We will provide all-round assistance to our Indian friends in their work on the current BRICS agenda.

Of course, I would also like to say that Russia and India have traditionally worked closely together in the military-technical sphere. Our country has been assisting the modernisation of the Indian army, including the air defence, air force and navy, for over 50 years.

Overall, we are certainly satisfied with the results of our talks. Our plans include a meeting with President of India Droupadi Murmu. However, I can already express my confidence that this visit and the agreements reached will effectively promote the further strengthening of the Russian-Indian strategic partnership for the benefit of the people of India and Russia.

Thank you.

Conversation with journalists and executives of Aaj Tak and India Today TV channels

2025-12-07T11:09:51+04:00

After the interview, Vladimir Putin had a conversation with presenters and executives of the India Today Group media conglomerate.

Vice Chairperson of India Today Group Kalli Purie: We’re for the first time in Russia – at least I am. The city is just breathtaking. I've been all over the world, but nothing like this has ever caught my eye before. It feels like I'm in a fairy tale.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: You should stay here for two weeks, then you'll truly feel that you're in a fairy tale. Then, really, the city will be fully decorated for Christmas and the New Year. We're only getting started now.

Kalli Purie: Like a Fabergé egg – you open one up and there's a surprise inside.

Vladimir Putin: Moscow looks beautiful, and it's one of the best megacities in the world now. And definitely, you must visit other major Russian cities too. I recommend St Petersburg because that's where I grew up. It's also a unique place.

Kalli Purie: I am surprised, I admit, and feel slightly guilty. In some ways we were exposed to Western propaganda, and I did not expect what I saw in Russia and especially in Moscow… We expected sanctions; we expected people wouldn't be so friendly nor speak English. But everything turned out completely different from how I imagined.

Vladimir Putin: Your ladies constantly pushed me towards expressing anti-Western sentiments, but I tried to keep things balanced.

Anjana Om Kashyap: When you began speaking about not giving characteristics to your colleagues…

Vladimir Putin: I believe the Western community can only be pitied these days. Honestly. They've cornered themselves into numerous dead ends in many areas. Who’s against protecting the environment? Everyone supports it!

I mean, political elites began speculating on issues that concern people. Is the environment important? It is very important. Is the climate changing? It is. Does this bother us? Yes, it does a lot. The question is, ”What do we do about it?“ Some political circles started speculating by saying, ”We’ll offer you a solution.“ But which one? Abandon traditional energy sources entirely, switch everyone over to wind, solar, or other forms of generation. That’s good, but it takes time, requires a lot of investment in new technologies. How will people live in many Asian countries, Africa? How? We must take things step-by-step, invest money in new technologies.

Geeta Mohan: Do you work on projects like this?

Vladimir Putin: Of course, we do.

Geeta Mohan: Rejecting fossil fuel sources?

Vladimir Putin: We’re not rejecting them; we’re developing new technologies and gradually changing things, yes. But that takes time and huge investments. Countries with insufficient level of economic development do not have these resources – they can’t invest in new types of energy. So what should they do? And the West imposes restrictive measures on them and says, ”Do whatever you want.“ In essence, this is a new form of neo-colonialism.

It’s quite obvious, but we just can’t allow it. We need to establish some common rules.

They [the Western countries] simply stalemate themselves. They shut down nuclear power plants, coal production, everything. How are they supposed to live? Now they have to open them again because cheap Russian gas isn’t available anymore—so everything is being launched again, all types of energy generation.

You know, over decades they have been constantly accusing us of being aggressive. Every issue, western countries try to resolve through some kind of pressure or by using force – military, political, or economic. That is the use of force in international affairs, exactly. That’s what it is.

Anjana Om Kashyap: They even take pride that they don’t recognise climate change. The US President declared that liberals had invented the myth about climate change.

Vladimir Putin: Partly he is right – it's not a myth, but an abuse of these processes for political purposes. He is absolutely right here, I agree with him.

Yet it requires coordinated, fair and honest work. If someone wants other countries to adopt cutting-edge technologies, then give them money, invest. Otherwise, don't impose restrictions on their goods.

Geeta Mohan: You met at CCC, the climate change conference, three of you together: there was Trump, you and Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince bin Salman. It was quite a rare occasion.

Vladimir Putin: All countries do this one way or another, we do too. We have our own programme for modern renewable energy sources in several areas. In fact, Russia has one of the most environment-friendly energy systems in the world. Because we have vast resources in hydroelectricity, nuclear power, and gas energy, which is considered to be the ‘greenest’ one among hydrocarbons.

Let me say that the use of coal is growing in Europe now, there's no reason for them to criticise other nations for doing the same.

Comment: That's true.

Anjana Om Kashyap: You have a great sense of humour.

Founder of India Today Group Aroon Purie: Can I ask you one question?

Vladimir Putin: Sure.

Aroon Purie: You've been leading the Russian Federation for over 20–25 years and faced numerous crises. Do you regret anything? Looking back, would you do something in a different way?

Vladimir Putin: It's a traditional question, indeed, but, I think looking back and thinking that I would have done this or that differently, so to say, doesn’t make any sense. What’s done is done.

Overall… Well, you know, there's one general rule that I consider to be my rule – it's well-known: I try to do what I consider not just necessary, but something I have no right not to do, no matter what.

Comment: Great principal.

Vladimir Putin: Well, I don’t know how great it is, but it’s a sort of my inner rule that just came up in my life on its own. So to say, I do what I have no right not to do. That’s the most important thing.

Kalli Purie: We’ve been watching you for three days now, and we saw that you worked tirelessly exactly like our Prime Minister. Do you ever have a rest? Are you planning to have some rest on the New Year or Christmas holidays?

President Vladimir Putin: Who has worked in the intelligence agency, me or you? You have been watching me for three days.

Geeta Mohan: Thank you very much.

Can we have a photo with you?

(Taking a photo.)

Interview with Aaj Tak and Indian Today TV channels

2025-12-07T11:09:23+04:00

Ahead of his state visit to India, Vladimir Putin answered questions from anchors of Aaj Tak and India Today TV channels.

Anjana Om Kashyap: Dear viewers,

Hello and a very warm welcome. You are watching India Today, and I'm Anjana Om Kashyap and we're at the Kremlin today and you're about to witness history: a very historic moment.

It is said that when two old friends meet, they have their private jokes, they have a lot of fun and they have a bond of camaraderie but the others in the room might feel a little uncomfortable. And why do I say this – I say this because as the President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin meets Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi, the world will be watching very very closely.

Vladimir Putin is undoubtedly one of the most influential politicians of the world, whose decisions don't just affect Russia, but numerous nations across the world. He is a very compelling and enigmatic figure on the world stage and it just doesn’t get more exciting than this.

Geeta Mohan: Yes, Anjana.

Hello and welcome, I’m Geeta Mohan. We have with us the man who is known to be one of the world longest serving leaders. He has seen it all – through wars and economic recessions, from disintegration of countries to a changed world order, from Boris Yeltsin to Donald Trump, from Atal Bihari Vajpaee to Manmohan Singh and to Narendra Modi. He's seen the world change right in front of him and he is taking Russia through very turbulent times and yet has cemented his position as a force to reckon with.

Thank you so much, Mr President, for doing this for us, you are in conversation with India Today and Aaj Tak, and that’s the President of the Russian Federation for you.

Thank you so much for joining us on our network.

How are you doing?

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: I hope you'll enjoy your stay in Russia. Hope that you like Moscow and the Kremlin where we are currently collaborating together.

As you see, everything is going on as planned. On the whole, we are satisfied with the current economic situation.

Most importantly, I am delighted to be meeting, as you've mentioned, my friend Prime Minister Modi. We have made a specific arrangement to do so in India because there are numerous topics on which we need to talk, and our collaboration with India spans an extensive array – and, of course, the unique nature of our relationship adds another layer of significance.

I also want to highlight that India's progress over the past 77 years since gaining independence – an extremely brief span in historical terms – has been substantial indeed, and India has truly come a long way in development. I will discuss this further below.

You know, as we go about our daily lives, we often fail to notice the changes happening right before our eyes; we scarcely ever take note of them. Yet if you glance even slightly into the past and reflect on what has occurred in India – it's almost like a miracle. For example, few people recognise that life expectancy in India has nearly doubled during this period.

Geeta Mohan: We will talk about longevity in some time from now.

Vladimir Putin: We will definitely discuss that. Anyway, our relationship with India is advancing in numerous fields. It's a pleasure to meet Prime Minister Modi again, with whom we have both a professional and a personal, friendly relationship.

Anjana Om Kashyap: May I ask you a question?

You just talked about the Indian-Russian ties. It all dates back to almost more than seven decades, this dostee, this druzhba in Russian, this friendship dates back to more than seven decades.

My question is, how do you assess the strength of this friendship in today's time and what would you say about Prime Minister Narendra Modi and to Prime Minister Narendra Modi whom you call your dost?

Vladimir Putin: About the Prime Minister?

Anjana Om Kashyap: Yes. And to him.

Vladimir Putin: You know, the world is evolving rapidly – and this pace keeps getting faster, which is plainly visible to all. The global configuration is changing, with new centres of power emerging, and the global power landscape is changing too. Therefore, it's crucial to ensure stability among major nations, since this forms the groundwork for gradual progress in both bilateral and international relations.

In this context, our collaborative endeavours with Prime Minister Modi carry significant weight because they transcend our mutual ties. Given its direct relevance to both nations, ensuring stability in key areas of engagement is crucial, as it helps secure the fulfilment of our objectives. Prime Minister Modi sets very challenging tasks for the country – and for himself in the first place, then for the administration, and eventually for the nation.

Take, for example, his famous pitch, “Make in India.” It has a practical dimension, including for our bilateral relations. When we meet, he always says, “Let's do this, let’s do that, let’s look at this area and that.” I can list them all. Therefore, we have a lot of practical areas of cooperation.

Anjana Om Kashyap: Before Geeta takes on to the next question, one little, small very interesting question, because when you met Prime Minister Modi at the SCO there was this picture and video of you and him going in a car. And we are showing it to our viewers right now how you were traveling in a car with him – was it preplanned or how did it go about, how did it happen? And what did you discuss in the car?

Vladimir Putin: We have just gone over the current topics. This wasn't prearranged; we simply stepped out, and my car was waiting. I asked, ”Would you like to come along?“ That's all there is to it – a gesture of human solidarity, camaraderie, and friendship. No hidden scheme was involved. We climbed into the car like old friends and talked en route. We always have things to discuss.

What’s more, we continued our conversation and just remained in the car. Eventually, I suggested: ”Let's go, they are already waiting for us. “ There is nothing special here; it simply indicates that we have matters to discuss and those matters are very important to us.

Geeta Mohan: Thank you, Mr President. The fact that you are going to India. You just said that both leaders are going to cement the guarantees that you give each other. What are the kind of announcements that we can expect? We've heard about technology transfer, we've heard about trade enhancement. What are the solid announcements during this visit? And I ask you this, because the world – and you know who I mean – would be watching.

Vladimir Putin: The world would be watching our visit – there's no big deal here. India is an enormous country, home to one-and-a-half billion people, boasting a growing economy with a seven-percent annual growth rate, leading among major global powers. After all, Mr Modi has made this possible. It's something both the Indian nation and Prime Minister Modi himself can rightfully claim as their achievement. Naturally, there will always be critics who think that improvements could have been more significant. But that's an achievement.

We've laid out an ambitious plan for our collaboration in key domains. The most critical areas are indeed forward-looking. I'm referring specifically to high technology. Our partnership with India encompasses such fields as space exploration, energy (notably nuclear power, exemplified by the prominent Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant project), shipbuilding, and aviation.

There are many interesting areas for cooperation that are looking to the future. Take, for example, artificial intelligence. We'll likely discuss it further down the line. AI represents a crucial technology shaping the future, rapidly transforming the world, amplifying possibilities exponentially while simultaneously presenting certain challenges.

These are the matters we will discuss, choosing the ones that are the most significant for us, as both Prime Minister Modi and I believe. That’s what we will focus on and what we will work on.

Geeta Mohan: Are there any specific agreements?

Vladimir Putin: Well, of course. However, perhaps we shouldn't reveal them just yet; we will do that during the visit, when we can unveil everything publicly. Then, our colleagues will first share with us all the documents they have prepared, and it would require our final approval.

Geeta Mohan: I suggest we switch to the energy sector. Just talking about sustainability and trade. There's immense pressure on India and on Russia when it comes to oil. India has suffered in terms of the kind of pressure that we're seeing from West. How can both countries handle this Western pressure and sanctions?

Vladimir Putin: The issue here is that the pressure you have referred to typically involves employing political instruments to influence normal competition.

Our energy cooperation with India remains unaffected by current conditions, fleeting political swings, or indeed the tragic events in Ukraine.

Regarding hydrocarbons: well before the Ukrainian situation, our business entities had already built a solid and efficient commercial relationship that is based on mutual trust.

It's widely known that one of our leading companies acquired an oil refinery in India – this investment represented one of the largest foreign inflows into the Indian economy, totalling more than US$20 billion. Our company has been continuously expanding operations of this refinery, working with its partners, operating successfully year after year. As a result, India has become one of the major refined product suppliers to Europe – not just because it buys our oil with a discount. It took years to achieve and is in no way connected to the current economic environment.

Certain actors clearly dislike India's growing role in international markets owing to its ties with Russia. Consequently, they're seeking means to constrain India's influence for political reasons by imposing artificial obstacles.

Anjana Om Kashyap: Economy is a very important point, but my question to you now would be about defence. India continues to be the biggest defence buyer, roughly 38% of the market from Russia is bought by India.

My question is in view of the sanctions by the US or the load they have laid on India, the arm-twisting methods that are being adopted – and I name, it's America – how do you plan to circumvent all this? Will you pull back or push harder?

Vladimir Putin: It appears that both India and the world recognise that India cannot continue to be treated the way it was treated 77 years ago. India is a major global player, not a British colony, and everyone must accept this reality.

Furthermore, Prime Minister Modi is not someone who succumbs to pressure easily. The Indian people can certainly take pride in their leader. This is absolutely obvious. His stance is unwavering and straightforward, without being confrontational. Our goal is not to provoke conflict; rather, we aim to protect our lawful rights. India does the same.

What are the obstacles? Obstacles in settlements. However, over 90% of our transactions are already conducted in national currencies. While some complications arise due to the presence of numerous intermediaries, there are also solutions: we can switch to the existing systems for exchanging electronic messages on financial transactions of the Bank of Russia and of our partners in India.

These efforts are ongoing and advancing. Those who attempt to hinder economic ties with third countries ultimately encounter difficulties and suffer losses. I am confident that once this perspective becomes firmly established, such tactics of applying external pressures will fade away.

Anjana Om Kashyap: Three specific questions, Sir.

Number one: because during Operation Sindoor the weapons we had acquired from Russia have proved to be very crucial in our victory. That is why I would like to ask you specifically about S400, the air defence system, the five S400 that are awaited – by when can we expect that?

The second question is on S500, an even more advanced air defence system.

And the third question is about the fifth generation fighter jet Su-57. How are you going to push for this and what are the updates?

Vladimir Putin: You seem to be an expert on the issue, as if we are engaged in negotiations on military-technical cooperation.

If we delve into the substance, India stands out as one of our reliable and privileged partners in this area. We are not merely selling something to India and India isn’t merely buying something from us in the sphere of defence and security. No. It is a different level, a different quality of relations we have with India, and we value this. We see how India values this relationship too.

Why? Allow me to emphasise again: we are not simply selling technology – we are sharing it, and it is a very rare thing to see in the sphere of military-technical cooperation. It speaks to the level of trust between the two countries and the level of trust between the two peoples, I would put it this way. We have a broad portfolio indeed, including naval construction, rocket and missile engineering, and aircraft engineering.

You just mentioned the Su-57 aircraft. India operates several other Russian-made aircraft too. And there’s the production of armoured vehicles. India is manufacturing our renowned T-90 tanks. Trust me when I tell you that these tanks rank among the best in the world. Moreover, the famous BrahMos missile – a joint venture between Russia and India – is manufactured primarily at Indian facilities.

Therefore, Prime Minister Modi's “Make in India” initiative should be implemented in this area as well.

Geeta Mohan: And the Kalashnikovs.

Vladimir Putin: The Kalashnikov is certainly an important weapon. But we have been discussing high, one might even say cutting-edge technologies. Given the combat experience in using certain types of weapons, their value has multiplied manyfold.

Now, Indian military specialists – thanks to their strong ties with our military – understand clearly how and in what circumstances a particular weapon performs best, and where and when it should be deployed. This is an extremely important understanding, which is shared by both the Indian and Russian sides.

Geeta Mohan: Mr President, I have to go back to your oil question, because you spoke about strategic autonomy, which is what India has been talking about. Strategic autonomy decides for India's interests, but has India reduced Russian intake of oil after pressure from the West?

Vladimir Putin: Well, there is a certain decline in overall trade turnover during the first nine months of this year. This is just a minor adjustment. Overall, our trade turnover stands almost at the same level as before.

I can’t give you exact monthly figures right now, but trade in petroleum products and crude oil, as well as the production of petroleum products for consumers of oil, Russian oil, is running smoothly in India. I know the sentiment of Russian partners, of Russian companies: they believe their Indian counterparts are reliable and very serious people.

Geeta Mohan: The other important aspect in terms of cooperation between India and Russia is the nuclear front. Russia has been one of the biggest movers when it comes to nuclear facilities in India. Are we looking at important announcements on the nuclear front? Nuclear today is a sensitive issue for Russia.

Vladimir Putin: Yes, of course we have some announcements to make.

We are indeed one of the biggest ”movers,“ as you have noted. Speaking seriously, we are not ”movers,“ we are producers of the world’s most advanced and reliable equipment for nuclear power plants. The Russian company Rosatom builds and operates more nuclear reactors for nuclear power plants abroad than any other company in the world – 22 nuclear units. The well‑known facility and our joint project, the Kudankulam plant, is one of the leaders in this regard.

These are large units, they operate efficiently and, I reiterate, have proven to be very useful.

There are some announcements you have just asked about. What is it about? The news is that Russia is probably the only country in the world today capable of building – and actually does build – small nuclear power plants. Such plants are already operational in Russia, and we can make them either floating or ground-based. It’s an excellent option for specific regions where big power stations are not needed or where connecting electricity grids between generators and end-users isn’t feasible. These compact nuclear power modules can thus be deployed in isolated and hard-to-access locations.

Geeta Mohan: That's a lot of collaboration and cooperation. You're talking about ”Make in India, Make With Russia.“ How do you think President Trump is going to react to all of this?

Vladimir Putin: You know, neither me nor Prime Minister Modi, despite certain external pressure we face, have ever – and I want to emphasise this, I want you to hear it – approached our collaboration to work against someone.

President Trump has his own agenda, his own goals, whereas we focus on ours – not against anyone, but rather aimed at safeguarding our respective interests, India's and Russia's interests. In our dealings, we cause no harm to others, and I believe that leaders from other countries should appreciate this.

Anjana Om Kashyap: With regard to Mr Donald Trump. My second question is also about him, because recently he said that if you are buying oil from Russia, – about India – you are funding the Russian-Ukrainian war.

How would you characterise Mr Donald Trump, the President of the United States of America?

Vladimir Putin: You know, I never give character assessments about my colleagues – neither those I’ve worked with in the past nor current leaders of individual states. These assessments should be made by citizens who vote for their leader during elections.

As for India's purchases or purchase of energy resources from Russia… Well, I would like to note and have already mentioned this publicly once – the United States itself still buys nuclear fuel from us for its own nuclear power plants. That is also fuel – uranium for the reactors operating in the United States. If the US has the right to buy our fuel, why shouldn't India have the same privilege? This question deserves thorough examination, and we stand ready to discuss it, including with President Trump.

Geeta Mohan: You are being very kind, you say you are not characterising Trump, but he certainly does that with regard to you. Having said this, he has weaponised tariffs. And he has weaponised it against India. How do you think the two countries should be handling Donald Trump and the US administration?

Vladimir Putin: You know, he pursues his own policy, and he has advisors – his decisions aren't made out of thin air. He has advisors who believe that implementing such tariff policies, involving the imposition of additional duties on trade partners, ultimately benefits the US economy. He is acting in good faith, I presume. Our experts believe there are risks involved, but it is the choice of each country and its leadership to decide which economic policy to adopt.

We have never engaged in such practices, do not do so now, and have no intention of doing so in the future. Our economy is open. We hope that, in the end, all violations of World Trade Organisation regulations will be rectified.

Geeta Mohan: Mr President, things have changed a little between the US and Russia. The fact that America is engaging you, we would have loved to be a fly on the wall when you were meeting with Jared Kushner and Steve Witkoff. That was an important meeting. Were there red lines that Russia reiterated? What really happened?

Vladimir Putin: It's premature to discuss that now. I doubt it would interest you to hear about it, as it lasted five hours. Frankly, even I grew weary of it – five hours is too much. However, it was necessary because…

Anjana Om Kashyap: Five hours! Witkoff and Kushner?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, and I was alone. Can you imagine it?

But speaking seriously, it was a very productive conversation, as what our American colleagues presented was, in one way or another, based on our prior agreements made before my meeting with President Trump in Alaska. We had discussed these very issues, to some extent, at the meeting in Anchorage. However, what the Americans brought us this time was truly new; we hadn't seen it before. Therefore, we had to go through practically every point, which is why it took so much time. So it was a meaningful, highly specific, and substantive conversation.

Anjana Om Kashyap: Were there certain specific points of disagreement?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, such issues were raised, we discussed them. But this is a complex task and a challenging mission that President Trump took upon himself – fair enough, I say without irony, because achieving consensus among conflicting parties is no easy task. But President Trump, truly, I believe, he sincerely tries to do this.

We went through each point again, let me reiterate this. Sometimes we said, “yes, we can discuss this, but with that one we cannot agree.” That was how the work proceeded. To say now what exactly doesn't suit us or where we could possibly agree seems premature, since it might disrupt the very mode of operation that President Trump is trying to establish.

But that's what they do – shuttle diplomacy. They spoke with Ukrainian representatives, then with Europeans, came here, had another meeting with Ukrainians and Europeans. I think we should engage in this effort rather than obstruct it.

Geeta Mohan: You are saying that the 28 points peace proposal is not on the table?

Vladimir Putin: They're discussing – that's what they're discussing right now. They simply broke down those 28 points, then 27, into four packages and proposed discussing these four packages. But essentially, it's still just the same old 27 points.

Anjana Om Kashyap: We will go back to that and try to understand how it's going forward.

What happened in Alaska? You met President Trump and it was all about the peace deal, right? What happened? Did you actually have sense of or see a sincere intent?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, there was indeed a sense – no, more than just a sense, I have absolutely no doubt that President Trump had genuine intentions (we won't discuss here what caused them or why they appeared, but they're definitely present). Both the United States and President Trump likely have their own understanding of why this needs to be resolved quickly.

Moreover, by the way, on humanitarian grounds too. I truly believe that is one of the motives behind President Trump's actions regarding this matter because he constantly speaks about his wish to minimise losses, and I'm confident that his sincerity is genuine. He undoubtedly considers these humanitarian concerns when formulating his decisions.

However, other factors also come into play: political considerations and economic interests. Therefore, I believe that the US is actively seeking a solution to this problem.

Geeta Mohan: Yes, he has spoken about intentions, you're right about. He claimed he would end wars and conflicts – causing consternation in India when he claimed that he had brought peace between India and Pakistan, now he's looking at Russia and Ukraine. Do you really think he's a peacemaker?

Vladimir Putin: Regarding the situation in Ukraine – yes, let me repeat once again, I am absolutely certain, with no doubt at all, he sincerely aims for a peaceful resolution.

Let me stress once again: the United States may have various reasons for this – humanitarian ones personally for Trump because he genuinely wants to end hostilities and prevent further loss of life, but there could also be political interests tied to ending the confrontation between Russia and Ukraine, or economic motives too. By the way, they can be in the energy area and in other areas. There are numerous areas where restoring economic relations between the US and Russia would benefit both sides.

I showed you some letters – I won't go into this now – large US companies sent to us. We should remember this.

Comment: Really?

Vladimir Putin: Of course. About their existence. They’re waiting until all problems are solved, and they’re ready to return to us, they want this, asking us not to forget about them. The letters are there.

Comment: It’s surprising.

Vladimir Putin: What’s so surprising about that? Many want to return. So, of course, the Indian government is saying right: “Why should we leave…?”

Geeta Mohan: They arrived with letters from companies – quite astonishingly unexpected indeed.

Vladimir Putin: No, I believe there has been a misunderstanding. We have letters from American companies – letters they have sent us, where they urge us not to forget about their existence. These are our former partners, who did not leave by choice. They express a clear desire to resume cooperation and are waiting, among other things, for a corresponding political signal.

Anjana Om Kashyap: This conversation is becoming very interesting because there are so many highlights of understanding and it is really pleasant to see you, and your sense of humour, and how you are putting things forth.

But now we are going to go into a very serious matter – and that is the Russia-Ukraine war. So what, in your view, would constitute a victory for Russia in the Russia-Ukraine war? What are the red lines? Because you have, and I quote you, you have said very clearly that Russia will lay down arms only if Kiev's troops withdraw from the territories claimed by Russia, which parts would that be?

Vladimir Putin: You know, it's not about victory, like you have said. The point is that Russia is determined – and will certainly do so – to protect its interests. Protect its people living there, protect our traditional values, Russian language, and so on. Protection, by the way, of religion that has been cultivated on these lands for centuries. Yet you know that the Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine is almost banned: they seize churches, drive people out of temples, etc. – it is a problem. And I'm not even mentioning the ban on the Russian language, etc. It is all part of a big set of issues.

Let me remind you: we were not the ones to start this war. The West egged Ukraine on and supported the events, orchestrating a coup d'état. That was the point that triggered the events in Crimea, followed by developments in southeastern Ukraine, in Donbass.

They don't even mention it – we've tried to resolve these issues peacefully for eight years, signed the Minsk agreements, hoping that they could be resolved through peaceful means. But Western leaders openly admitted later that they never intended to honour those agreements, signing them merely to allow Ukraine to arm itself and continue fighting against us. After eight years of relentless violence against our citizens of Donbass – something the West hasn't uttered a word about – we were forced to recognise these republics first, and secondly, provide support. Our special military operation isn't the start of a war, but rather an attempt to end one that the West ignited using Ukrainian nationalists. That's what is really happening now. That’s the crux of the problem.

We will finish it when we achieve the goals set at the beginning of the special military operation – when we free these territories. That's all.

Anjana Om Kashyap: What is the end gain for Vladimir Putin in Ukraine?

Vladimir Putin: I have said that already. Listen, we didn't recognise these self-proclaimed republics for eight years. Eight years. They declared independence, while we were trying to establish relations between the rest of Ukraine and those republics. But when we realised this was impossible, that they were simply being destroyed, we had no choice but to recognise them – and not just their existence on part of the territory, but within administrative boundaries established during Soviet times, then later under independent Ukraine after its independence, still within those administrative borders.

And right away we told Ukraine, the Ukrainian troops: ”People don't want to live with you anymore. They voted in a referendum for independence. Withdraw your troops from there, and there won't be any military actions.“ No, they chose to fight instead.

Now they have pretty much fought themselves into a corner, all this boils down to one thing: either we take back these territories by force, or eventually Ukrainian troops withdraw and stop killing people there.

Anjana Om Kashyap: Before we move to the other one, just one last question. On March 8, 2014, during the annexation of Crimea, you were addressing the Federation Council and you said, ”Kiev is the mother of all Russian cities.“ What did you mean?

Vladimir Putin: Here I haven't made up anything – historically this is how it was said. Originally, the Russian state was formed from several centres. The first capital, according to history, was in Novgorod in the northwest. Later the federal status moved to the city of Veliky Novgorod, and then it moved to Kiev. This was Ancient Rus. And since then, Kiev has been known as the ”mother of all Russian cities.“

Later, historical events unfolded in such a way that the ancient Russian state split into two parts. One part began developing with Moscow as its centre, while another part fell under other countries. For instance, the part with Kiev, along with some other lands, these parts first formed a state with Lithuania, subsequently merged with Poland, forming the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Thus, this part of the ancient Russian state ended up in Poland, and by the seventeenth century, it sought to return back to Russia.

Geeta Mohan: The fact that you know, you were mentioning the history and it brings me to what I did when the conflict was underway. I had travelled to Donetsk, I had travelled to Lugansk, Zaporozhye, Kherson, and most of the people there are Russian-speaking, they speak Russian language. They were very disappointed that Kiev had banned that language in eastern Ukraine. But they were also a little shocked at how Putin is doing this to us, we are his people. A lot of women I spoke to were in shock. So, what do you have to say to people in eastern Ukraine who actually have families in Russia, who, on a daily basis, move from Ukraine to Russia. What do you have to say to them?

Vladimir Putin: I didn't understand the question. What exactly shocked them?

Geeta Mohan: They were shocked that there was an operation that happened, and their homes were destroyed, because they lived in eastern Ukraine. And they have love for Russia and the Russian people, and they are Russian-speaking themselves.

Vladimir Putin: The answer is quite straightforward. These individuals presumably resided in those parts of Ukraine – specifically, in the areas of the Lugansk or Donetsk region – that remained under the control of the Kiev authorities at the time. Meanwhile, that part of the Lugansk or Donetsk region outside their control was being subjected to intense military action by the Kiev authorities. We were consequently forced to extend support to those areas that had declared independence. That is the first point.

Secondly, we provided people with an opportunity to express their will in an open referendum. Those who believed it was in their interest to join Russia voted accordingly. Those who did not were free to leave unhindered for other parts of the Ukrainian state. We have never placed any obstacles in the way of that choice.

Geeta Mohan: What do you make of President Zelensky? He was promised NATO, the European Union promised him the EU. But nothing really happened. Was NATO ever on the table for Ukraine?

Vladimir Putin: When this gentleman came to power, he declared that he would pursue peace at all costs, using every means possible, without sparing even his career. But now we see things differently. He follows the same pattern as his predecessors – putting the interests of a narrow nationalist group, particularly radical nationalists, ahead of those of the people. Essentially, he is addressing their concerns rather than those of the nation.

This regime’s mindset truly resembles a neo-Nazi regime because extreme nationalism and neo-Nazism are almost indistinguishable concepts. Today, undeniably, military action dominates their approach. However, they haven’t achieved much success here either.

I have already said before that what matters most for them is realising that the best way to resolve the problems is through peaceful negotiations, and we attempted to negotiate with them back in 2022. What exactly they plan to do remains to be asked from them directly.

Anjana Om Kashyap: That would be interesting to see what they have to say on that, and how this peace process goes forward.

But you have always said that the eastward expansion of NATO is your real concern. Ukraine has not got this NATO membership as of now. My question to you – is NATO expansion a real threat or just a pretext for what you think is a part of Ukraine which is probably you want control over? Or you think that injustice is being done, the Russian language is being banned – these are the real issues?

Vladimir Putin: Listen, NATO is another matter altogether. The Russian language, Russian culture, religion, and even territorial issues – these are very important topics, one subject. NATO is something entirely different. We don't demand anything exclusive for ourselves here.

First of all, there are general agreements that the security of one state cannot be guaranteed by undermining the security of others. This idea might seem somewhat obscure, but I'll explain it simply. Each country, including Ukraine, has the right to choose its own means of defence and ensure its own safety. Correct? Absolutely correct. Do we deny Ukraine this? No. But it's not acceptable if done at Russia's expense. Ukraine believes it would benefit from joining NATO. And we say: that threatens our security, let's find a way to secure yours without threatening us.

Secondly, we are not asking for anything unusual or unexpected, nothing falling from the sky. We are just insisting on fulfilling the promises already made to us. These weren't invented yesterday. They were pledged to Russia back in the '90s: no expansion eastward—this was stated publicly. Since then, several waves of expansion took place, culminating with Ukraine being drawn into NATO. This completely displeases us and poses a serious threat. Let’s remember that NATO is a military-political alliance, and Article Five of the Washington Treaty establishing NATO hasn't been repealed. It's a threat to us. Nobody bothers to take us seriously.

Lastly, when Ukraine became independent, few people recall this: what was the first document ratifying independence? It was the Declaration of State Sovereignty, Independence of Ukraine. That forms the foundation of Ukrainian sovereignty and modern statehood. And it clearly states that Ukraine is a neutral state.

Geeta Mohan: Was that also the basis for what happened when you decided to annex Crimea, you only seized the water port, a very important strategic port for Russia? And then Russia was no longer part of the G8. Today, the West claims, or says, that you actions in the recent past are the reason for, and I quote-unquote, the isolation of Russia.

Vladimir Putin: We didn't need to seize that important port in Crimea because it was ours already – our Navy had been stationed there under the agreement with Ukraine, which is a fact. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, our fleet remained there regardless. The matter isn't about that, though it's significant, but that's not what we're talking about here.

And we did not annex Crimea, I want to emphasise this point. We simply came to help people who didn't want their lives or fate tied to those who staged a coup in Ukraine. They said: “Hey, nationalist extremists took over in Kiev. Did anyone ask us? Ok, we ended up as part of independent Ukraine after the dissolution of the USSR. So be it, history happened like that. Fine, ok, now we'll live that way. But we believe that we exist in a democratic state. And if coups happen here with unknown consequences, then we won't accept that, we don't want to live like that.” There was a threat not just of pressure, but of outright violence against the Crimeans. Russia stepped in to help them. How could we do otherwise? If someone believes differently, thinking that Russia would act differently, they’re deeply mistaken. We'll always defend our interests and our people.

Geeta Mohan: One brief question before we move on to the other part. Dou you want to go back to being a part of the G8, because there are a lot of reports on that. Is that something Russia is looking at?

Vladimir Putin: No.

Anjana Om Kashyap: Interesting answer. You are clear about that?

Vladimir Putin: Yes. The fact of the matter is that I myself, at a certain point – such were the circumstances, I won’t go into details now – I stopped attending those meetings. This is the first point.

The second thing is that as I have said before, it’s not entirely clear why the countries that form the G7, call themselves the ”Big seven“? What’s so big about them? In terms of purchasing power parity, India’s economy is the third largest in the world. And where are the countries like the United Kingdom in terms of purchasing power parity? What is their ranking now, tenth or thereabouts?

Of course, these are all countries with advanced, high-tech economies; a robust foundation exists, it hasn’t gone anywhere, although their share in the global economy is shrinking year after year, like a piece of Shagreen leather. This is an obvious fact, we all see it.

The trend is obvious, and it will keep going like that, as far as can be seen, among other things, due to what I would cautiously call the deeply flawed economic policies pursued by the leadership of many of those countries. A recession in Germany is evident, for the third year in a row; France is in a difficult situation, also on the brink of recession, as are other leading European nations. Nevertheless, it is an important platform; they do work there, they do make decisions, they do discuss matters among themselves, and so may they all be healthy by God's grace. This is a good story as such.

But I will say it again, at a certain moment I simply stopped going there. And this was not connected to the events in Ukraine, but to some other events; I won’t go into details now. Incidentally, we informed our American partners about this.

Geeta Mohan: You informed them during this meeting?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, during this meeting as well.

Anjana Om Kashyap: With Mr Witkoff?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, we discussed this topic among others.

Anjana Om Kashyap: That's a very important aspect…

Vladimir Putin: You think so? I don't believe it's that significant. But if you feel that way, okay.

Anjana Om Kashyap: So, coming back to…No, I just wanted to put it in perspective before we go ahead. So, you are just telling us that in your recent meeting with Mr Witkoff it was offered to you that you could make it back to G8 and you categorically said that you are not interested?

Vladimir Putin: No, this topic just came up on its own.

I explained to Mr Witkoff why I stopped attending those events long time ago. It wasn't a suggestion or even a question, nothing like that. We just mentioned that subject. I recalled when I stopped going there – it was in 2012 after the Russian presidential elections. Then I seemed to come back there, then stopped coming again – and anyway, that's no longer important now. But the platform still exists, I wish them to continue their job and Lord give them all the best. But other major international alliances are forming now -such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), BRICS, and the G20. We're involved everywhere, and we definitely have a completely non-confrontational approach.

However, there's another aspect here. Look at the current relationship between Russia and European countries. These relationships are far from being called normal. How do you imagine that I come to the G8 meeting, how would I talk to its members if they don't want to talk to me? What am I supposed to do there then? Well, if they do want to talk about it, fine – we can come back to this topic later.

Anjana Om Kashyap: You said that countries like India whose gross trade is far exceeding a lot of European countries need to just calm down and understand some things. The other thing you say is that organisations like probably G7 are losing their relevance and what would I do if they don’t want to talk to me.

But the third thing you mentioned was BRICS, and so there is my question to you: is there a new world order falling in place, because you are not going to G7, but you just visited China, and you are about to visit India. Russia, India, China. RIC. BRICS. SCO. Global South. What do you see as a new power centre in the multi-polar world?

Vladimir Putin: You asked whether the world is changing, and a new order is forming? The world changes constantly – everything flows, cuncta fluunt. The pace of change varies, but the world always evolves.

Nowadays, this rate of change is fast, indeed very high. We can see it, we can feel it, I’ve already said that. And primarily, we’re witnessing the global economic processes unfolding. These processes aren’t linked to events in Ukraine or other hotspots – they’re just happening generally. We could talk about this for hours, and I’d be happy to discuss it with you, but our viewers might grow tired from such discussions.

One fact remains, however: new centres of growth are emerging of rapid, strong growth. These include countries of the Global South, notably South Asia, India, and Indonesia, which has nearly 300 million people and is rising quickly. Of course, it’s not one and a half billion people living there, like in India, but still these are very rapidly developing countries. Let me say it again: Africa is already advancing swiftly and will accelerate even more. With its young population, these countries would be our future. They’ll strive toward higher living standards, which is inevitable. In the future, rates of change in the global economy will continue to accelerate steadily and significantly.

By the way, we often hear that Russia recently recalibrated its relationships with the Global South and Asia. That's not true, because we’ve been doing so since the early 2000s.

Anjana Om Kashyap: Actually this picture ruffled a lot of feathers across the world. Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping and Narendra Modi. Three nation heads together. And people were going all over social media and America.

Geeta Mohan: But even if you’d look at that picture, how do you have these alternative blocs and how can they become a real force, if there are fundamental unresolved issues between key member states in that bloc?

Vladimir Putin: You know, conflicts always exist. But tell me what period of history there was no conflict at all? Let's take a look at the historical development of major world centres or regions – wherever we point our finger in time, we will always find a conflict somewhere.

Though the point is elsewhere: it's about finding solutions to these conflicts, seeking most effective ways to resolve them. In large alliances like BRICS, or the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, we share a common understanding that we have common values rooted in our traditional beliefs, which underpin our civilisations such as India's civilisation for already hundreds, if not thousands, of years. Drawing on this heritage of the past, we work together instead of suppressing opportunities. When efforts are combined, the resulting synergy turns out unexpectedly strong and high.

We never set out to come up with ways to deceive, outsmart, or hinder someone's development. Nothing like that has ever happened. We always focus only on positive agendas. I believe that's important.

Geeta Mohan: That’s an important answer.

But are there alternatives? Because the biggest thing when you have these blocs is how do you make it economically viable. Are we looking at alternative payment systems? Is there going to be a BRICS currency? Or are we looking at alternative payments in terms of national currencies, rupee or ruble? Moving towards de-dollarisation basically.

Vladimir Putin: You know, there's no rush in this, festina lente and you'll avoid big mistakes.

For instance, we were talking about Europe. They set up the euro system and dragged in there certain countries that weren't economically ready for one single strong currency. And now they're dealing with some difficult social matters. There's more than just playing around with inflation there, right? This question is far more complex than just tinkering with inflation a little bit and calling it done. Their entire economy is tied to just one stable currency, therefor social problems arise and budgetary issues emerge.

Right now we don't aim at having a single currency within BRICS. In this process, there's no rush anywhere, and we aren't rushing either. There is a need to expand the use of national currencies, you've mentioned this already. We must make better use of the BRICS New Development Bank's opportunities.

For example, we propose creating a new investment platform using electronic payments (with an initial capital of 100 billion dollars) to encourage joint investments both in our economies and those of developing nations in the Global South. I believe this could be very appealing option, because these investments would help us, and they would also benefit the recipient countries, since together we would produce high-quality goods at reasonable prices. These products could help the countries of the South to develop further, while also advancing our own growth.

There will be more and more tools like this. Modern payment systems and digital money exist already and they are evolving rapidly. And for us, this is definitely not about working against anyone – we see it more as refining tools that are already widely used worldwide.

Geeta Mohan: Rupee and ruble payment then?

Vladimir Putin: There are no obstacles here. These are purely economic issues. We fully understand and realise that we do have a certain trade imbalance. However, India's government does not impose restrictions on our mutual trade. Why? Because they need both oil and petroleum products. The Indian government needs to expand its purchases of Russian fertilisers because these are crucial for Indian farmers, and Prime Minister Modi constantly raises this issue: ”Please increase the volume of deliveries.“

The issue is entirely different. It's not about rupees; it's about what those rupees can buy respectively for our companies. We're also thinking about this, not only the Indian government, but we also do. And we agree that this disparity must be addressed, but not through bans, rather by finding areas beneficial for both sides.

Therefore, during my visit and at our initiative, there will be an exhibition showcasing our importers from India. I want to share with you something completely candidly: this was my direct instruction to the Government of Russia, which is to consider what else we could purchase from India. We're considering this matter together, including from the perspective of the Russian Federation.

Anjana Om Kashyap: My next question before we move to other issues is – how do you balance – I’m going to ask that directly – how do you balance India and China? Because it is very clear that you are keen on good relations with both these countries. How do you balance them, seeing some tensions between us.

Vladimir Putin: We know this very well. India and China are our closest friends – we treasure that relationship deeply, and I do not believe we have the right to interfere in your bilateral relations. But I know that both Prime Minister Modi and President Xi Jinping are committed to finding solutions to all issues, even to the most complex interstate problems.

I know about it because both Prime Minister Modi and President Xi Jinping see that some specific tension is rising, and they both try to find solutions to these issues, exerting maximum effort – I know this well and can see it clearly. And the key reason why they would succeed would be their wisdom, which we appreciate immensely. At the same time Russia does not feel entitled to intervene, because these are your bilateral affairs.

Anjana Om Kashyap: The next important issue with regard to India is terrorism. We faced two major terrorist attacks, one in Pahalgam and then one in Delhi. My question to you is that we see a dual ideology on terror in the world from different countries. What is the solution in your eyes? Because Russia also faces terrorism, India faces it. What in your eyes is the solution to your terrorist – my – freedom – fighter ideology?

Vladimir Putin: It’s very simple. To achieve freedom, we must use lawful means only. Any actions involving criminal methods or those harming people cannot be supported – this has been decided long ago. As you've correctly noted, Russia has repeatedly faced acts of extreme terrorism throughout its recent history. In these matters, India is our full ally, and we completely support India's fight against terrorism.

Geeta Mohan: But there’s another country in the neighbourhood, very important – important to Russia, important to India: Afghanistan. You are a very rare country to have recognised the Taliban regime. What really made you look at that as a strategic interest – to recognize the Taliban at the time, when the world is still saying “they have not given equal rights to women,” when there are still a lot of issues with Afghanistan actually becoming a country that holds women and men equally. And there are many other human rights issues there.

Vladimir Putin: In every country there are enough problems. And Afghanistan is not an exception, considering that for decades this country has been embroiled in a civil war. It's just horrible. But the Taliban clearly controls the situation in Afghanistan and this is evident. Here's what needs to be said first, and you have to accept it because it's reality.

Secondly, what’s important to note is that the Afghan government takes many actions to combat terrorism and various terrorist organisations, including ISIL and others like them. This we also know very well.

Afghan authorities have significantly reduced opium production in their country and are actively addressing drug threats from within its borders.

There are several other important issues here. The main point is that in order to influence events happening in the country, you must stay in contact with current leadership there – exactly what we’re doing.

Geeta Mohan: Afghanistan’s Taliban minister Muttaqi was in India, and we weren’t allowed – women weren’t allowed to attend the press conference, and we fought back, and then he had to hold a press conference with women as part of that entire violation. Isn’t it interesting? I was just sharing it with you.

Vladimir Putin: There’s truth in what you say, but on the other hand, if he hadn’t come here, you wouldn’t have had any chance to influence these events at all. And now you’ve got both connections and the minister who has arrived. You were able to express your reaction to what happened. How do we measure whether that’s little or much? It seems to me that at least this is part of your influence and your partners’ influence on the situation.

But imagine there were no contacts at all. Then what? Everything remains exactly as before. And nobody, including yourself, would influence anything, or express any opinion about this. In contrast, now such an opportunity is available to you. Contacts are better than no contacts at all.

Anjana Om Kashyap: The other flash point is Gaza. And it is now being known that you, Sir, Vladimir Putin, have a new peace plan for Gaza. Trump also has one. What is your Gaza peace plan? What do you propose, Sir?

Vladimir Putin: We don't offer any special plan. We've always believed that the only way to solve the Palestinian problem is by implementing the solutions adopted and considered by the United Nations over many years. And the most important one is establishing an independent Palestinian state. That’s the key to resolving all issues.

Geeta Mohan: The other important issue when you talk about Israel and Gaza that Anjana just did is the fact that the Arab world when it comes to the issue of Gaza and Palestine did not do as much as your ally, your friend Iran did. How do you look at this entire scenario? Well, this is a changed world order. We never thought that Iran would fight back for Palestinians more than the Arab world.

Vladimir Putin: Each of these countries in its way is concerned about Palestine and the Palestinian people, worrying for them. And each of them tries to contribute in resolving the situation. Some things are obvious, others remain hidden in the shadows. But it doesn't mean that no one is doing anything. This is a complex issue that no one has managed to resolve over the years. Hence, it can't be fixed in just a few months by clicking a button. However, we should aim precisely at achieving this goal: establishing a Palestinian state.

What has been done until now was done by President Trump. Naturally, primarily the return of Israeli hostages and Hamas took this step. I think, frankly speaking, this was the most important thing that was done as part of the latest steps for the settlement in Gaza. I believe it would be correct, perhaps, to think about the possibility of organising the governance in such a way as to transfer all authority to the Palestinians. There are such options. They are being discussed both by Arab countries and the neighbours, and beyond it. It’s being discussed in the United States as well, I know it. As part of the United Nations, we have always taken part in this process. We will continue to do that with our friends.

Geeta Mohan:Well. President Putin, we have discussed a lot of geopolitics, we’ve stick to it for a while.

Let’s talk about your journey. You are a man from the intelligence community. How would you rate intelligence agencies today? Which one, do you think, is the best? I am sure you will say Russia but I am still saying, which one is the second best then? And how does the CIA fair?

Vladimir Putin: Well, there are several powerful intelligence services in the world. There is CIA and our, Soviet and Russian intelligence. There is, as it is well-known, a very efficient service Mossad, Israeli intelligence. Many countries of the world have tradition of intelligence services.

You know, I think it is better not to give evaluation to the efficiency of other peoples’ intelligence. I am happy with the quality of work of our intelligence service.

Anjana Om Kashyap: Fair enough. So we would like to because this is a rare opportunity we get to interact with you. We want to understand what shaped Vladimir Putin and as we peep into your early years, we’ve read a little about your KGB days when you were working in Germany and then you moved on to Saint Petersburg and then Moscow, you worked with Mr. Yeltsin.

What actually shaped the man you are today, the leader you are today? Which what it is?

Vladimir Putin:My family, the family that I lived in and that I was born into, my parents, my closest people. I think that everyone is shaped, primarily, by our closest surroundings. Naturally, the social situation around, the colleagues and as you have fairly noted that work in the intelligence service because it has strict discipline, strict ideology that primarily has to do with the defence of the interests of Motherland and that was the entire point of the intelligence service of the Soviet Union and I lived in that system for many years.

Anjana Om Kashyap: I watched in your interview when I think you were interacting with schoolchildren and one of the children asked you, a girl, I think, asked you what has been the most shattering experience of your life has been. And you said the disintegration of USSR. How did that affect you? And what is your vision of Russia?

Vladimir Putin:It had an impact in a sense that we always need to very carefully look at our every step and we need to understand the consequences of that. That’s number one.

Number two. It is very important not only for the former Soviet Union but it applies also to Russia. What was the conclusion that I came to? It is that the Soviet Union at a certain point of time was in such a state that its leadership and possibly even ordinary citizens always believed that it was so big, so great that nothing, ever, under any circumstances would happen to it. And this idea of grandeur is the point when a country starts to make one mistake after another, thinking that everything is alright: yes, we made a mistake here and it was a small failure there but we are so big that it will all pass, we’ll survive. And the number of mistakes grows like a snowball and it is getting harder to manage that. I see the same is happening with some other countries today. Therefore, I am keeping an eye…

Anjana Om Kashyap: Would you name them?

Vladimir Putin:No.

Anjana Om Kashyap: Let’s return to the USSR because you talked about one mistake was rolling into another. Whom to hold responsible for the situation? I mean, you are talking about people also thought that it would probably would never happen with us. They’ll never be in disintegration but I am sure you have seen Gorbachev as you saw Yeltsin went on. Whom to hold responsible? What was the phase in which decisively USSR was disintegrating, breaking up?

Vladimir Putin:I would not want to pin-point the guilty and who is to blame more. In general, it was the system that turned out not to be viable. We need to recognise that and we need to think about it. We should not look for specific culprits but we need to think how to create a system that will not simply protect itself but develop. That’s the point. And if such system is in place, it would be self-sufficient, autonomous and effective.

Geeta Mohan: How are you looking at reintegration then?

Vladimir Putin:Reintegration of what? Of the Soviet Union.

Geeta Mohan: Yes, of the Soviet Union.

Vladimir Putin:No, of course not, that’s simply not on the table. We do not have such a goal and it won’t make any sense. There is also a question of rationale. It does not make sense in current circumstances because it would critically change the national and religious composition of the Russian Federation. It does not make sense.

Mohan: You should say about it to some Western newspapers constantly writing about how you really want the old Soviet Union back because that’s what they keep doing.

Vladimir Putin:I won’t tell it to them. You know why? Because they still do not want to listen to what I am saying. They want to listen to themselves only or they want to comment on what I am saying the way they like it.

Anjana Om Kashyap: You make a point. As Geeta said, they speak and they type a lot about you, that you are building empire back.

Vladimir Putin:Yes, they do that in order to scare their population. They abuse their monopoly in the global media. It is called manipulation of the public opinion and the goal is to justify their aggressive policy towards Russia. I don’t see another goal.

Anjana Om Kashyap: Then, if you are different, how would you, Vladimir Putin, summarise Vladimir Putin’s life and ideology?

Vladimir Putin: No, I think it is too early for me to summarise my life. I have some work ahead of me.

Geeta Mohan: I like it because we are going to talk about longevity but before there is a very important question. You are going to India. Prime Ministers of India had a huge, huge role to play in strengthening India-Russia ties. Who do you think in you span of being a leader of Russia really made that difference, since you have been in power enhancing India-Russia ties? Which of the prime ministers?

Vladimir Putin:Well, you have already asked me to characterise other leaders of other countries. I do not think it is very polite. You know, now we are working with Prime Minister of India, His Excellency Narendra Modi. Indeed, we have very trustworthy and friendly relations. He is a very reliable person. In that sense, I am speaking very sincerely. India got lucky. He lives India. I am talking to him and I know him. I hope he won’t be cross with me – I am just saying what I am seeing and what I am thinking. It is very pleasant to me to talk to such person, a person of integrity, you know. And that’s number one.

Number two, indeed, he is very sincere when it goes about strengthening Indian-Russian ties across the whole range of areas, especially crucial issues of economy and defence and humanitarian cooperation, development of hi-tech. It is very interesting to meet with him. He travelled here and we sat with him at my residence and we drank tea for the whole evening, and we discussed different topics. We simply had an interesting conversation purely like humans.

So I am looking forward to this meeting. I am sure it will be very interesting and useful.

Anjana Om Kashyap: I am sure he has this mutual admiration for you as well.

Quick question on the future because AI is the force to reckon with. You have your viewpoint on this. Do you think it is a force for chaos or it’s a force for good and where is Russia in this AI-weapon war?

Vladimir Putin:You know like any other achievement of progress it can be both good and evil. It’s clear that it’s cross-cutting technology that changes the life of an ordinary person and, of course, in the near future it will change the lives of the whole humanity. And those who will be the first to master this technology, use it most effectively would gain a tremendous benefit in the economy, in social sphere, in defence as well as in every sphere, in education, in science, healthcare, everywhere because the effective use of artificial intelligence in each of the spheres will have a multiplier effect for efficiency and productivity.

There are also challenges here and specialists know it fully well. The fact is that it is all based on processing major data sets, big data. Here comes personal data of people as well. That’s number one. And, naturally, we need to take steps to guarantee safety and protection, to ensure human rights in the widest sense of the word.

But here is yet another very important thing. It is that the people who have these databases, in essence, they can use their capacities, the capacities of the developing technologies to shape the world view of people.

Geeta Mohan: We are talking about future. You are talking about health also and you just spoke about health. There was a hot mighty moment between you and President Xi Jinping and it was reported very widely when you spoke about longevity and the stride of medicine by bio hacking. Do you think immortality is achievable?

Vladimir Putin:Everything has an end. Only God is eternal. We can extend longevity of life, one hundred percent, I am sure we can. Seventy seven years ago, average lifespan of a person in India was thirty one years and now it’s about seventy. That’s what healthcare does. In India, infant mortality was cut fourfold. We congratulate you.

These are all the results of the healthcare effort and if you use AI in healthcare and you use it to produce medical drugs, for example using genetic engineering and so on, that means it would have a tremendous effect. Nevertheless, everything comes to an end.

Anjana Om Kashyap: I would not like to mention you age but there have been recently a lot of gen-Z protests across the world.

How do you connect with the young generation? We have a lot of leaders who are looking now younger and younger and younger. How does this happen? And how do you connect with the young people in Russia?

Vladimir Putin:You know, there is nothing new here. In literature and in art, this topic of contradiction of the older generation and the younger generation, of fathers and sons in our classic literature, these images have always existed, fathers and sons. There is nothing new here.

You know what’s new? The technology: those messengers, Telegram and so on. They are used to influence the youth.

The younger generation, this generation is more or less the same. Young people are always more mobile, more radical. The younger people, a young person thinks that they are coming across this injustice and so on and no one saw it before them. And now they saw that and they will tell it to everyone around, and they think that these injustices are very easy to deal with, they can be easily solved.

And when a person becomes more mature, he or she is trying to change something, it turns out that they start to understand that it’s possible to find the solution but it’s not as easy as it seemed at first glance.

Therefore, we need to work with people. We can’t just say that you are just young, you don’t understand anything, you are just sitting there in your homes; it does not work like that. You need to always keep in touch with young people and to use their tools, their devices of obtaining information, to use feedback, social networks and so on. You need to work there.

And I am sure that you partly do that. I’d like to wish you every success.

Geeta Mohan: Mr. President, we would spend hours talking but we are reaching the end of our conversation with you.

You just mentioned religion a while ago and the Orthodox Church, a very important aspect. I have travelled to Moscow a few times now and every time you are coming here around Christmas, it is unbelievably lit, unbelievable to see how beautiful Moscow as a city looks like.

Anjana Om Kashyap: I am for the first time here.

Geeta Mohan: That’s why she was surprised, it was better than any European city.

But religion does play a very important role now. How do you see spirituality when it comes to the morality question and leadership, to the Russian society and for you personally?

Vladimir Putin:Well, that’s the foundation. We always turn to our traditional values as we call them, at least that’s what we have been doing lately.

This does not mean that we use these traditional values to just sit idly, this is simply the foundation that we feel very solid on but we need to look forward, naturally, we need to develop and use all modern means of development. And only with that, using our basic fundamental values and vision of the future, that’s the only way to efficiently achieve the goals that we are setting for ourselves. And that’s the way we have shaped or formulated our goals – the goals of national development.

I would really like our national goals and the goals of India shaped by government of India headed by Prime Minister Modi, I would really hope that they coincide so we could join efforts and achieve maximum result.

Anjana Om Kashyap:Welcome with open heart to India and we look forward to whatever it comes out of the meetings.

But I don’t know how much of Hindi films or songs you’ve ever heard. There is a song that was very popular in Russia “Sar pē lāl ṭōpī Rūsī, phir bhī dil hai Hindustānī”. Actually, it just means there is red cap on the head, you are wearing a red Russian hat but the heart is Indian. It was very popular even in Russia, a lot of people knew about it.

Anything that you wanted to say about India, Indian society and Indian culture? And what is your message to all Indians, who like you a lot and who would want to listen to what Mr. Putin has to say to them.

Vladimir Putin:You’ve just mentioned the Indian culture and the Russian culture. You know I think that we have a lot of citizens in the Russian Federation also having notion of Indian culture as about a fairy tale, a beautiful, bright, colourful fairy tale. From the time of the Soviet Union, people here like Indian movies and Indian music. I would even say that certain known people from Russian society have a cult of the Indian culture and I like that very much because I think that it is, as they say, from heart to heart.

And we’ll be doing everything in our power so that this interest would not lose its spark. I would like people in India to know that.

Anjana Om Kashyap: Mr President, we are very thankful to you for this very open interview that we had with you and the best part, I think, of this entire interview is that we touched everything we talked about. Everything but this is a bond, India-Russia bond, it’s a friendship that is to be cherished forever, there are seasonal friendships but there are friendships that last a lifetime. It means a classic vintage and let’s see what comes out of it.

We are very thankful to you for this interview.

Geeta Mohan: You watched the interview with Russian President Vladimir Putin.

The interview was conducted by Aaj Tak and India Today. We discussed Russia. Russia will not be isolated and it will protect its interests. And it says that it would make part of the developed world but not part of any society like G8.

India and the whole world are looking at you. Thank you, Mr President.

Vladimir Putin: Thank you.

Russia Calling! Investment Forum

2025-12-03T16:03:38+04:00

Vladimir Putin addressed the plenary session of the Russia Calling! forum.

The 16^th VTB Investment Forum is taking place in Moscow on December 2–3. This year the central theme of the forum is Reaching Higher: Bold Choices for the New Economy.

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President of Russia Vladimir Putin: I would like to bear out what the Minister of Finance has said: we are in favour of competition – I fully agree.

On the whole, regrettably, I will probably have to repeat what has already been said – all the best and most substantive points have already been articulated. Nevertheless, my statement retains its importance, as it confirms the complete consensus that exists in the implementation of our economic policy among the Government, the Presidential Executive Office, and the Central Bank.

The regions of the Russian Federation are not represented here. I can assure you that we work in close contact with the regions, with the business community, and overall, we operate in a sufficiently cohesive and, I believe, effective manner.

First of all, I would like to welcome the participants and guests of the plenary session of the Russia Calling! International Investment Forum. Good afternoon.

As is the good tradition, this event has once again brought together entrepreneurs and investors from dozens of countries for a substantive dialogue on issues pertinent to business and directly influencing the development of trade and investment ties with foreign states.

I am aware that the focus of your attention is on key trends in the global economy and world markets, as well as in Russia’s economy – on the specific tasks we are setting to advance business initiatives in our country, to launch new promising projects, and thereby to expand opportunities for profitable investment across various sectors. I will touch upon these topics briefly in my remarks.

As you know well, the modern world is characterised by high turbulence, largely provoked by the non-competitive practices of certain Western states. Exploiting their monopolistic position in specific markets and in the financial sphere, they impose illegitimate unilateral restrictions, seeking in this way to pressure sovereign states that pursue independent policies. In essence, their aim is to eliminate competitors and to preserve their former privileges in a rapidly changing world – that very slipping monopoly.

In the post-Soviet period, we often stated – and our Western partners at the time were keen to instruct us – that all difficulties should be overcome not through administrative or command methods, but through market mechanisms. Yet the imposition of non-market restrictions is precisely an attempt to preserve those very command methods of managing the global economy. It doesn’t work and it won’t.

Without a doubt, Russia does feel the external pressure, but our country and our economy are successfully tackling these challenges. We will continue to build a sovereign economic policy and to act in the international arena based on our own national interests and needs of the domestic business and our people, to fulfil our obligations to our foreign counterparties, and to advance cooperation with the countries that are interested in interacting with us.

Earlier, I mentioned that countries which act rationally and pragmatically make up the absolute majority. Over the past three years, we have significantly increased our trade with them, primarily our key partners, such as China and India, with which we are bound by many years of friendship and strategic interaction.

There are many representatives of the Chinese and Indian delegations in this audience. I would like to emphasise the fact that we aim to bring cooperation with the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of India to a whole new level and to expand its technology dimension. Numerous joint projects in energy, the manufacturing industry, outer space exploration, agriculture, and other areas are aimed at achieving this goal.

We have established a substantive dialogue on economic matters with President of the People’s Republic of China Xi Jinping. I will also discuss these matters, including expanding Indian imports, in detail with Prime Minister Narendra Modi during the upcoming visit to India. I am sure this import component of our strategy was addressed during this session as well. Considering trade balance-related issues this primarily concerns India

To reiterate, Russia is open to cooperation with foreign businesses in trade, the real sector, and the stock market. Our country offers great opportunities for entrepreneurs and investors, and stable key macroeconomic indicators ensure the safety of such operations.

We maintain a record-low unemployment rate of 2.2 percent. I think I will repeat what has undoubtedly been mentioned here. It was 2.2 percent in September. This figure is low not only for Russia but for most of the world’s largest economies as well.

The public finances remain stable. We made timely decisions regarding both revenue and expenditure of the federal budget. Key priorities, such as social commitments, defence and national security, as well as the objectives to achieve national development goals, have been financed in full.

The budget for the next three years has been drafted to mitigate the impact of external risks and increase the share of non-oil and gas revenues. It remains in line with the budget rules and stipulates a moderate budget deficit. Look at what is happening in some EU countries. We are planning 1.6, 1.3, and 1.2 percent of GDP for the coming years.

What else should be emphasised? Russia’s public debt, as has already been noted, remains below 20 percent of GDP – one of the lowest levels globally. This means that we continue to pursue a balanced, responsible fiscal policy and, together with consistent monetary policy measures, are achieving a slowdown in price dynamics.

In this regard, I want to stress that the decline in inflation has been one of this year’s major accomplishments. While inflation was estimated at double-digit levels in March, it now stands at below seven percent year on year. By the end of December, it is expected to be around six percent, that is, below the forecasts by both the Government and the Central Bank. I know that experts will now begin recalculating the figures using different parameters, but overall, this is the situation as it stands. And we expect this positive trend to continue.

Meanwhile, economic growth is slowing. Over the first nine months of this year, Russia’s GDP grew by one percent, with 0.6 percent in the third quarter. The full-year forecast places GDP growth in the range of 0.5 to one percent. Overall, this is what we expected. From the outset, when the Bank of Russia raised the key rate and the Government adopted its corresponding decisions, we anticipated a “soft landing.”

However, certain imbalances have emerged. In several industries, output this year not only failed to grow but actually declined. Are we satisfied with these trends? No.

Let me remind you that last December, the Government and the Central Bank were tasked with fundamental objectives. These include ensuring a transition to a balanced growth model, maintaining low unemployment and inflation, and simultaneously initiating structural economic changes, taking into account the policy of making our economy more formal and strengthening the competitive environment. We will discuss these matters in detail next week at the meeting of the Council for Strategic Development and National Projects.

First and foremost, we must strive for a more rapid pace of investment growth, increase allocations towards the development of production in the service sector, and launch new projects in industry, agriculture, infrastructure, high technology, tourism, and so forth. Over the past three years, investment has grown at an above-average rate: by 6.7 percent in 2022; 9.8 percent in 2023; and 7.4 percent in 2024. This year, the pace is more modest but remains positive overall.

What is the reason for this? In a number of economic sectors, corporate profits have declined, which is well known, meaning that the companies’ own funds for investment have diminished, whilst the cost of borrowed capital and bank loans – resources that domestic businesses have largely used to finance projects – has objectively risen. These are obvious and understandable factors.

It should be noted that in recent years our financial sector has managed to fundamentally reconfigure its operations – I want to emphasise this point separately – by replacing unreliable external sources of financing with domestic ones. As a result, the external debt of real sector enterprises has almost halved. I will tell you frankly, there was a degree of apprehension initially: would our economy and industry as a whole cope with this transition? They have coped.

Thanks to timely regulatory measures and the accumulated safety margin, the Russian banking sector is now operating confidently and stably. Whereas in 2022 the sector worked with a near-zero financial result, a profit of just 200 billion rubles, in 2023 this figure amounted to 3.2 trillion rubles, and in 2024, to 3.8 trillion roubles. According to the forecast of the Bank of Russia, by the end of 2025, the banking sector will have generated a profit of approximately 3.2 to 3.5 trillion rubles.

I am convinced that it is necessary to enhance the contribution of the banking sector to the development of the national economy, our territories, and residential communities, and to improve the return – the effect for real production – derived from the use of credit resources.

At the same time, it is imperative that bank funds, their profits, and the savings of citizens and companies are channelled towards the realisation of business ideas not only in metropolises and centres of business activity, but across all regions of the Russian Federation. To this end, every constituent entity has already implemented a regional investment standard. Development agencies have also been launched at the regional level. They are engaged in investor support, advising on how to register a land plot, apply for support mechanisms, or resolve infrastructure issues. However, projects, especially large-scale ones, often go beyond the boundaries of any particular region.

Also, in the case of foreign investments, it would be useful to have a federal perspective on where it is most appropriate for foreign partners to implement specific projects and which federal support measures they should use. For such initiatives, I propose establishing a unified investment support ecosystem that would allow entrepreneurs and companies to receive professional advice and assistance throughout the entire project lifecycle, from concept development to full implementation. I propose creating this ecosystem within VEB Corporation, with the participation of the Ministry of Economic Development.

Furthermore, it is essential to strengthen the role of the stock market as a source of investment capital, especially considering the strong interest of both individual and institutional investors in our financial markets.

For example, by mid-year, more than 37 million individual clients were registered on the Moscow Exchange, amounting to nearly half of the country’s economically active population.

Their combined assets exceeded 11 trillion rubles. At the same time, the number of institutional investors receiving brokerage services increased by more than one-third over the year to reach 50,000 with their portfolios exceeding 15 trillion rubles.

Of course, the current economic environment influences the Russian stock market. Its capitalisation has declined slightly and now stands at around 23 percent of GDP.

This year, only three companies have conducted initial public offerings. Among them was DOM.RF Corporation, our leading housing development institution, which entered the stock market. Mr Mutko, I congratulate you on this achievement. I am aware that you and your team conducted extensive work to do this, and it yielded successful results.

Clearly, the Russian stock market has significant room for expansion and new listings. Additional measures are required to increase its capitalisation so that its full potential can be leveraged for the benefit of the entire country. In this regard, I believe I can propose…

First. Investments in bonds and trust units are growing. However, rising debt is not the only instrument for expanding production and launching investment projects. For long-term development, attracting equity capital is essential.

To advance this objective, I ask the Government to develop in the near future a programme for initial and secondary public offerings by companies with public ownership. I also ask the ministries to map out sectoral plans for bringing major issuers to the stock market, providing, of course, specific and effective incentives for businesses that undergo public listing. This includes linking existing support measures to a company’s public status.

To illustrate: a borrower from the Industrial Development Fund, for instance, could become eligible for a reduced loan rate upon conducting an initial public offering, or IPO.

Second. It is necessary to enhance the efficiency and transparency of corporate governance in joint-stock companies so that their shareholders can have confidence in the security of their investments and in receiving a return.

I am aware that the Bank of Russia, together with the Moscow Exchange and with the support of the Ministry of Finance, has launched a shareholder value enhancement programme, drawing on relevant experience from Asian markets.

The programme focuses on the disclosure of key corporate metrics for investors, such as net assets, dividend yield, forward-looking statements, development strategies and so on. Participants in the shareholder value programme will form a pool of companies that will serve as a benchmark for other Russian issuers and as a mark of quality for investors.

I ask the Government to ensure that the largest joint-stock companies with public ownership join this programme by the end of next year, and to align their operational frameworks and management incentive structures with the goal of increasing shareholder value.

Naturally, we must proceed with due care. Ms Nabiullina is nodding her head – she likes it. I like it too. However, under current conditions, we must, of course, assess the actual position of our state-owned companies and fully account for all the challenges they face. Nevertheless, we must advance decisively along this path.

And, finally, third. It is important to further enhance the attractiveness of the capital market, improve investor confidence and provide for cash inflows. An increasing number of our citizens join the long-term savings programme which is an important source of long-term investments. They have already entered into more than eight million such agreements worth almost 560 billion rubles.

A year ago, I issued instructions at our forum to encourage so-called family savings. I can remind you what is all about. If parents open a long-term savings product for their children and invest funds there, then they can get a personal income tax deduction. The tax deduction amount is calculated based on the actual contribution up to 500,000 rubles per parent. So, the maximum amount per family for being eligible to a deduction will make up one million rubles. The relevant amendments have already been made to the legislation.

In addition, employers that co-finance their employees’ savings under the long-term savings programme are entitled to certain benefits. They will become effective starting September 1 next year. So we will see how these novelties can work and how businesses and individuals will evaluate their efficiency. Then, we will either fine-tune these measures or launch additional mechanisms for developing our stock market.

Friends, the feedback and permanent dialogue with the business community and investors is a key condition for improving the business climate and for strengthening investment dynamics as a prerequisite for a robust long-term economic growth. Opinions and proposals from both domestic businesses and our foreign partners, as well as an account of the best foreign practices and the assessment of our own experience, are important for solving the tasks and problems that our business community deems paramount, most important.

It is crucial that the Russia Calling! forum offers an excellent opportunity to hold an open and constructive discussion on all issues. I know that your discussion is very active. I am sure that it is very substantive and useful. I want to thank all of you, especially our foreign friends and colleagues, for being here, for showing interest in working with Russia. I wish you all the best.

Thank you for your attention.

Answers to media questions

2026-06-16T19:24:43+04:00

Following the state visit to Kyrgyzstan and the CSTO summit, Vladimir Putin answered questions from Russian journalists.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Good afternoon. I am at your disposal.

First, I would like to express our gratitude to the leadership of Kyrgyzstan for organising this event and for the past year when Kyrgyzstan chaired the CSTO and hosted various events, which has certainly helped strengthen the organisation.

I believe that in the current turbulent situation it is a major factor of stability in our common space. This is important for Russia and very important for many CSTO countries.

We have coordinated everything without much difficulty, that is, all proposals advanced by the Secretariat. Everything we planned to sign has been signed. There were hardly any differences in any of the spheres we discussed. Everyone knows that it is necessary to work more closely together in the current situation. We do not threaten anyone, but we must be ready to respond to any actions that could be aggressive towards our countries.

There are many other spheres we are working in, and we will probably talk about this now. We have done good practical work in all of these vital spheres.

Overall, we can say, first, that we have achieved the desired result. And second, I see good prospects for the further development of our cooperation within the Collective Security Treaty Organisation.

As you know, Russia has taken over the CSTO chairmanship and will head the organisation for a year. I set out the priorities of our chairmanship during the expanded format meeting. I believe you are aware of this, so there is hardly any need to repeat it all. On the whole, we are very pleased with the results of our joint work.

Thank you. If you have any questions, which I am sure you do, I will do my best to answer them.

Pavel Minakov: Good afternoon, Interfax news agency.

The question concerns our priorities. So we are the chair of the Organisation, our slogan is “Collective Security in a Multipolar World.” Why was this chosen as the guiding principle for our chairmanship? Could you elaborate further on our specific priorities when we hold this position?

The second question also pertains to collective security. Prime Minister [of Armenia Nikol] Pashinyan has once again declined to attend the summit, while at the same time Armenia is conducting joint military exercises with the United States. The question is whether this poses a threat to our unity within the framework of the CSTO’s collective security. Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Let me reiterate: I outlined the priorities during the expanded-format meeting. This was done openly – you were likely present there, or at least, many of you have heard it.

There are numerous priorities: enhancing our cooperation, comparing the capabilities of our respective defence industries. As is known, since the time of the Soviet Union, this cooperation has been very extensive. We provide CSTO member states with preferential terms for the procurement of our arms and equipment. All of this is functioning and operating quite effectively.

It is perfectly clear that amid the special military operation, our capabilities for some components are currently not that great. That is to say, they are substantial, but we must meet our own needs. In specific sectors, we are achieving this in full, entirely.

I do not believe that our production capacities are excessive, but we not only meet our own needs but also continue to export our equipment, incidentally. This primarily concerns aviation technology – both aircraft and helicopters. Now we have achieved significant advancements – a revolutionary step for us, one might say – in the field of unmanned technology and unmanned aerial vehicles, drones. We are prepared to share all of this with our partners.

Another area of cooperation is enhancing the operational efficiency of CSTO management bodies. This is somewhat bureaucratic, yet it remains important, given that every country is interested in minimising expenditure and improving coordination.

We will continue, as before, to conduct corresponding joint exercises across all domains. This concerns not only cooperation between armed forces but also the work of security services.

Unfortunately, the threats posed by drugs and organised crime persist. All of this will remain within our focus. We intend to build on the work undertaken by our colleagues from Kyrgyzstan, as I have mentioned. There will be full and complete continuity. I am confident this will be to the benefit of every CSTO member state.

Concerning Armenia’s position, it, too, is well-known. It is as follows, as our Armenian colleagues inform us: “We support all decisions adopted by the CSTO, we consider ourselves members of the CSTO, but at this stage, we are abstaining from participation in the Organisation’s meetings.” That is their choice. If they deem this course of action possible for the time being, then so be it; we agree.

Since they remain members of the Organisation, we – Russia – maintain contact with them. As the country assuming chairmanship of the CSTO, we will, of course, maintain constant engagement with them in their capacity as members. Naturally, the decisions we prepare regarding each priority will be discussed and coordinated with them as well.

Leonid Kitrar: Mr President, Leonid Kitrar, Izvestia Multimedia Information Centre. I have a question about bilateral relations with Kyrgyzstan.

We are pursuing quite a few projects, among them in the energy sector. This year, Rosatom stated it was prepared to build a small nuclear power plant here. Was this discussed? Are there any concrete figures? What are the most promising areas in bilateral relations?

I have another quick question. Not long ago, there were issues with moving cargo between Kazakhstan and Russia. Are there similar issues here?

Vladimir Putin: I will start with bilateral cooperation.

I am grateful to the President of Kyrgyzstan for the invitation to come to Kyrgyzstan on a visit of high diplomatic status and for the hospitality accorded to our entire delegation.

Here is what we said during a press event following the visit. Indeed, our relations are following a very positive track, and our investors are working increasingly actively on the Kyrgyz market. Why has this become possible? I mentioned it briefly earlier, but it is crucial: this is happening in part because the current leadership of Kyrgyzstan has managed to ensure a stable domestic political situation, which is always extremely important for potential investors, because everyone hopes that the commitments undertaken by the recipient country will guarantee the implementation of all agreements. This is one of the most crucial matters. Kyrgyzstan’s leadership has succeeded in doing this. We wish them every success in strengthening domestic political stability and, as an EAEU and CSTO member, we will support and assist them in doing so.

Our relations cover many areas in addition to investment to include the mining sector and energy. As a reminder, Kyrgyzstan receives our resources at the lowest prices and exports are exempt from corresponding customs duties. Naturally, this makes our products highly competitive, to put it mildly, on the Kyrgyz market and provides strong support for the Kyrgyz economy. This includes oil and gas, but we are not limiting ourselves to this; we have plans that may include the construction of small NPPs.

As a reminder, Russia is the only country in the world that carries out such projects. Many are saying they are ready to do it, but so far we are the only ones to do it. If Kyrgyzstan decides to go ahead with this project – our colleagues are in contact with one another – we will implement these projects.

High-tech areas are also developing in the course of bilateral cooperation. I want to draw your attention to the fact that Yandex has been working here more and more actively. Hopefully, it will continue this way, meaning that Yandex is not only engaged in food delivery, transportation and taxi service; Yandex is keenly engaged in developing artificial intelligence. This is an extremely important and promising area for all of us. Yes, Kyrgyzstan is not a large country, but there is an educated part of society here, young people with good education, who have very good prospects. And this is important for us – to create a common space in this extremely promising area. So, naturally, we will work here, too.

Both us and Kyrgyzstan deem it very important to do everything so that Russian migration policy could reliably provide for the interests of native residents of the Russian Federation, our citizens, and our economy, as well as for the citizens of Kyrgyzstan who come to work in Russia. They should be ready for this, including in humanitarian terms; I mean above all their command of the Russian language, starting from an early age, from school age onwards.

In this regard, as you also know, we are assisting the leadership of Kyrgyzstan to promote the study of the Russian language. We will open schools here and work in the field of higher education. In general, there is a great scope for joint work. In Kyrgyzstan, as you know, the Russian language has the official status at the legislative level, which we appreciate very much. And we will go on working in all these areas.

Regarding cargo traffic. Yes, indeed, such a problem did occur. What caused it? I will not conceal the fact that, on my instruction, the Customs Committee – within the framework of the EAEU, our customs authorities are entitled to such actions – began random checks on the roads, so to speak. It turned out that a significant number of goods, a significant number of these lorries, as you said, cross the Russia-Kazakhstan border without any documents at all. Yes, we have a common customs space, a common market, and free movement of capital and goods.

But every such heavyweight, every such heavy lorry must have a certain set of documents agreed on between us – between the states. There aren’t that many of them, but they are a must. There should be a paper, a document about what is inside the lorry, and at least it should be clear who is the consignee of these goods. The first document clearly shows the customs value, what customs duty should be paid by the person who crosses our border with these goods, and who should pay VAT upon receiving the goods. As soon as the roadside checks started, it turned out that there were no documents at all. It is just illegal import, and forgive my manners, it’s just gushing into our customs territory. The Russian Federation is missing out on billions, tens of billions of rubles in our budget. Of course, I informed my colleagues about this situation.

We talked about this matter with President of Kazakhstan Kassym-Jomart Tokayev. He understood everything, and he has no questions or problems with that. We have agreed that we will do everything possible to ensure that this large number of lorries that have accumulated on our border, on the territory of Kazakhstan, move on to the Russian Federation.

Our customs authorities have agreed among themselves that the value of the goods being transported will be declared, and the final recipient will be indicated. And we will gradually let these lorries in. There will be no queue. Yes, it will actually be almost within the framework of the green corridor, at a minimum cost, let them pay at least something, to begin with. And starting next year, our customs officers will require all the necessary documents during random checks. If there are none, then the customs service will not send these goods back. I think that the customs authorities will come to an agreement, up to and including confiscation, probably.

You see, there are all kinds of goods in the lorries, from nails to diamonds and television sets. But let them at least write down shoelaces costing five kopecks, let them start paying something, let them declare the final consignee so that we can receive VAT, even if it is modest. We just need to put things in order.

Thousands of lorries have already passed through. I think the queue will be gone by the end of the year.

Pavel Zarubin: Good afternoon. Pavel Zarubin, Rossiya TV Channel.

The principal global topic of recent days has been the Trump peace plan. Naturally, we have many questions for you.

To what extent does the draft initially published unofficially take our position into account? Have we received an amended version of the document following negotiations between the United States and Ukraine? Consequently, when will Russian-American negotiations begin – which, as we understand, have not yet taken place regarding this document? When will Steve Witkoff visit you? What is your current assessment of the prospects for a peaceful settlement? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Regarding the draft agreement. There was no draft agreement per se; rather, there was a set of issues proposed for discussion and finalisation. In general, I have spoken about this on numerous occasions. Prior to my visit to the United States, before the trip to Alaska, we discussed this with American negotiators, and subsequently, a list of 28 potential points for an agreement was formulated. As I have already stated publicly, it was conveyed to us through certain channels, and we examined it.

Thereafter, negotiations were held in Geneva between the American and Ukrainian delegations. They, as I understand it, decided among themselves that all these 28 points should be divided into four separate components. All of this was passed on to us.

In general, we agree that this could form the basis for future agreements. However, it would be inappropriate for me to speak now of any final versions, as these do not exist.

Certain matters are of a fundamental nature, and overall, we observe that the American side is, in some respects, taking our position into account – the position that was discussed before Anchorage and after Alaska. There are, unquestionably, areas where we need to sit down and engage in serious discussions on specific points, and all such matters must be framed in proper diplomatic language. Because, generally speaking, one thing is to say that Russia does not intend to attack Europe. To us, that sounds ridiculous, does it not? We never had any such intentions. But if they want to have it formalised, let’s do it, no problem.

It is simply that there are individuals there – I believe they are either not entirely of sound mind or are a certain type of swindler – who seek to gain from this by publicly telling their population, their citizens, that Russia is preparing to attack Europe and that they must urgently strengthen their defence capabilities. Either they are serving the interests of the defence industry and private companies, or they are attempting to bolster their domestic political ratings against the backdrop of the dire state of their economies and social spheres. It is difficult to say what motivates them, but from our point of view, it is complete nonsense – an outright falsehood. Nevertheless, if this narrative has taken root in their public consciousness, if they have frightened their citizens who now wish to hear that we have no plans – no aggressive intentions – towards Europe, then very well, we are ready to formalise that in any manner they see fit.

Perhaps there is even merit in this, considering that we all wish to talk, to discuss, and to articulate matters of pan-European security. Probably so; we ourselves proposed this at one point. If our Western – let us once again call them “partners” – now want this, then very well, we are ready. But we all understand that this requires serious discussion, as every word carries significance.

Or, for example, one of the documents mentions that we should resolve the issue of strategic stability together with our American partners. For heaven’s sake – are we opposed to that? That is precisely what we proposed, having even suggested to the Obama administration that we should agree on certain matters. The response was, “Yes, yes,” and then, a month before the Obama administration left the White House, everything stalled. Now another treaty – New START – is expiring in February. If they do not wish to do anything, so be it.

From these papers, we see that, overall, there is a desire to revisit these issues. However, each of these issues is a separate, very serious area. We are certainly prepared for this serious discussion. Next week, an American delegation is due to arrive in Moscow.

Olga Matveyeva: Olga Matveyeva, Mayak and Vesti FM radio stations.

As a follow-up on the colleague’s question. Will you please name the main Russian negotiators?

And one more thing. There were reports on talks underway in Abu Dhabi. Does it mean a concurrent process is going on there? Could you tell us who is talking to whom and what is happening there? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Obviously, the negotiator from the Russian side is the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. When we really sit down at the negotiating table and start discussing each of the proposed items in substance and in detail, the Foreign Ministry – on our part, from the Presidential Executive Office – Vladimir Medinsky, Aide to the President who has been engaged in that from the outset. I also included my Aide, Yury Ushakov, to deal with current issues, to organise all this work, he is in touch with his American counterparts. But he cannot deal with all of this alone – the Foreign Ministry must step in and to some extent, the Presidential Executive Office. This is a big, very extensive set of issues that need to be discussed, formalised, and properly spelled out.

That is the way it should be done, I think. It’s not that I think so, but it is never done any other way.

As for the Abu Dhabi talks, yes, I have heard some information noise on this score. But there was nothing unusual, nothing secret happening there either. Our secret services, Russian and Ukrainian, have always been in contact with each other, even in the hardest times. And they are in contact now. What are they dealing with? They are resolving a number of humanitarian issues, primarily related to the exchange of prisoners of war. The Abu Dhabi platform is actively used for this purpose. We are very grateful to the President of the United Arab Emirates for the opportunities extended to us. Thanks to his efforts, hundreds of our men, our heroes, have returned to their homeland.

At the initiative of the Ukrainian side, one of such regular meetings was scheduled and took place in Abu Dhabi. On our side, one of Russia’s FSB leaders attended it. A representative of the US administration also came to this meeting. It was a bit unexpected for us, but we never give up on contacts. He spoke with the Russian representative and wondered if perhaps we should not wait until next week to continue contacts but rather hold a meeting in Moscow this week.

I only learnt about this when the plane landed in Bishkek, but nevertheless, I said that we were ready, you are welcome, at any time. The issue is so important for everyone and for us that at any time of the day or night – we will arrive tonight, we will return, so we can meet right on Thursday, or Friday, Saturday, Sunday – whenever they want. But we agreed that we would decide, and the administration of the US President would decide who should arrive and when.

The latest information was brought to my attention yesterday that President Trump had decided that, after all, as previously agreed – and there was such an agreement earlier – the meeting is proposed by the American side to be held in Moscow next week. OK, we are always open.

As to who will represent the United States from the American side, this should, of course, be determined by the President of the United States. Therefore, we are expecting them in the first half of the next week.

Andrei Kolesnikov: Andrei Kolesnikov, Kommersant daily.

Mr President, are you going to insist that the territorial issue, above all in Donbass, should be resolved here and now, and for good? Or, will you agree to postpone it, so to speak, until better days? One more question, with your permission: would you agree to return to G7, the Group of Eight, as one of the peace plan versions provides; that is, to all those people?

Vladimir Putin: As for G7 or G8, we have never asked to be there, we were invited there once and we worked there. It was a platform for coordinating certain positions. I must say, you know, please take note, even before the tragic events in Ukraine began, I stopped travelling there. Did you notice?

Remark: Yes, indeed.

Vladimir Putin: This is why, when the developments in Ukraine began, they said: “Well, we are not expecting you there.” And good riddance… I do not remember who it was, I think it was the Prime Minister who went there once. The first time I refused was because really, I do not invent anything, it was when the Government was formed after I was elected President, I think in 2012. However, we never reject contacts, we are always open for interaction. First, nobody invites us there, I have not heard of or received any official proposals. And second, we know how the great majority of that association, called the Big Seven, and I have already said it once that I do not quite understand why it is called the big seven: in terms of territory, population and contribution to the global GDP they are getting smaller and smaller. Well, it does not matter, they are our important partners anyway. In today’s situation I just cannot imagine how we can interact directly. Can you imagine it? Well, we've arrived, hello, and now we will be stare at each other, or what?

I believe that this should bring us to some normalisation. Maybe, if we implement all these proposals within the list that we have received from the US administration, maybe some conditions for bilateral or multilateral contacts will emerge, however, it is premature to speak about it.

Andrei Kolesnikov: And there was the second question …

Vladimir Putin: You know, I will tell you now very briefly, I think it will be clear at once what it is all about. We are still receiving proposals about ceasing hostilities there, there and there. When the Ukrainian troops leave the territories they occupy, then the hostilities will cease. If they do not leave, we will achieve it militarily. That’s that.

Yes, please.

Edmund Zhelbunov: Edmund Zhelbunov, NTV television company. A question on the progress of the special military operation.

Mr President, are the positive dynamics on the fronts continuing? If so, in which directions is the most active advance taking place? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: The positive dynamics persist in all directions. Moreover, our troops’ advance in each of these directions continues to pick up the pace, and quite noticeably. I would refrain from citing the precise number of kilometres, because I could be mistaken, but month after month, the size of the territory, so to speak, returned by our forces in all key areas is steadily increasing. In other words, the pace of our advance is accelerating.

However, the main problem for the enemy lies elsewhere: the widening gap between their losses and the number of personnel they are able to bring to the line of combat contact. In October, I believe, they suffered over 47,000 casualties, or about 47,500. Through mobilisation, or more precisely – forced mobilisation, they raised roughly 16,500, and an additional 14,500 to 15,000 returned from hospitals. If one calculates this precisely down to a tenth, the net deficit comes to around 15,000. In the previous month, the deficit was 10,000. Thus, the gap is widening.

We must also add those who desert the army. The scale of desertion is significant, and this is evident not only from our media or from Defence Ministry reports, but is also widely covered in Western media, and it is virtually impossible for them to hide this information. Therefore, there is little they can do about it, as they say.

In short, the dynamics remain positive in all directions.

Yes, please.

Yegor Piskunov: Yegor Piskunov, RT television channel. Thank you very much.

Mr President, are you aware of the fact that phone conversations between Yury Ushakov, Steve Witkoff, and Kirill Dmitriev have been leaked to the press? What do you think about it? The West, particularly numerous Western media outlets, has blown it up to a scandal. Witkoff has come under attack. What do you think about this? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: You know, speaking of leaks, that may be a fake claim, or maybe a conversation was actually eavesdropped on. Eavesdropping is a criminal offence. At least in our country, eavesdropping is illegal. You know how the joke goes, “they were instructed to spy, but they ended up eavesdropping.” Let them mind their own business. By the way, spying is a skill, too.

I will explain what I mean. I am not aware of what these wiretaps or leaks are all about. You see, we get up in the morning and work from morning till night. After the events ended, I joined you. Here is what I think the problem is all about. It is not about us. It is about the clash of opinions in the collective West and specifically within the United States regarding what is going on and what needs to be done to stop the war and to halt the hostilities.

I had a meeting with Mr Witkoff before the summit in Anchorage. After that meeting, I went to Alaska to have talks. Overall – I want to emphasise it – at least my impression was that we had an understanding of where we stood and what needed to be done to stop the hostilities.

Then we left because President Trump and I needed to return to our respective capitals, to think things over, to consult with our administrations, ministries, agencies, and allies. After that, we agreed to continue discussions.

[Sergei] Lavrov and [Marco] Rubio met in New York on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly and had a conversation. No conflict arose between Russia and the United States on these matters. We remained on the Anchorage platform. Suddenly, the United States imposed sanctions on two of our oil companies. Why? Frankly, I was not sure what was happening.

So, there is no reason for accusing Mr Witkoff of being overly polite with his Russian counterparts. I spoke with him, and then we had that meeting in Alaska, and then – boom – sanctions that undermine our relations were imposed on us. To reiterate, we are unclear what kind of message this is. That is the first point.

Second, Mr Witkoff is apparently travelling to Moscow on President Trump’s instructions to negotiate with us. It would be quite unusual if, in his conversations with [Yury] Ushakov, he had used cuss words to insult us, or said something extremely rude, and then reached out to us in order to improve his negotiating stance. That is nonsense. Not to mention that Mr Witkoff is, apparently, a well-mannered person; he knows he should create a proper environment for interpersonal communication. That much is obvious.

This brings me to the most important point. I have known Mr Witkoff for several months now. He and President Trump go back many years, maybe even decades. He is a US citizen, and he upholds the position of his President and his country. True, our dialogue is quite challenging. We are having a civil conversation. We are not spitting at each other. We are talking like civilised people do, but each one of us is upholding his own position. To reiterate, Mr Witkoff is upholding his position, the position of the United States and the interests of the United States as he sees them and as those who delegate him to negotiate with Russia see them. These people are not just President Trump. I think they also include people from the US military, diplomatic, and administrative spheres in the broad sense of the word.

Please go ahead.

Yelena Mukhametshina: Vedomosti newspaper.

Talks about confiscating Russian assets have intensified in Europe. I want to ask how Russia would respond to this. And do you agree with Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s remark that the confiscation can lead to legal disputes, multiple lawsuits and the collapse of the euro?

Vladimir Putin: Hungary is an EU member, therefore, the Prime Minister of one of the EU countries knows better how this could affect the European currency. Clearly, this will have negative repercussions for the global financial system because confidence in the Eurozone will sharply decline, will plummet. And amid problems in the economy, where the locomotive of the European economy – the German economy – has been in recession for the third year running, I think this will definitely be quite an ordeal.

On my instruction, the Government of the Russian Federation is working on a package of retaliatory measures in case this happens. It is clear to everyone, and everyone says it bluntly, that it would amount to stealing someone else’s property. In this regard, I naturally have a question: who is teaching whom? Either the thieving elite of Ukraine, which steals the money of its taxpayers and the taxpayers of Western sponsors – we are now well aware of the corruption scandal in Kiev – is learning from the Europeans, or the Europeans are learning from the Ukrainian elite. In any case, both are theft. That is how we feel about it, and we are working on retaliatory measures. However, the Government will make them public later, if that happens.

Anton Vernitsky: Anton Vernitsky, Channel One.

After Donald Trump admitted the possibility for the United States to test nuclear weapons, you gave instructions, at the Security Council meeting, to the relevant departments and security services to explore the feasibility of testing Russian nuclear weapons. Has a final decision been made yet? If so, what is it? If not, when can it be made?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: I issued instructions to collect additional information about the actions of the American side, analyse it and submit proposals to me on what we should do in this situation. One of the proposals that we have received is to work together on this topic, that’s what we take from what we see. And we are ready to think all the issues concerning strategic stability over together with the US administration.

Anton Vernitsky: Could it be at the next negotiations, in Moscow next week?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, if this issue arises. Actually, even if it does not arise, we will, of course, raise this issue, because both the United States and we are perfectly aware that preparations for real nuclear weapons tests need time. And we certainly cannot let ourselves get into a situation where the United States will have had a test whereas we will be preparing for it for another year and a half. Naturally, we have to think about it. It was not us who said that, but we must be ready for any possible scenario. And I assure you, we will be ready.

Alexander Yunashev: Good afternoon, Mr President. Alexander Yunashev, Life.

Right now, during this visit, Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov is not accompanying you…

Vladimir Putin: Do you miss him?

Alexander Yunashev: A little. Although he is not away on vacation, he has not appeared on your international visits for two weeks now. The media claim he has fallen out of favour allegedly due to an unsuccessful conversation with Marco Rubio. What do you say?

Vladimir Putin: This is absolute nonsense. He has not fallen out of favour in any way. He has his own work schedule, he reported to me, informed me of his plans, and he is implementing them. He is preparing for a meeting with our American partners.

Yes, please.

Anastasia Savinykh: Mr President, TASS news agency.

Allow me to return to the peace plan. There is an impression that the Western side, by proposing such swift, rapid meetings and insisting on them, is in some way pressuring Russia and you personally. Naturally, everyone wants to achieve peace as quickly as possible, but it seems such matters bear no haste.

In your opinion, is there a risk that if an agreement is railroaded or hastily assembled, there may arise a temptation later to interpret it rather loosely? You have just said that every word requires discussion. How long, in general, will this take?

Vladimir Putin: I deliberately drew your attention to the fact that every issue listed in the documents handed to us holds immense importance – each one is a key topic, do you understand? Therefore, this requires thorough consideration. Likely, some of our partners are eager to resolve these issues as quickly as possible. Why? Colleagues here have asked me about the developments along the line of contact, about the position of American negotiators. Well, what is happening? Take, for instance, Kupyansk – I will return to it shortly. Let us begin with the area of responsibility of our Centre group of forces: where are the main operations taking place? On the Krasnoarmeysk direction and around the city of Dimitrov. Krasnoarmeysk and Dimitrov are entirely encircled – just as Kupyansk was in its time. Seventy percent of Krasnoarmeysk is under the control of the Russian Armed Forces. In the southern part of Dimitrov, the enemy grouping has been cut off, it is being split across the entire city, and our forces are proceeding to systematically eliminate it.

Well, what is next? If you look at the map, shift your gaze further east, northeast – there lies Komsomolsk, and north of Komsomolsk – Kupyansk, Slavyansk, and a little further north, northeast – Seversk. In Komsomolsk, combat is ongoing within the city, and a significant number of buildings have already been liberated by our troops, with further advances underway.

As for Seversk, which, as I said, lies further northeast, our forces have approached this city from the east, south, and north. Fierce combat is taking place in the city – I believe out of 8,000 buildings, 1,700 are under our control. Do you understand, if they have approached from the north, south, and east, where is this all heading? This is a very difficult question for the Ukrainian side, for the Ukrainian armed forces.

If you look north – the city of Seversk: 1,700 buildings out of 8,000, and beyond that, further north (where our North group of forces is operating) – Volchansk is almost entirely in our hands, that is on the Kharkov direction.

Now take a look at the developments in the Zaporozhye Region. There, the enemy has spent the past ten years constructing a fortified area – they began this work back in 2014 and have reinforced it ever since – which is now facing our Dnepr group of forces. It is a heavily fortified area, and our Dnepr forces are actively operating against it. In several important sectors, thanks to the heroism of our soldiers, defences are being broken. But that is not the point. The point is that our East group of forces has broken through the enemy’s defensive lines and is rapidly advancing in the north of the Zaporozhye Region, along the border between the Zaporozhye and Dnepropetrovsk regions. I repeat: they are advancing very rapidly. They are already within 1.5–2 kilometres of Gulyaypole, an important logistics hub. Whether they take the city soon or somewhat later, they will undoubtedly continue their advance.

What does this mean? It means that the East group of forces is effectively enveloping the entire fortified area of the Ukrainian Armed Forces from the north. On one side, our Dnepr group is confronting them whereas the East group of forces is bypassing them from the north. This may lead to a collapse of the front in this sector.

Here lies the difference between those in the West who seek to achieve peace as quickly as possible, even at the cost of certain mutual concessions, including from the Ukrainian side, and those who prefer a different course. If the developments we witnessed in Kupyansk unfold in the areas I have just mentioned, the collapse of the front will be inevitable.

Some still choose to believe that Kupyansk… Let me remind you: on November 4, the head of the Kiev regime declared that the city would be in Ukrainian hands within five to seven days. We now know that the enemy forces there have been completely eliminated, the city is entirely under our control, and another 15 battalions – around 3,500 personnel – are encircled on the left bank of the Oskol River. According to some of our commanders, Ukrainian soldiers in that area now resemble homeless people. This is not a joke. Imagine trying to supply 3,500 people by drone: food, uniform replacements, ammunition. It is impossible. They have been stuck in these conditions for weeks and are now practically immobilised.

Those in the West who understand the implications of all this are the ones insisting on ceasing the fighting as soon as possible, even if it requires concessions from the Kiev regime. They understand: the front will begin to crumble in several directions, and then the Ukrainian armed forces will completely lose combat capability, including their most battle-ready units, as is currently happening near Krasnoarmeysk. “Enough: save at least the core of the armed forces and your statehood. That is what must be considered,” say those who hold this view.

And then there are others, those who still continue to believe that Kupyansk is somehow back under Ukrainian control and who insist on continuing the fighting until the last Ukrainian is killed. That is the difference in their approaches. The ones attacking Mr Witkoff are precisely those who align with this second point of view, those who want to join the Ukrainian establishment in siphoning off money while prolonging hostilities until the last Ukrainian dies. But I have already said publicly: in fact, we are prepared for this.

Please, go ahead.

Yekaterina Lazareva: Good afternoon, Mr President.

Yekaterina Lazareva, URA.Ru agency. I have a follow-up question. Back to the peace plans. There is Trump’s peace plan, and there is an alternative plan advanced by Europe. Is there an understanding of who to talk to, to negotiate with, and to sign final documents with on behalf of Ukrainian political leadership, or perhaps, the military leadership now?

Vladimir Putin: You know, signing documents with the Ukrainian leadership is pointless. I have mentioned this many times.

I believe the Ukrainian leadership made a fundamental and strategic mistake when it gave in to fear and chose not to hold presidential elections, after which the president lost his legitimacy. Russia is also amidst hostilities with Ukraine, but we held elections, presidential elections and, very recently, elections to municipal and regional bodies of authority. We did all of that, while they, for some reason, did not. As soon as a peace deal is signed, hostilities will stop, and the martial law will need to be immediately lifted. Once the martial law is lifted, elections must be announced immediately.

However, today, the current political leadership of Ukraine can hardly expect to be able to win the election without rigging it. It is almost impossible, I think. That brings to mind Stalin famously saying, “It does not matter who votes for whom; what matters is who counts the votes.” No one cancelled the use of the administrative resource. Still, they are facing a challenging situation.

Next, according to the Constitution, a referendum must be held on all territorial issues, after which the referendum must be confirmed by a Constitutional Court ruling.

What is happening with the Constitutional Court? I mentioned this earlier as well. As a reminder, when the political leadership requested that the Constitutional Court confirm the president’s powers, the Constitutional Court refused to do so and dodged the request. According to the Constitution, there is only one five-year term. That is it. It cannot be extended.

We could go into the legal details and intricacies, but extensions are not provided for even under martial law. Only the Rada can extend its own powers during wartime, not the president. So, as an officeholder, the president cannot sign it. He needs confirmation from the Constitutional Court. But when the Court was asked to confirm the president’s powers, and refused to do so, do you know what happened next? I am not sure I mentioned this before, but a funny thing happened next. The security service stopped letting him into his office. He came to work, and someone knocked on his door telling him to clear out. He ended by fleeing the country.

The Constitutional Court is not operational, and the President of the Supreme Court is doing time for corruption. Those in charge of anti-corruption activities are corruptionists of the first order themselves. The President of the Supreme Court was imprisoned on corruption charges. Meanwhile, the terms of the Constitutional Court members expired, and new members had to be elected. It is quite a lengthy procedure, you see?

So, as soon as martial law is lifted, presidential elections must be held, a referendum must be held, and a new Constitutional Court must be formed. That is a never ending story.

Well, of course, we want to work out a deal with Ukraine, but doing so right now is practically impossible, legally impossible. Whoever from their side can or is willing to talk, let them do so. What we need is for our decisions to be internationally recognised by the main global actors. That is all we need.

This matters, because there is a difference between decisions under which certain territories remain under Russian sovereignty have been recognised. If agreements get violated, it will constitute an attack on the Russian Federation, with all ensuing responses from Russia. Or, will it be interpreted as an attempt to restore law on the territory owned by Ukraine? These are different matters.

Without a doubt, we need recognition, but not from Ukraine as things stand today. I hope that in the future we will be able to work out a deal with Ukraine as well. There are enough right-minded people in Ukraine who are willing to build relations with Russia for the long-term historical perspective.

Kira Latukhina: Good afternoon. My name is Kira Latukhina, Rossiyskaya Gazeta.

Hungarian media have reported that Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban will arrive in Moscow tomorrow for talks with you. Could you confirm that such a meeting will take place, and what would be the purpose of his visit? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: We are in contact with the Hungarian side regarding a possible meeting. And we are always pleased to welcome any of our partners to Russia, including our European colleagues, despite their generally aggressive attitude toward us. Especially Viktor Orban. We know his position well. In my view, it is quite objective. He is one of the few people who assesses the situation based on real circumstances on the ground and formulates his political stance accordingly.

We also have bilateral matters to discuss. Our cooperation in the energy sector is extensive, not to mention the Paks Nuclear Power Plant. There are issues there requiring further clarification and coordination. This includes nuclear fuel supplies. For example, they used American fuel in Ukraine. We have nothing against that in principle, but in practice the fuel assemblies malfunctioned: the rods began to warp, leading to an emergency situation. Therefore, everything in this sphere must be thoroughly calculated; this is a very serious matter. But beyond that, we have many other bilateral issues. If Prime Minister Orban finds it appropriate to accept our invitation, we will be glad to see him.

Valentin Alfimov: May I, Mr President?

Valentin Alfimov, Komsomolskaya Pravda.

You have already partially addressed this, but I would like to clarify the legal aspect concerning Crimea and Donbas. In President Trump’s plan, it is stated that they recognise these territories as ours de facto but not de jure. How is that possible? As a lawyer, how do you see this distinction? How can something be recognised de facto but not de jure?

Vladimir Putin: This is precisely one of the issues that should be addressed in our negotiations with the American side.

Thank you for drawing attention to it. You are right, this is one of the key points.

Thank you very much.

All the best.

Press statements by President of Russia and President of Kyrgyzstan

2025-11-26T21:27:46+04:00

Vladimir Putin and President of the Kyrgyz Republic Sadyr Japarov made press statements following the Russian-Kyrgyz talks.

Earlier, the heads of state attended a ceremony held to exchange documents signed during the visit.

* * *

President of Kyrgyzstan Sadyr Japarov: Members of the press, ladies and gentlemen,

I once again cordially welcome President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin on his state visit to the Kyrgyz Republic.

Mr President, it is symbolic that your visit is taking place in the year marking the 25^th anniversary of the Declaration on Eternal Friendship, Alliance and Partnership between Russia and Kyrgyzstan. Kyrgyz-Russian relations are based on the centuries-old friendship between our nations, close cultural and humanitarian ties, and a shared history. I would like to once again assure you of the Kyrgyz Republic’s unwavering commitment to strengthening our allied relations and historical partnership with the Russian Federation.

I would like to emphasise that our partnership serves our long-term national interests.

During our informal meetings yesterday, Mr Putin and I discussed a broad range of current issues on our agenda. We noted with pleasure the high level of Kyrgyz-Russian cooperation and conducted a detailed review of the implementation of all our agreements reached during our meeting in Moscow in July 2025.

Today, we discussed a broad range of issues during an expanded-format meeting, which was attended by the heads of our countries’ key ministries and departments and held in a traditionally trust-based atmosphere. We noted progress in many spheres and issued instructions regarding certain issues. Overall, I would like to say that we have a highly positive view of our bilateral cooperation at almost all levels. Our government bodies have been instructed to build up joint efforts in order to add new promising spheres to our bilateral agenda and identify new points of convergence of our interests.

A new package of bilateral documents covering education, healthcare, migration, security, economic, and military-technical cooperation has just been signed in your presence. I am pleased to note that the legal framework between our countries now comprises more than 400 documents. There is probably no other foreign country with which we have signed such a large number of interstate, intergovernmental, and interdepartmental agreements.

Naturally, we regard the joint statement on deepening relations of alliance and strategic partnership, which defines the principal areas of our future collaboration, as a central achievement of the talks. We highly value the traditionally close cooperation between our countries within international organisations and integration associations, including the UN, the CIS, the EAEU, the CSTO, and the SCO.

Our two nations share similar approaches to many key issues on the international and regional agenda. I would like to express my gratitude to the Russian side for the fruitful joint work during our presidency of the CSTO this year. We look forward to comparable cooperation during the Kyrgyz Republic’s forthcoming chairmanship of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. We concur that the Russian air base in Kant is a vital component of the CSTO Collective Rapid Deployment Forces and a significant factor in maintaining regional stability in Central Asia.

Significant attention was also paid to trade and economic cooperation. I would like to underscore that Russia remains one of the Kyrgyz Republic’s principal trading partners, accounting for 22 percent of our total trade turnover. In other words, nearly a quarter of Kyrgyzstan’s foreign trade is conducted with Russia. We were pleased to note the progress being made towards our shared objective of reaching US$5 billion in mutual trade in the coming years.

Investment is of particular importance. Russian direct investment in the first half of this year alone amounted to US$110 million. We consistently welcome the interest of Russian businesses in the Kyrgyz market and are prepared to ensure a favourable operating environment for their success. According to our data, as of November 2025, more than 1,800 companies with Russian participation are operating in Kyrgyzstan, representing one-third of all foreign enterprises in the country.

In order to give this effort fresh momentum, we wholeheartedly support the initiative put forward by our Russian partners to establish an Association of Russian Investors in Kyrgyzstan. The association should become an effective platform for dialogue between our business communities, between Russian investors and the authorities of Kyrgyzstan.

We also discussed the results of the latest meeting of the Kyrgyz-Russian Intergovernmental Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific, Technical and Humanitarian Cooperation, which was recently held in Bishkek.

We highly assessed the performance of the Russian-Kyrgyz Development Fund, one of the key drivers of our bilateral economic relations. Since its establishment, the Fund has invested over one billion dollars in Kyrgyzstan’s economy and has financed over 3,500 projects across all regions of the Republic. Taken together, its aggregate investment is twice as large as the Fund’s initial authorised capital. To date, the Fund is co-financing the construction of 14 hydropower and renewable energy facilities worth more than US$175 million.

We exchanged views on our cooperation within the Eurasian Development Bank and the Eurasian Fund for Stabilisation and Development.

We traditionally paid considerable attention to education, where we noted positive interaction as well. Over 16,000 Kyrgyz students are studying at Russian universities. The education of half of them is fully funded by the Russian side. We noted with satisfaction the large-scale plans for the scientific and technical modernisation of the Kyrgyz-Russian Slavic University, a leading higher educational establishment in the Republic. The agreement signed today to build a new campus of the university has launched this important project.

We are consistently implementing a major socially significant initiative, which we have formulated together with Mr Putin, to build nine [Russian-language] schools, three of which are scheduled to open in 2027.

We maintain a careful attitude towards the Russian language, the language of not only Pushkin and Tolstoy but also our great writer Chingiz Aitmatov. The humanitarian project Russian Teacher Abroad, under which teachers from Russia teach Russian in schools across Kyrgyzstan, has proved to be in great demand.

Many projects of great importance for our social development are being implemented with support from Rossotrudnichestvo and ANO Eurasia. Eurasia Park, the largest family recreation park in Kyrgyzstan and Central Asia, opened in Bishkek in August 2025 at the initiative and with full support from ANO Eurasia.

Acting on our instructions, Kyrgyzstan and Russia have started creating an educational space based on the integration of best practices of our countries’ educational systems.

We are actively developing and promoting cultural ties between our nations. Cross Culture Days were successfully held in Russia and Kyrgyzstan and were met with mutual admiration of the audiences. Kyrgyzstan’s House of Science and Culture in Moscow, which will open soon, will further strengthen our cultural ties. We are grateful to our Russian friends for their practical assistance in implementing this initiative.

We also discussed migration issues and reaffirmed our mutual interest in ensuring that our compatriots live in Russia legally and are guaranteed appropriate labour conditions and social benefits. We have also agreed to continue working in this vital sphere through our respective ministries.

Mr President, the results of your state visit to the Kyrgyz Republic allow us to look optimistically at the further development of Kyrgyz-Russian relations. I am confident that your visit has reaffirmed once again the special strength of the Kyrgyz-Russian alliance and strategic partnership and has given a powerful impetus to their further deepening.

It is with great pleasure that I am giving the floor to you, Mr President.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Mr President, ladies and gentlemen,

I would like, in turn, to thank the President of Kyrgyzstan for his invitation, and all our Kyrgyz colleagues for their hospitality and the warm welcome we have received. Special words of gratitude, Mr President, for yesterday’s informal evening, which afforded us the opportunity for a one-on-one discussion covering virtually all areas of our mutual interest and the development of our interstate relations.

I fully concur with Mr Japarov: today’s talks were highly productive and were held in a constructive spirit.

This is entirely consistent with the nature of genuinely friendly and neighbourly relations between Russia and Kyrgyzstan.

We held a detailed discussion on the entire spectrum of bilateral issues and exchanged views on pressing regional matters.

A significant outcome of this visit is the joint statement on taking Russian-Kyrgyz relations to a new, even more advanced level of deepened strategic partnership and alliance.

Furthermore, a package of intergovernmental and interagency documents was signed, aimed at expanding concrete, practical cooperation.

Naturally, priority during the talks was given to the further development of our economic cooperation. Last year, our bilateral trade reached a record high, exceeding US$4 billion. This year, the growth of mutual trade continues at a robust pace – around 17 percent. This is a commendable result.

We have all but ceased the use of foreign currencies in financial settlements and have established stable channels for credit and banking cooperation. The share of the ruble in commercial transactions has already reached 97 percent.

The Russian side is assisting Kyrgyzstan in enhancing its tax administration and system of goods marking. According to our estimates, this has already led to an increase in additional revenues to the Kyrgyz budget of more than US$1 billion.

Russia is a major investor in the Kyrgyz economy. Accumulated Russian investments amount to almost US$2 billion. Kyrgyzstan is home to around 1,700 business entities with Russian capital in key sectors such as energy, mining, agriculture, transport, and logistics. All this has been made possible thanks to the steady domestic policy pursued by the President of Kyrgyzstan and the nation’s internal political stability.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Mr President, ladies and gentlemen,

I fully concur with Mr Japarov: today’s talks were highly productive and were held in a constructive spirit.

This is entirely consistent with the nature of genuinely friendly and neighbourly relations between Russia and Kyrgyzstan.

We held a detailed discussion on the entire spectrum of bilateral issues and exchanged views on pressing regional matters.

A significant outcome of this visit is the joint statement on taking Russian-Kyrgyz relations to a new, even more advanced level of deepened strategic partnership and alliance.

Furthermore, a package of intergovernmental and interagency documents was signed, aimed at expanding concrete, practical cooperation.

Our countries maintain close cooperation within the Eurasian Economic Union. Together with our fellow member states, we are building common markets for goods, services, capital, and labour. The advancement of Eurasian integration is delivering tangible dividends to all members, Kyrgyzstan included. To illustrate, in the decade since Kyrgyzstan acceded to the EAEU, its GDP has grown by 150 percent, while its exports to other Union countries have quadrupled.

As the President of Kyrgyzstan has just noted, Russia finances the Russian-Kyrgyz Development Fund, which has channelled approximately US$1 billion into Kyrgyzstan, supporting more than 3,500 joint projects in the real economy.

Energy represents one of the most vital sectors of Russian-Kyrgyz collaboration. Our country fully meets Kyrgyzstan’s demand for petrol and diesel and does so on preferential terms, without levying export duties – a measure that provides direct economic benefit to the Republic.

Furthermore, Gazprom is a key supplier of natural gas to Kyrgyzstan and has joined the nation’s public gas supply programme. The Russian gas giant has allocated over US$400 million for this purpose, which has already provided 42 percent of the country with access to the gas network. This work is ongoing.

Russia also supplies electricity to Kyrgyz consumers. Our companies are engaged in the design and modernisation of hydroelectric power plants on Kyrgyz rivers. We plan to jointly construct a large solar power plant in the Issyk-Kul Region and a new, modern combined heat and power plant in the north of the country.

Concurrently, Rosatom is executing a broad reclamation programme for former uranium mining sites. We are also exploring the possibility of constructing Kyrgyzstan’s first nuclear power plant, utilising advanced Russian small modular reactor technologies. I must emphasise that these reactors meet the most stringent international standards for safety and environmental protection.

Russian-Kyrgyz humanitarian cooperation remains traditionally rich and multifaceted, with ties between our citizens continually strengthening.

Our collaboration extends robustly across culture, sport, public and youth organisations, and certainly education. More than 10,000 students from Kyrgyzstan are currently pursuing their studies in Russia; half of them, as the President noted, are studying in state-funded places.

Kyrgyzstan hosts branch campuses of several leading Russian universities. The Kyrgyz-Russian Slavic University in Bishkek alone serves approximately 7,500 students. The intergovernmental agreement signed today includes plans to construct a new academic building and other infrastructure on the university campus.

And, of course, it is encouraging that, alongside Russia, the Russian language, which holds official status under the Constitution, is widely and freely used in Kyrgyzstan. We greatly value this, and we welcome the support provided by the Republic’s leadership for its use across various spheres of life.

It is symbolic that on the eve of our visit, the Eurasian Centre for Russian Language and Culture opened in Bishkek, and a new Russian-language television channel, Nomad TV, began broadcasting in Kyrgyzstan.

I would like to emphasise that Russia will continue supporting efforts to improve the quality of education in the Russian language. We regularly supply schools and universities with teaching materials, and more than 150 educators have been sent to Kyrgyzstan under the Russian Teacher Abroad programme. I believe, and Mr President has also mentioned this in the course of our interaction, including in our informal conversations, that this is still not enough. I fully agree with you.

In addition, we are helping build new Russian-language schools in Kyrgyzstan. The first three institutions are scheduled to open in 2027, and in total, nine such schools will be built in different regions of the country.

Naturally, President Japarov and I also discussed in detail the expansion of bilateral cooperation in the military and military-technical spheres. We outlined plans for joint efforts in countering terrorism and extremism, combating drug trafficking, and fighting organised crime.

Both sides noted that the joint Russian military base in Kyrgyzstan makes a significant contribution to strengthening the Republic’s defence capability and, more broadly, to ensuring security and stability in Central Asia.

When discussing current foreign policy issues, we acknowledged that our approaches are similar or fully align. Our countries closely coordinate their positions within multilateral formats, including the United Nations, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, and the Commonwealth of Independent States.

We look forward to welcoming Mr Japarov in St Petersburg at the end of December for the traditional informal meeting of CIS leaders and the session of the Supreme Eurasian Economic Council.

In conclusion, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to our Kyrgyz friends and Mr President for the constructive and productive discussions.

Our joint work with Mr Japarov will continue today, and tomorrow we will participate in the regular session of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation Council. As you know, Kyrgyzstan has successfully chaired the CSTO this year and will hand over this responsibility to Russia on January 1.

I am confident that this visit and our talks will contribute to the further development of the multifaceted Russian–Kyrgyz partnership, for the benefit of our peoples and our countries.

Thank you for your attention.

AI Journey international conference

2025-11-21T16:35:52+04:00

The President took part in the 10th AI Journey, an annual international conference on artificial intelligence and machine learning being held in Moscow from November 19 to 21.

Prior to the plenary session, Vladimir Putin toured an exhibition of Russian companies’ achievements in artificial intelligence. The display featured a range of innovations, including the first Russian anthropomorphic robot developed by Sberbank, a suite of intelligent assistants based on the GigaChat large language model, and the Alice AI generative model from Yandex.

The President was also briefed on the application of artificial intelligence across various sectors, such as industry, sports, and healthcare, including the AI-assisted development of pharmaceutical drugs.

During his tour of the exhibition, Vladimir Putin was accompanied by Deputy Chief of Staff of the Presidential Executive Office Maxim Oreshkin, Minister of Digital Development, Communications, and Mass Media Maksut Shadayev, and President and Chairman of the Executive Board of Sberbank German Gref.

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The 10^th International Conference on Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning, Artificial Intelligence Journey 2025

Chairman of the Management Board and CEO of Sberbank German Gref: Mr President, this year marks the tenth anniversary of the AI Journey conference. I would like to thank you from the bottom of my heart for regularly participating in it and supporting the advanced technology and the high-tech sector in our country.

Allow me to give you the floor.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Thank you very much.

Today’s events are titled “Artificial Intelligence Journey.” Mr Gref has just taken me on such a journey. How long did it last? Three hours? Two and a half? We apologise for making you spend this time discussing the agenda. Anyway, I am genuinely pleased to welcome to Sber’s headquarters all AI Journey conference participants, as well as wide audiences from around the world which, I believe, are joining us online. As is customary, I will share with you what Russia is working on and discuss new steps to create and apply advanced technologies, including as part of international interaction.

Since this conference marks its tenth anniversary, I would like to thank Sber’s Chairman of the Management Board Mr Gref, as well as the Russian Artificial Intelligence Alliance, for your persistent efforts to promote the values of progress and to bring together the efforts of the state, business, and science in order to accomplish the technological development objectives.

You have heard me say it many times before that it is important to not only appreciate the importance of what we are doing, but also to keep moving forward even after achieving intermediate results. We should strive to bring our joint work to a whole new level in order to match the pace and the daunting scale of ongoing changes.

At previous conferences, we discussed in detail generative AI and language models trained on vast amounts of data, including texts and images. Just a short two years ago, such systems could tackle fairly simple tasks, but today generative AI is being used to create intelligent assistants known as AI agents, as well as self-driving vehicles and robots.

Importantly, they are not just following predefined algorithms; but are capable of making increasingly autonomous decisions without human input. Those who possess and apply such products gain significant advantages in efficiency and productivity.

Clearly, generative AI technology is becoming core and strategic technology. Major companies and leading countries are vying to develop proprietary fundamental language models.

According to various estimations, the development of artificial intelligence may be one of the largest technological projects in human history. Meanwhile, the primary focus of investment is on expanding computing power and generating additional gigawatts of energy: resources essential for the reliable functioning of the rapidly growing digital infrastructure. This energy is required to train the next generations of even more efficient generative AI systems. As I have already noted, electricity consumption by data centres will more than triple in this decade alone.

Alongside rapid transformations across all sectors, the number of users of generative artificial intelligence tools is steadily increasing. In Russia, the vast majority of young people are already actively employing neural networks and language models for tasks related to their studies, jobs, and daily lives.

But something else is equally important. These models generate enormous volumes of new data and are becoming one of the key instruments for information dissemination. As such, they have the capacity to influence people’s values and worldviews, shaping the semantic environment of entire nations and, ultimately, humanity as a whole.

We cannot allow critical dependence on foreign systems. For Russia, this is a question of state, technological, and, one could say, value sovereignty. Therefore, our country must possess a complete range of its own generative artificial intelligence technologies and products.

First and foremost, this includes national language models: both fundamental and smaller, industry-specific ones. The entire spectrum of such models must be trained and fully overseen by Russian specialists at every stage, including the quality assurance of the final product.

Work on these complex systems should become a significant driver for strengthening the national engineering school in this crucial domain. We must develop unique competencies across the full cycle of creating fundamental language models: from their initial development and training to their adaptation for the needs of various industries. In fact, all countries seeking leadership, independence, and sovereignty in this field are following the same path.

Second, a key direction, encompasses the entire infrastructure required for the development and implementation of such national products, specifically the electronic component base, data processing centres, and computing capacities with a stable energy supply.

The tasks to which I am referring are complex and carry significant responsibility – we all understand and acknowledge this perfectly well. We will address them in collaboration with domestic companies. In this context, I would highlight that the products of Sber and Yandex are ranked among the best in the world. During the upcoming Direct Line at the end of this year, we will once again utilise Sber’s language model, which has already demonstrated its effectiveness in analysing and systematising the vast volume of public appeals.

Let me reiterate: it is not merely the presence of our own technologies that is important. What is crucial is ensuring their widespread practical application. We must achieve their comprehensive introduction in industry, transport, healthcare, public administration, and other sectors. On this subject, I would like to elaborate in slightly greater detail.

The National Strategy for the Development of Artificial Intelligence sets the objective that by 2030, the aggregate contribution of this critical technology to the country’s GDP must exceed 11 trillion rubles. To advance this objective, I ask the Government and regional heads to formulate a national plan for the implementation of generative artificial intelligence at the national level, as well as across industries and regions of the country.

Earlier this morning, the Prime Minister and I discussed this subject. He reminded me that the Government has already established an Analytical Centre on this matter, which is currently operational with a team of 50 individuals. Officially, the Ministry of Digital Development oversees this work. However, neither one nor the other is sufficient. This is no longer adequate; we need a real operational headquarters to lead this sector, if we want this work to proceed confidently and proactively across all the aforementioned directions – that is, across industries, regions, ministries, and agencies. We need a headquarters capable of setting tangible tasks, ensuring execution, and monitoring results.

This analytical group is highly commendable, but it lacks administrative resource. That is what is absent – administrative resource is needed. Therefore, I ask the Presidential Executive Office and the Government – the Minister and the Government as a whole – to consider how we should establish this very headquarters to lead not just the sector but this entire endeavour, leveraging the capabilities of all those who are either already interested or do not yet realise they should be interested. Together, we must make this clear.

I emphasise that the implementation of this plan will become a crucial tool for generating demand for national fundamental models, effectively forming an entire market for the application of generative artificial intelligence systems.

Products developed on the basis of this plan must be integrated across all key industries by 2030. This includes solutions such as intelligent personal assistants and AI agents, which should be employed in the majority of management and production processes.

By March 2026, the Government, ministries, and agencies must provide comprehensive information on the use of artificial intelligence in the economy, the social sphere, and the regions of the Russian Federation. The pace of introducing these technologies in the regions should become a key indicator in the annual digital transformation ranking. I would like to request that this ranking be compiled using the updated methodology as early as the end of next year, 2026.

In this regard, I would like to appeal to the heads of ministries and agencies, as well as to regional leaders. This is not about preparing reports, but about achieving concrete results. You must clearly understand the demand for innovation coming from companies and enterprises, maintain permanent contact with scientists and engineers, and create conditions for testing and practical application of advanced technologies. Such successful experience is presented in the demonstration area of our conference. I believe it is useful, and if anyone has not yet visited it, I recommend doing so.

What is crucial is that we must create a market for the practical application of artificial intelligence technologies. My colleagues and I have just been discussing this, and they have been telling me how this sector is developing. In principle, the situation is similar to that in any other sector, but we now have the opportunity, whether fortunately or unfortunately, to build this market almost from scratch. This requires establishing certain standards across various areas of activity and ensuring that users of artificial intelligence technologies pay for these services, thereby creating a financial base for further development. We need to get this process going and give it an impetus for development.

I would also like to note that there are already tangible examples of how the experience of one Russian region in applying artificial intelligence is becoming the foundation for transformations across the entire country. For example, nearly two thousand medical organisations from more than 70 regions have joined the Moscow digital healthcare platform. This system has provided doctors from various cities and towns with access to artificial intelligence algorithms for the automatic analysis of medical images and radiological examinations.

Administrative and legal barriers that hinder both the creation and the implementation of sovereign, domestic technologies must be lifted more rapidly. Let me remind you in this context that in a number of countries, attempts to impose overly strict regulation on artificial intelligence have slowed down the development of new products and ideas. Let me repeat: we must not follow this path and repeat other countries’ mistakes. At the same time, we must bear in mind that there are certain areas of activity, such as public administration, the work of special services and law enforcement agencies, where we must rely exclusively on our own domestic developments.

Naturally, all of this must be done in direct dialogue with the tech businesses. We must thoroughly and substantively discuss the most bold and innovative regulatory and legislative initiatives that may, at first glance, fall outside conventional approaches. If necessary, they should be tested within experimental legal regimes. Such regimes are already in effect in Moscow and Sakhalin, as well as in a number of other regions of the Russian Federation, and will soon be extended to one-third of Russia’s territory: namely, the entire Far East. And, of course, we must make wider use of so-called “soft law.” I am referring primarily to the Code of Ethics in Artificial Intelligence.

Furthermore, as I have already noted today, in order to augment the potential of domestic generative artificial intelligence technologies and train our own language models, we must ensure the stability and independence of the national digital infrastructure. This will, among other things, allow us to guarantee data sovereignty, so that user information remains within the borders of Russia.

In this regard, I propose working with the business community to implement a programme for the development of data processing centres for artificial intelligence needs and to ensure that start-ups, scientific organisations, and technology companies have easy access to these centres.

The development of such data centres is intended to serve as a catalyst for the emergence of new enterprises and companies, as well as for job creation in promising sectors. This includes the domestic electronics industry, the deployment of production of components and spare parts, and the development of software and engineering systems for data processing centres.

The most critical and fundamental task is to ensure a constant, stable, and reliable energy supply for data centres. Consequently, plans for their placement must be clearly aligned with the further development of our national energy infrastructure as a whole, which includes advanced, modern, environmentally clean coal generation and other clean energy sources, such as nuclear. This is our strategic asset and competitive advantage.

We have just discussed this with experts, and it transpires that the mere availability of energy sources is insufficient. Powerful, constant energy sources are required to address specific tasks, while for the rapid utilisation of processed and refined data, energy sources must be located close to the consumers of the deliverables. This is a serious challenge, but it is one we are equipped to overcome, as we are perhaps the only country in the world currently capable of, ready for, and already producing and utilising small nuclear power plants.

Thus, in Kuzbass, for instance, coal generation can be utilised, while certain tasks can be conducted at our large hydroelectric power stations. In locations with large nuclear units, specific research and preparation can be carried out. However, to guarantee the rapid delivery of necessary information – with timeframes, as I have just been informed, measured in seconds and fractions of a second – and to ensure operational efficiency, small nuclear power plants can also be deployed. The imperative is to execute this swiftly.

We possess unique solutions that can be utilised for powering data processing centres. We plan to transition to the serial production of small floating and land-based nuclear stations, as well as to continue the construction of data processing centres at the largest nuclear power plants. We are ready to offer such comprehensive products to our international partners as well.

Looking ahead, within less than two decades, we intend to build 38 nuclear power units, primarily in the Urals, Siberia, and the Far East. Their combined capacity will be practically equivalent to that of the entire current nuclear generation. The growing potential of our domestic nuclear energy sector will enable us to consistently expand the computational capabilities required for artificial intelligence.

Friends,

I would like to address international cooperation separately. We will establish a joint framework with our partners in the field of artificial intelligence. This work will be conducted both on the basis of bilateral agreements and within integration associations such as the EAEU, BRICS, the SCO, and other formats. Furthermore, we propose to actively pursue the harmonisation of our nations’ legislation regarding the implementation of artificial intelligence, utilising the best practices accumulated in this area within the BRICS platform.

Naturally, we intend to jointly implement research projects. In this domain, we already have tangible examples of cooperation. For instance, at the initiative of the International Alliance for Artificial Intelligence established last year, a profound scientific discussion is now underway about how artificial intelligence technologies will evolve in the coming decade and what impact they will have on industry, transport, and other sectors, as well as on people, families, society as a whole, and social processes. I instruct the Government to ensure that the results of this forecast are applied in practice to update and fine-tune our plans for the development of economic sectors and the social sphere.

Meanwhile, it is evident that digital progress will gain strength and momentum. In the foreseeable future, technologies that surpass the capabilities of existing systems will undoubtedly emerge, and this will happen very quickly; I am referring to generative artificial intelligence, among other things. I am convinced that the younger generation of our scientists and engineers will make a significant contribution to addressing these highly complex research and development challenges.

I am aware that Russian school and university students – winners and prize-winners of international artificial intelligence tournaments – are present in this hall today. Let us welcome them together.

Friends, I wish you every success in your future endeavours, and I wish the participants of the AI Journey conference meaningful and fruitful deliberations.

Thank you for your attention.

German Gref: Mr President,

I would like to once again thank you for your focus on technology. I owe you an apology for taking much of your time today to dive into what is probably the most critical, yet the most complex, technology. I do not think many national leaders are as deeply immersed in technology as you are. Thank you very much for the comments you provided and the tasks you issued.

Now is the moment for me to announce that we have decided to make publicly available as open source our advanced, indeed, our most advanced, flagship AI models, such as GigaChat Ultra Preview, GigaChat Lightning, the next-generation GigaAMv-3 speech-recognition model, the Kandinsky image generation models, and the Kandinsky 5.0 video model, which we presented at the conference today.

These models will be distributed under a license that will allow using some of them even for commercial purposes. This will be Europe’s largest open-source project. These models will be released in full, including all their weights, and made freely accessible.

We also presented today our humanoid robot, the first humanoid robot named Green, based on the GigaChat neural network. It has a good sense of direction in unfamiliar environments and can operate autonomously in such environments.

Without a doubt, this is a new phase in domestic robotics and artificial intelligence aka embodied artificial intelligence, or physical artificial intelligence, because its hardware is of applied nature and is built around AI.

We are in a new phase of autonomous robotics, and Russia must have a strong presence on this global market. Importantly, Russian companies, including our Artificial Intelligence Alliance partners and Yandex are working to advance this area of research as well.

What do all these trends and new models mean to each of us as heads of respective organisations, as citizens, and simply as people who daily come across artificial intelligence, everyday problems, and questions such as how and for what we should prepare our children at a time when every child has unrestricted access to an enormous number of AI models?

Without a doubt, these questions need to be reflected upon, and they call for transformations. We cannot delay these transformations. Our panel is titled “The Future with Artificial Intelligence.” Clearly, we will have to live alongside artificial intelligence and robots, where robots will be among us. All of that must be processed and properly planned so as not to stress out people or organisations, and to get ready for the upcoming changes in advance, because we can no longer fence ourselves off of them.

<…>

Vladimir Putin: We touched upon a critically important matter related to education when Mr Gref and his colleagues were immersing me in the world of artificial intelligence. All you need to do is press a button and things will happen, correct? A pupil at school, even a university student, can get the solution to almost any problem. Why use brains then? You know, it may sound like a joke at first glance, but, in fact, it is a serious matter. After all, students at schools, universities, and colleges must be taught to think, not just to push buttons to get answers. It is a challenging task, indeed.

A colleague of ours who took part in the presentations today, a young man, is a father of five children. I am not sure how he pulled that off. Good for him, five children is a great accomplishment. Let’s give him a round of applause if he is in this audience.

German Gref: He works at Yandex.

Vladimir Putin: Not only at Yandex. He is doing great on other fronts as well. Five children, well done. I asked him how he was going to teach his children to think, rather than press buttons.

You know, jokes aside… He’s a very intelligent person. He is conversant with matters that I myself do not quite understand, yet he was unable to answer that question. You see? This is no joke. It is not that simple in the emerging global system. We cannot afford seeing a select group of super-intellectuals – highly developed elite, an intellectual elite – form in our country, while everyone else will be reduced to “robots” pressing buttons.

This is a genuine challenge for the education system, the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Science and Higher Education alike. How do we encourage people to think? It is a challenge for the teaching staff and the entire education system. We need to develop an approach to education where a child solves math problems and uses capabilities offered by artificial intelligence. How do we do that? We need to engage them in playing chess and doing mathematics.

That is what I am asking you to do. Think about it, because the Ministry of Education alone will not be able to solve this problem. This is a serious matter for future generations and for Russia, in particular.

<…>

Vice-Chancellor of Sai University (India) and Dean of its School of Artificial Intelligence Ajit Abraham: First, I will take a few moments to summarise our AI foresight event. During the last AI Journey, as per the advice of President Putin, we organised a foresight session to understand some of the current challenging problems, future opportunities and finding ways how we can work together to solve cutting-edge problems, contributing to the community, to the country, and doing something great for the planet.

So, we had close to 270 researchers from industry and academia, from nearly 36 countries participating in this massive exercise during the last year. Personal interviews, sessions in different countries online, offline – all this helped us to bring all this knowledge together.

I would like to take this opportunity, on behalf of all the members and the participating nations, to thank Russia for chairing this session and for providing this opportunity for all of us to work together.

We have seen a massive transformation, how AI is changing the world: from machine learning to large language models to multi-modal models, to agentic systems, to contact server systems. We have our colleagues working in new areas like responsible AI, explainable AI, ethical AI, digital twins with cognitive capabilities, human and AI working together systems, something like that.

So, all these things are changing in a very big way, in the technological field. AI is going to change the way we live, the way we operate, the way we do business, the way we teach our students, the way we do many things in daily life.

I would like to quickly point out how scientific literature or should I say advancing scientific progress is going to be affected by using artificial intelligence. From understanding literature, if scientists wanted to do something new, it would have taken months to years to summarise a new area. But with generative AI, we can summarise this in a few days to a few weeks, starting a new area, formulating hypotheses, doing experiments, analysing data, augmenting data. Sometimes you don’t have the data but we can augment it using various generative AI tools. All this will definitely speed up scientific discovery, and we can even produce results within a few days to a few weeks, which would have taken sometimes months to years five or ten years ago.

So, I think AI is going to change things in a very big way and there could be questions about our own existence, whether scientists will lose their jobs. Apparently, no. Scientists will be working like a lab by doing multiple things, accessing areas, datapoints, problems. We can scale up our own productivity, our own research, contributing a lot of things to the community, which will all speed up scientific discovery and the way many things would progress on the planet.

Some of us could ask: will AI affect cognitive abilities? Will it take away critical thinking? But again, without that, without critical thinking, without reasoning, without cognitive abilities, we might not be able to challenge these platforms so that we can get the best fruits off these platforms.

It is taking on a very different dimension from smart homes to smart cities, manufacturing hubs, smart transportation systems, smart hospitals. Imagine that you walk into a hospital for a regular checkup, take some blood samples, use imaging, and you get predictive diagnostics that you are going to get a neurological disorder within the coming few months or a few years. That is how healthcare is progressing in a very different way.

In the Indian context, the Government of India is doing a lot of wonderful things. The AI mission invested about $1 billion in sending technologies from urban areas to rural areas, helping various stakeholders in various aspects from manufacturing, healthcare, agritech, media and legal tech. Across all these areas, the Government of India is doing wonderful things. Startup AI Mission is another big initiative by the Government of India training the youth. India has about 350 million young people, probably almost the size of the Russian population. So, the Government of India is trying to encourage entrepreneurship within this young talent. The International AI Alliance chaired by Russia is a new platform. As of now, we have membership from more than 20 different countries.

This is going to take AI in a very new direction in the coming months and years. I am sure it will again scale up in a very big way, providing massive opportunities for collaboration, networking and contributing something to the society at large. Thank you very much.

Vladimir Putin: I would like to underscore that, first and foremost, we are collaborating with our Indian friends and will continue to do so.

I am aware that India plans to host an artificial intelligence summit in February next year. We will gladly participate in this event. I hope and am confident that the initiative proposed by our Indian friends will be conducted at the highest level.

As for human cognitive capabilities, I have just mentioned, prior to your speech, that we must under no circumstances allow a situation where an intellectual elite emerges, capable of properly utilising artificial intelligence and developing itself, whilst the majority of the population merely uses artificial intelligence to press buttons and receive ready answers. Naturally, much is to be done to prevent this.

I briefly mentioned that we must make significant efforts, including the creation of national platforms based on our own foundation, our own intellectual framework, our traditional values, our history, and so on. What do I mean? When we speak of developing cognitive capabilities, these advancements must reach the overwhelming majority of our country’s citizens.

I have already mentioned that in schools today, one can press a button to instantly receive an answer to any teacher’s question, without the need to think. The same applies to foreign languages. Try convincing a young person today of the necessity to study a foreign language. Do you know the response? “Why bother? Just ask Alice or Mr Gref’s chatbots.” Boom! Everything is translated online. So why study a foreign language? You speak or listen, and everything is translated instantly. What is the point? But you understand that for every issue, we must find the right answer and instil this perspective, in this case, into the minds of young people.

What is the study of a foreign language? It is not merely about using it in daily life or professional activities. A young person must understand that mastering a foreign language immerses them in an entirely different world, offering the opportunity to live another life. It is one thing to read, say, War and Peace in the original, and another to read a translation. This is especially true for poetry. It is one thing to read Heine in translation, even a very good one, and another in the original. There are countless nuances, and a one hundred percent accurate translation is impossible because the subtleties of the author’s intent cannot be fully conveyed. But when you know the language, you immerse yourself in these subtleties, understanding, at least in part, the soul of the native speaker and the soul of that culture. This is an immense cultural value.

The same applies to chess. One can play online games: connect to a system, and the computer solves everything for you, winning against everyone. Does this bring satisfaction? Or do you realise it is simply deception, not your victory?

Earlier, a young lady spoke about how Sberbank assists athletes in ensuring fair judging. We discussed football, where fans know that mistakes are unfortunately frequent. This deceives the fans, and what joy is there for players beyond receiving their salaries? But when you win honestly, the emotions are entirely different.

This is tied to our cultural code: an honest approach to work, immersion in another culture. The pleasure derived from this is internal – emotional and intellectual. This is delicate work.

If together we can establish such an educational approach in schools, universities, and colleges, I believe we will maximise the benefits of artificial intelligence and achieve the greatest results.

German Gref: Mr President, thank you very much. Indeed, you have accurately identified the key areas requiring special attention. How can we maintain children’s motivation, and how can we sustain people’s drive for high-quality education? How can we explain to children that they are not developing their minds when, today, they can achieve results with the click of a button without exerting any intellectual effort? How can we ensure that the advent of artificial intelligence does not lead to the atrophy of cognitive function but, on the contrary, stimulates it?

These are the questions we must all answer together today. In fact, this was precisely the focus of the work initiated by you last year and carried out by scientists, as our Indian colleague, Mr Abraham, has just outlined.

I would like to thank our partner in the AI Alliance, Kirill Dmitriev of the Russian Direct Investment Fund, for his immense international efforts in organising all of this. Kirill has personally dedicated a great deal of time and effort to this endeavour. I would like to extend my heartfelt thanks to you, Kirill, and your organisation. Without your involvement, we would likely not have achieved such international collaboration.

I would now like to turn to our next speaker, Mr Chen Qiufan, a representative of China and a highly distinguished expert who has worked for over a decade in technology companies, including China’s largest firm, Baidu, and America’s largest, Google, where he headed the strategic research department. He then explored the role of a writer and, alongside a very well-known figure in the world of artificial intelligence, Mr Kai-Fu Lee, co-authored the book AI 2041. He is the author of numerous books and is one of the leading experts in the field of futurism.

Mr Chen, I would like to pose two questions to you.

The first question is: What is your view on the predictions made by Mr Kurzweil, one of the most renowned technological futurists, who claims that all those who live through the next six to seven years will not only have the chance to live to 100 and beyond but will achieve immortality? His latest forecast suggests this will occur some time between 2030 and 2035, around 2032.

My second question is: In your opinion, what will the life of an ordinary person look like in 10 to 15 years, say in 2041, the year you and Kai-Fu Lee wrote about in your fascinating books? What will become the key driver of trust between society and artificial intelligence?

It is well known that technology is advancing so rapidly that society struggles to adapt. What must we do to help people understand and pre-adapt, to grasp what and how they need to learn? How can we preserve the motivation our President spoke of and ensure our own relevance in the labour market and the world at large during these highly challenging and rapidly changing times?

President of the World Chinese Science Fiction Association Chen Qiufan: Thank you for introducing our book AI 2041.

I want to start by sharing a personal story. Two years ago, my mum, who is 70 years old, had a stroke at home while I was away. But luckily, my dad found her and took her to the nearest hospital, and she got everything she needed, all the treatment, and now she is fine.

But what if she had been by herself? What if the hospital had been too far away? And what if we could have an AI doctor in our pockets that could subtly monitor our everyday behaviour like our voice, our expression, the way we hold the phone and even our biomarkers? It could warn us about a stroke or some other disease before it happens. And not only that. If you need some medication, it could, based on all your data and your history, 3D-print the medicine and deliver it to your doorway within minutes. This is not only about saving lives, not only about curing diseases, but also about what Raymond Kurzweil mentioned: it will tremendously extend lifespans and increase the level of wellbeing.

Why does this matter so much? China, as a country, is as big as Russia, but has 1.4 billion people, so the resources are unevenly distributed. It is vastly different, distributed to mega-cities from the rural areas; but on the other hand, fascinatingly, we have almost 100 percent coverage of smartphones and we have 80 percent internet coverage. So, think about it. In the future, we can deploy AI models, hybrid with human expertise, and we can help everyone to improve their everyday lives with all this infrastructure and technology.

So, AI in healthcare is one thing. Also, like I mentioned before, a mutli-agent assistant on your phone could be your children’s personal tutor, could be your family’s finance manager, could be your yoga instructor or your therapist. Everything is possible. You don’t have to travel far away. You don’t have to go to a big city for all these resources.

And what is more crucial is, like Mr President mentioned, we can use the technology to reconnect the younger generation with history. For example, my fellow students from Hong Kong, they are now using generative AI and 3D printing to transform Chinese mythology figures into toys, which makes folklore and culture more accessible and relevant. Russia has as deep a history and culture as China. We can definitely use technology to strengthen their love for history and culture. My friend’s daughter, a fourteen-year-old girl, is using an AI tutor to read Russian literature, which is quite amazing, right? So, AI technology definitely helps us increase cultural exchanges.

So, going back to my mum, what is happening to her? During her recovery, my dad has been using AI as a tool to create all these funny little animations to cheer her up and make her laugh. So, this reminds me that in Chinese, “AI”, “artificial intelligence”, sounds almost the same as the word “love.” This reminds me, technology is always about love, about caring, about connecting people. I think that’s why the Chinese Government invests so much in supporting the development of AI technology, from infrastructure to legislation, creating tremendous impact across areas from education, healthcare, manufacturing to smart cities, etc.

As a science fiction writer, I really want to invite everyone to imagine a bright, optimistic and constructive future about the technology together. Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: If I may, I would like to first of all wish your mother a swift recovery on behalf of everyone here. That is the most important thing.

Second, Mr Gref has just recalled that some experts – and today we are speaking specifically about Chinese experts – say that it is possible, under certain conditions (I will not go into details now) to extend human life to 150 years.

In this context, I would like to note the following. There was a time when people lived 20, 30, maybe 35 years, and that was considered normal. Later, average life expectancy in some countries gradually increased – to 35, 45, 50 years – and that, too, became the norm. Today, in some countries, it has already reached 80. And we are working to ensure that average life expectancy rises in our country as well; it is slightly higher for women and a bit lower for men. We have set specific targets for increasing life expectancy, and we are moving in the right direction.

Perhaps it is indeed possible to reach 150 years. But, first of all, it will never feel like enough – just as there is never enough money. Never. And in my view, the main question is not how long one lives. The main question is how one lives and for what.

It is our traditional values that answer those questions. I say that without any irony. That is why, as I noted in my remarks and would like to emphasise again now, our national platforms must be built first and foremost on the traditional values shared by all the peoples of the Russian Federation.

German Gref: Mr President, thank you very much for your participation and your remarks. I watched our Healthcare Minister’s reaction when we started talking about 150 years and even immortality. I think we may indeed need to merge the Ministry of Digital Development and the Ministry of Healthcare if we want to reach 150 as soon as possible.

In fact, one thing is absolutely clear: humanity is entering a fundamentally new era at an extremely rapid pace. Today we discussed how the industrial revolution unfolded over 200 years. This revolution will be at least ten times faster – roughly 20 years. And 20 years, within a human lifetime, is a very short period indeed. And of course, in our view, we must make our contribution.

Mr President said: it matters not only how long we live, but how and why. We bear the responsibility for helping people enter this new era smoothly, without upheaval, without stress, and without losing this essential “how and why.” Together with our colleagues, we will do everything to fulfil this mission – perhaps this is our own “why and how”: to ensure technological progress, to strengthen the country’s competitiveness, but not to trigger shocks and stresses that would affect millions of people who, after all, have no direct involvement in the development of these technologies.

We are responsible for adapting these technologies so that people’s lives genuinely improve, so that medical care becomes more accessible everywhere across the country, so that education becomes more accessible, and so that digital services make life a little easier and a little happier.

To attain this objective, we are uniting a vast network of our partners and colleagues with a view to establishing an international alliance for the development of artificial intelligence. Mr President, last year you initiated the development and signing of an agreement in this field, and this year, with the assistance of our colleagues, we are expanding the number of countries that are signing the declaration and joining this alliance. Allow me to proceed with this ceremony.

(Ceremony marking the accession of new participants to the International Alliance for Artificial Intelligence. Representatives of national alliances and institutions for the development of artificial intelligence from 11 countries around the world joined the alliance in person and remotely: Brazil, Vietnam, India, Congo, Oman, Turkey, Chile, Egypt, Kenya, Tanzania, and South Africa. The total number of alliance members now stands at 28 organisations.)

Allow me to congratulate all the new members of the alliance, as well as the existing members. Thank you very much, colleagues, for undertaking this journey, and thank you for your commitment to international cooperation in the development of the most critical technology of the century. Thank you very much.

I would also like to express my gratitude to all the participants present here today. I would like to extend special thanks to the Presidential Executive Office and to Maxim Oreshkin, with whom we have worked closely on this. I would also like to extend my deepest gratitude to our Government, to the Ministry of Digital Development, to Dmitry Chernyshenko, to Dmitry Grigorenko, and to all our partners who have approached this matter very seriously.

Under the Prime Minister’s leadership, we endeavour to discuss this topic in detail every month to ensure we do not fall behind, so to speak, in the progress of this advanced technology. Today, we reported to the President that Russia is now among the seven countries in the world with an almost fully comprehensive technology stack – the most modern, state-of-the-art technologies possessed by the most advanced nations.

Your personal attention, Mr President, helps maintain the appropriate level of technological development, as well as the interest of students, scientists, entrepreneurs, and public officers at all levels. I would like to express my deepest gratitude to you for this. We will do everything to ensure our country continues to forge ahead with confidence.

Thank you very much.

Plenary session of the Russia – Country of Sports Forum

2025-11-07T12:05:28+04:00

Vladimir Putin delivered a speech at a plenary session of the 13^th Russia – Country of Sports International Sports Forum in Samara.

The Russia – Country of Sports Forum was established by Presidential Executive Order of July 27, 2009. This year, its theme is Sport for the Future: Winning Together.

The plenary session was held at the Vladimir Vysotsky Sports Palace.

Following his address, the President reviewed a presentation of a demonstration and educational centre for adaptive sports. Currently under construction in Samara, this facility is being built in fulfilment of the head of state’s instruction issued after the previous meeting of the Council for the Development of Physical Culture and Sport.

The centre’s grounds will feature more than 30 adaptive disciplines, which will help inform and attract a greater number of individuals with disabilities and health limitations to systematic participation in adaptive physical fitness and sport.

Vladimir Putin was given explanations by Pavel Rozhkov, President of the Russian Paralympic Committee, and Yekaterina Leshchinskaya, Chair of the Healthy Fatherland nationwide public movement for the promotion of sports and patriotic education.

Minister of Sport Mikhail Degtyarev presented the President with a unified sports kit for the national teams. The Golden Heritage collection, designed by Bosco, is crafted from domestic materials at a factory located in the Kaluga Region.

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Address by the President of Russia at the plenary session of the 13^th Russia – Country of Sports International Sports Forum

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, friends.

It is a pleasure to welcome the guests and participants of the Russia – Country of Sports International Forum.

This year, the forum is being hosted by Samara – one of the most beautiful and distinctive cities in our Volga Region, renowned for its achievements and traditions, including in sports. Many athletes whose names are etched in the annals of world sport hail from Samara.

Naturally, a bright chapter in sporting history was written in 2018, when the city hosted matches of the FIFA World Cup, held right here at the Solidarnost [Solidarity] Samara Arena – the main venue of our forum, which has long served as a meeting place for like-minded individuals devoted to sport, its ideals, and values.

These qualities, your readiness for cooperation and dialogue, and your unity in achieving goals are reflected in this year’s forum theme – Sport for the Future: Winning Together.

We all recognise the importance of sport as a universal tool for developing a person’s physical, creative, and spiritual potential, and we understand that many challenges of the modern world can only be overcome together.

Russia, like most nations around the globe, advocates for broad international cooperation based on equality, a strict respect for mutual interests, and an appreciation for national cultures.

Sport has a lofty mission: to unite people and to build bridges between nations. This is one of the essential missions and core values of international sports organisations.

In this regard, I would like to thank our partners for their recent balanced and fair decision to reinstate the rights of the Russian Paralympic Committee.

Our position remains unchanged: athletes’ access to international tournaments must be equal and based solely on their sporting achievements. There is no place for politics in sport.

For Russia, these are not empty words. When preparing and hosting competitions at all levels, we have always warmly welcomed representatives of international sports associations, committees, and federations. We create all the necessary conditions for athletes who, through tremendous work and talent, have earned the right to represent their countries. In doing so, we are guided by sporting principles, not by the state of our political relations with any given country.

I will repeat: sport, along with cultural and humanitarian cooperation, must not become a hostage to conflicts or geopolitical disagreements.

It is worth reminding ourselves that the United Nations’ sustainable development agenda identifies sport as a key factor in achieving goals for healthcare, education, and social integration. Russia fully shares this approach and incorporates it into our own national development goals.

We prioritise developing mass sports infrastructure, making it accessible to people of all ages and abilities. We are building large stadiums and sports centres, as well as smaller facilities for daily use in schools, universities, parks, and courtyards. Russia currently has over 370,000 sports facilities, and we have no intention of stopping there. We will continue moving forward.

Modern information technology is also playing an increasingly important role in developing sports. Alongside traditional sports, new disciplines such as phygital sports and e-sports are gaining popularity both in Russia and globally. We are actively working in this area and are ready to share our experience.

We will continue to pay special attention to engaging children and adolescents in sports. The values and benchmarks instilled in a person at a young age often shape their entire adult life, and fitness and sport are always a path to success.

Friends, I wish you a productive forum and all the very best. Thank you all for being here today.

Thank you for your attention. Good luck and thank you again.

20th anniversary of RT TV channel

2025-10-18T10:42:16+04:00

Vladimir Putin delivered an address at a gala evening held at the Bolshoi Theatre to mark the 20^th anniversary of the RT television channel.

Ahead of the ceremony, Margarita Simonyan, the channel’s Editor-in-Chief, accompanied by participants in the special military operation and journalists, presented to the Head of State an RT film about those involved in the special operation. The President also met with the main characters of documentary films produced under the RT.doc project.

The RT international television channel commenced broadcasting in 2005. Its output is transmitted in English, Arabic, Spanish, French, German, and Serbian. The television network is complemented by multilingual digital platforms. Furthermore, RT maintains a presence on popular social media networks in Chinese and Hindi.

* * *

Address at the gala evening marking the 20^th anniversary of RT

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Ladies and gentlemen, colleagues, friends.

It is a great pleasure to welcome you to this magnificent hall of the Bolshoi Theatre for the celebration marking the 20^th anniversary of the Russia Today channel.

Today, I extend my congratulations on this milestone to everyone who has worked and continues to work for the television channel, and of course, to Margarita Simonyan – your leader, the steadfast Editor-in-Chief.

Dear Margarita, we all know – and everyone in this team certainly knows – how difficult this period is for you and what your family is presently enduring. Yet at work, you invariably demonstrate courage and resolve. I am confident you will overcome this challenge, too.

Margarita Simonyan: Thank you. I promise.

Vladimir Putin: Your friends, your colleagues – they have always been by your side and will remain so.

These past 20 years represent an entire epoch in the media landscape. Russia Today has matured from a concept into a global brand now recognised worldwide. I thank your dynamic, creative, and close-knit team for the high level professionalism, dedication to your craft and duty. For boldly, selflessly, and persistently upholding the truth in the global information space.

We recall how, in the early 2000s, leading Western media outlets exploited their hegemonic position. Often – or rather, almost invariably – under the guise of objective news, they disseminated content entirely at their discretion, attempting to impose not merely new rules but an entirely new civilisational paradigm based on false moral values into the minds and hearts of millions.

To this day, it remains nothing short of outrageous when terrorists who took hostages and orchestrated deadly explosions in our cities, schools, and hospitals were referred to as “insurgents” on prominent Western channels – as if the world should sympathise with these scoundrels and child-killers.

At that time, it was difficult for us to defend the truth, to uphold an accurate depiction of events, because beyond our borders, we lacked a powerful voice. Let me underscore that Russia’s sovereignty – for which we have fought, continue to fight, and will always fight – depends, among other things, on our ability to deliver objective, unbiased information to people across the planet.

This is why RT had to emerge – and it did, 20 years ago. The company faced a formidable task: to build its operations at a qualitatively new level, both substantively and technologically. I am genuinely pleased that we – that you – succeeded. And succeeded brilliantly: millions of citizens in different countries came to trust you. Moreover, it turned out there was enormous demand for news that differed from the endless propaganda which, frankly, today differs little from the well-worn Soviet-era clichés many in this hall remember. That’s how they work.

This is precisely why, I believe, true professionals, including those from the United States, Europe, and across all continents, wanted to collaborate with you. Not merely collaborate, but work with you. Not because of the money, of course, but above all because you provided these people with a platform to express their views and convey them to millions. That is why we saw among RT’s leading figures the legendary WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange, the global television star Larry King, Ecuador’s President Rafael Correa, and many, many others.

You were rapidly gaining popularity and influence. As a result, your competitors began to envy you, and sometimes, in my opinion, not just envy, but fear you, which is a sure sign that you were one step ahead of them setting the information agenda and doing important and meaningful work. And when you made yourself truly known, those same competitors and the so-called ruling elites behind them showed their true colours. Margarita just told me about this. She regularly updates me on how they tried and continue to try to pin you down on international platforms.

For years on end, they have been lecturing us on how to live our lives, how the media should operate, how to understand democracy and what democracy is, what true freedom of speech is, and convinced us of the importance of competition, pluralism, and so on. What happened to these mentors when RT came on the air and hundreds of millions of people began watching a channel offering a different interpretation of ongoing developments?

The reaction of the elites I have just mentioned was primitive and straightforward: ban, cancel, and block. You know, when I served as director of the Federal Security Service of Russia, I tried to abolish this style of work even in an agency like the FSB. I was of the opinion that we should work more subtly by way of persuasion, we should mitigate threats differently, not the way it used to be done in the Soviet Union, which we referred to as “grab them and hold them back.” This is exactly what is happening, unfortunately, in the information sphere, with regard to your channel.

Accusing anyone of spreading propaganda and disinformation, or interfering in internal affairs does not require much effort. In fact, you were not imposing anything. You were simply offering an alternative and truthful point of view. And in doing so, you were upholding, among other things, the right of your viewers and listeners to choose. But your partners saw the very existence of such a choice as a threat to themselves. Over the years of RT’s development, you sincerely tried to build, and you did build, precisely this kind of partnership with your audiences. And you succeeded. Any monopoly inevitably comes to an end sooner or later, no matter how much those who maintain it pay to preserve it.

Today, in an increasingly multipolar world, intolerance of any sovereign and independent thought is more than just an anachronism. It is a huge obstacle to the development of mutual understanding and trust between peoples, which we all need. And this obstacle, like all others, will, without a doubt, be removed. There is no other way.

For two decades already, including thanks to RT, we have been listening to an entire palette of voices from all over the world. Residents of Asia, Africa and Latin America can now speak out, with your assistance, without regard to the approval by former colonial powers and former colonial authorities. It is very important that the RT TV channel provides its platform to journalists, scientists and experts from all over the world. And the main thing: people of different views, convictions and ethnic origin continue to watch RT and read your social networks despite prohibitions and technical obstacles. Even representatives of Western elites admit that Russia Today has a larger audience than their own TV channels.

Last year alone, the total number of views of the channel projects on social networks reached almost 24 billion and the total audience of the RT channels on the pay television platforms made up almost a billion of viewers. This figure gives us confidence that everything will go on developing in the same vein.

It is clear why. In Europe, in the United States as well as in other countries their citizens seek to preserve their national culture, the memory of generations, and oppose social inequality, destruction of the family institution and encroachments on children’s innocence. All this is consonant with the position of Russia on these issues and largely thanks to RT the world has learnt that our country firmly stands for traditional values and constitutes their stronghold in the contemporary life full of contradictions, conflicts and challenges. And we do not discriminate anybody at that, we do not prohibit anything, including in the areas that I have mentioned. We are simply trying to defend our point of view and our outlook on the modern world and the future.

I am sure that this similarity of views helps people on different continents believe in themselves, their strength and abilities.

It is hard to overestimate the contribution of Russia Today to our common struggle for a fairer and more stable world order, for preserving civilisational diversity, for the consolidation of more and more countries, people and nations around these creative ideas.

I would like to stress: you are performing difficult and intense work in your area both for the future of our people and for the future of millions of people on the planet, who are striving for real, genuine freedom.

Friends,

Journalists, camera operators, and colleagues from RT’s other media projects are consistently at the epicentre and forefront of events – perpetually on the frontline, both literally and figuratively. Fearlessness and a steadfast commitment to the truth are the defining qualities of the channel’s staff. We have witnessed this in Iraq, Syria, across the Middle East, and in various other conflict zones. Today, in the special military operation zone, you continue this tradition. Risking your lives, you report on the heroism and deeds of our soldiers and commanders.

There are countless examples demonstrating that RT employs individuals who are true to their profession, devoted to their Homeland, and unwavering in their convictions. Even foreign nationals – of whom there are many within the channel – while defending their own beliefs, assist in promoting these ideas in their own countries and among their own communities. They act with absolute honesty and openness.

Just before arriving here, onto the historic stage of the Bolshoi Theatre, we met and conversed with your colleagues working in the combat zone, filming documentaries about the heroes of the special military operation who are present in this hall. I would ask you to give them a special welcome. What was so striking? Both the fighters who have returned from the frontlines of the special military operation and the journalists working for the channel appeared as one family – because they are all courageous, heroic individuals fighting for their convictions. This is the true value of your work.

Friends,

Twenty years represent a significant milestone in the journey of your channel and your remarkable team. The world is changing rapidly: technology is transforming journalism. Social media sets new rhythms, and audiences increasingly consume news in digital formats. You are successfully meeting these challenges, remaining bold, open, and creative. RT possesses the most essential assets: experience, a professional team, and the trust of its viewers. RT fosters a free-spirited atmosphere, with many young people who represent the future, and, undoubtedly, new victories lie ahead.

I wish you continued growth, the discovery of new formats and themes in the fierce battle for hearts and minds. To prevail in this struggle, you must continue wielding your secret strategic weapon – high-precision, intercontinental in its reach – the truth.

The voice of truth, the voice of Russia, must resound loudly, confidently, and persuasively!

Happy anniversary! Happy birthday!

Margarita Simonyan: You mentioned, by the way, Rafael Correa – he is now in this hall.

Present in this hall are our friends, our colleagues from every continent, from a vast number of countries, who have come to congratulate us, including people whose ancestors would be proud of them, I’m sure. Here, for example, are descendants of Charles de Gaulle and Otto von Bismarck; here is the son of the current President of Nicaragua; there are members of the European Parliament – though I do not know what will happen to them when they return, yet nevertheless they made it here. I want to thank everyone.

I want to express a tremendous thank you, Mr President, to you for rightly noting that we work based on our convictions, that we defend our beliefs. It is a privilege to have the opportunity not merely to lie on the sofa and grumble, but to work for one’s convictions. This privilege we have thanks to you. I remember when you appointed me 20 years ago – it seemed to me the world had gone mad, and the main task was not to disgrace myself. It was impossible to imagine, firstly, that all this would be created, and secondly, that it would grow into such a colossal enterprise.

I want, in your presence, to bow. To bow to the people who work for RT – these are thousands of people who risk their lives. Yesterday, our colleague from Rossiya Segodnya was killed; a second is in critical condition, and doctors are now fighting for his life. This, unfortunately, is news that has become routine for us, it is part of our professional life. When we enrol in journalism school and receive our diplomas, we understand what we are signing up for. And yet, each time, it is always a tragedy.

What you all endure – what we endure when they fight us, as you rightly noted, Mr President – well, it rather makes us laugh. We are Russian people, even if some of us are Armenian. We grow tougher, as they say. So, it only makes us more spirited.

All the sanctions, the inability to travel somewhere, to watch something, to speak with someone – it is all such insignificance to us compared to the incredible honour and pride of serving our Motherland! Thank you, from the bottom of my heart, for this.

I congratulate everyone!

Greetings on 20th anniversary of RT TV channel

2025-10-17T13:43:01+04:00

In a conversation with presenter Salam Mosafir, Vladimir Putin extended greetings to RT staff on the 20th anniversary of the network.

Salam Musafir: We are going to celebrate our channel's anniversary. Russia Today has become a major holding. Some out there wanted to choke us, of course, but they failed. We are still in business, and people still watch and love us. Would you like to say, maybe, a few kind words about our work over these twenty years?

Vladimir Putin: Honestly, when this idea of creating Russia Today first came up, I could not have guessed that it would gain such scale, such quality and evolve in this way. Congratulations on the job.

You'll ask why I was in doubt. It's because it is not that easy to fit into an already established system of international global mass media. And then, indeed, quite surprisingly to me, Russia Today found its special niche, its own place. Amazingly, millions of people worldwide increasingly watch you, listen to you, follow what you and your colleagues on the channel have to say.

Sometimes I ask myself: why is it so? The answer is simple: because, despite all the pressure put on RT journalists, despite all kinds of bans, sanctions, administrative and financial restrictions, you say what you think. And this quite often disagrees with the so-called global media mainstream. But it is precisely this otherness, coupled with the professionalism with which you deliver information, the sincerity with which you do it, and the honesty, reliability, and objectivity of your information perceived by your viewers that wins their hearts, so that the audience is rapidly growing. I congratulate you on that, in the first place.

And now, the wishes. I wish you to follow this chosen path in future and share your views on key issues of the international agenda with millions of people all over the world. I believe that this is the point of your work and your life.

Congratulations on your success!