Joining him on the panel were President of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev, President of the United Republic of Tanzania Samia Suluhu Hassan, and Vice President of the People’s Republic of China Han Zheng.
The discussion was moderated by Geeta Mohan, Foreign Affairs Editor at India Today, TV Today Network.
Held annually since 1997, this year’s forum runs from 3 to 6 June under the theme “Pragmatic Dialogue: The Path to a Stable Future,” bringing together more than 20,000 participants from 130 countries.
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Moderator of the discussion, India Today Group Foreign Affairs Editor Geeta Mohan: Namaskar, namaste, zdravstvuite, hello.
Excellencies, distinguished guests and friends, it is a privilege to welcome you to this very important conversation at a time when the world is clearly standing at an inflection point.
For decades, the global economic order was shaped by a few powerful capitals, a few dominant institutions, and a few accepted rules of engagement. But a new global economic order and architecture is emerging: one that is more diverse, more contested, of course; but also more representative. The countries on the stage reflect that shift. We have Russia – a major power at the centre of today’s geopolitical realignment; China – one of the world’s largest economies, and a defining force when it comes to AI, trade, and infrastructure. We also have Uzbekistan representing the rise of central Asia and as a region of energy, connectivity, and geostrategic opportunity. And then, we have Tanzania – an important African voice led by one of the most significant women leaders of our time.
And, of course, since the moderator is from India, we can say the stage also has a little bit of Indian spice, a little bit of balance, and just enough to keep everyone comfortable.
The question before us is simple but profound: are we witnessing only a redistribution of power, or are we witnessing the birth of a fair world order? The era of being lectured, pressured, or bullied is seriously being challenged.
At the same time, independence is not easy. Strategic autonomy comes with costs. So today’s discussion is not merely about geopolitics. It is about the price of sovereignty – something President Putin has emphasised time and time again.
Can countries protect the national interests without being forced into camps or being sanctioned? It is about whether a multipolar world will be genuinely fair or simply replace one centre of power with several competing centres. It is about whether BRICS and South-South cooperation can move from rhetoric to real economic instruments. It is about whether alternative payment systems, new trade corridors, energy partnerships, and technology cooperation can give the Global South true agency.
And it is about a new world order, where countries no longer want to be spoken for but want to speak for themselves.
With that, let us begin our conversation today. I would like to begin by inviting President of the Russian Federation honourable Vladimir Putin for his opening remarks.
President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. Mr Mirziyoyev. Madam Samia Suluhu Hassan. Mr Han Zheng. Ladies and gentlemen.
It is a real pleasure to see such a distinguished audience here. The President of Uzbekistan and I were just comparing notes. He remarked that the hall is full – which speaks to the level of interest that the St Petersburg International Economic Forum generates. I would like to welcome all participants and guests.
Russia and St Petersburg are once again hosting executives from leading companies, business leaders, and experts – this year from more than 130 countries – all here to expand business contacts and forge new ties.
Our host has set the bar and outlined the topics, which I will try to cover. But before entering this auditorium, she also mentioned that, in her opinion, the excellent atmosphere was created by those who organised the event. So I would like to start by thanking everyone who made this forum possible. Thank you very much.
The unrivalled and appealing nature of the St Petersburg Forum lies precisely in the opportunity to engage in free dialogue on matters that are of interest to entrepreneurs, entire industries, and even entire countries. We remain open to everyone interested in engaging with our country and is ready to pursue equal and mutually beneficial cooperation. We are convinced that this particular approach where partners hear one another, understand their partners’ interests, and identify common solutions represents a harmonious path of development and makes it possible to respond to the serious challenges facing the modern-day world.
We are witnessing turmoil in the energy markets and tensions being provoked in certain regions, primarily in the Middle East, and how the short-sighted EU bureaucracy policies are being implemented to the accompaniment of aggressive rhetoric and leading to Europe continuing to lose its standing in the global economy, while also undermining regional and global security. In fact, European elites are inciting chaos and are trying to embroil ever more countries into it.
These processes did not arise all by themselves; they are the result of the world undergoing the largest structural transformation in decades. This transformation is not a transition from one phase of a cycle to another. We are witnessing a change in the paradigm of global development.
I would like to bring your attention to what came before. For decades, the global development model was built around a limited number of financial centres, technological solutions, insurance and logistics hubs, credit rating agencies, and reserve currencies. This construct was presented as universal and supposedly suitable for everyone, and, above all, as supposedly neutral. In reality, however, it was increasingly used as a tool to exert political pressure and promote unfair competition, where settlements, technologies, logistics, or even access to information could be cut off at a moment’s notice in order to punish those who chose to act in their own national interests. In essence, it was a deliberately created system of dependency and resource extraction.
Today, the overwhelming majority of countries see this, as do entrepreneurs, banks, manufacturing companies, farmers, and transport operators. It has become clear that investment plans and business development steps may face serious risk where the external infrastructure on which they rely could be used against them. Therefore, countries are beginning to develop their own technological solutions, create their own supply routes, and build their own institutions.
To be continued.
Russia is experiencing these transformations firsthand. Although pressure on our country persists, the changing global landscape has also created greater room for manoeuvre. New partnerships are emerging, new financial and technological solutions are being developed, and access to promising markets is expanding. Against this backdrop, Russia views global change not only as a source of challenges but also as a tremendous opportunity. To make the most of these opportunities, we seek to act swiftly and pragmatically.
Let me reiterate: the roots of today’s global turbulence lie in the ongoing transition from a vertical, hierarchical model – one that primarily served the interests of a limited number of states – to a far more complex, distributed, and multipolar international order. What does this mean in practice? Above all, it means that the geography of economic growth is changing, with new centres of development emerging across the countries of the Global South. And, colleagues, as you can clearly see for yourselves, this is not a political slogan; it is an objective reality. In these countries, populations are growing, the middle class is taking shape, industrial capacity is expanding, and domestic markets are developing. As a result, new cities, roads, ports, energy infrastructure, and digital networks are being built. At the same time, these nations are establishing their own financial institutions, educational systems, and scientific and technological centres.
In this context, I would like to emphasise that the world becomes more equitable when economic growth is distributed more broadly and opportunities become available to billions of people who have long remained on the periphery of the global economy. It is very important that these new centres of growth seek to shape their own development paths, increase their share of value creation, and build their own brands, standards, and capabilities.
If you look at the global GDP dynamics of the last five years, you will see that almost half of its annual growth, 49 percent, is accounted for by BRICS countries, whereas the contribution of the so-called Group of Seven is estimated at 18 percent. To put this into perspective, between 2021 and 2025, the global economy expanded at an average annual rate of 4.1 percent. Of that growth, 2 percentage points were generated by the BRICS countries, compared with only 0.8 percentage points contributed by the G7. Today, the BRICS share of global GDP, measured in purchasing power parity terms, stands at approximately 40 percent, while the corresponding figure for the G7 is below 29 percent. By this measure, BRICS surpassed the G7 as early as 2020, and the gap has continued to widen ever since.
This trend is expected to continue increasingly in favour of the BRICS countries. The reason is straightforward: economic growth rates in the BRICS economies are already higher than those of the G7 and are projected to remain so in the years ahead. By the end of the current decade, annual economic growth in the G7 countries is expected to average no more than 1.5 percent, while the BRICS economies are projected to expand at an average rate exceeding 4 percent.
To be continued.
Ladies and gentlemen, friends. This is not something we made up. It is the data from the IMF and the World Bank – international institutions. They are forced to acknowledge this reality.
Naturally, businesses are drawn to places where growth is more dynamic and where there are greater opportunities to expand production and sales. As a result, the centre of gravity of global trade — and, with it, the global financial system — will continue to shift. In fact, that shift is already under way, and the trend is set to continue.
For many years, the principal flows of goods, capital and information passed through a small number of Western infrastructure hubs. Even when goods moved from one Eurasian country to another, payments, logistics, insurance and arbitration often relied on institutions located in third countries. This created additional costs and fostered political dependencies.
Today, international trade is becoming more effective, as direct shipments without intermediaries are growing, national currency payments are developing, and new corridors are opening. In Eurasia, these include the North-South Corridor, the Trans-Arctic Route, and links running through the Caspian region, Central Asia, the Black Sea, and the Far East. All of these projects and logistics routes are defining features of today's economy and, importantly, of future development.
To give you an example of the global trade system ceasing to be Western-centric, I want to note the following. Over the past 25 years, the BRICS share in global merchandise trade has more than doubled. Last year, our group accounted for almost 25 percent of global exports. This indicator continues to grow steadily, as does trade within BRICS itself, which now exceeds $1 trillion annually.
A particularly important role in these processes is being played by what might be called “connector countries”. These countries link markets, technologies, financial flows and business cultures. Their role extends far beyond simple transit or transportation through a particular territory. What matters most is their ability to ensure trust and provide efficient logistics, reliable payment mechanisms, legal certainty and technological compatibility.
Taking part in this panel session is the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan – and I would once again ask you to welcome him. Thank you very much for being with us today.
He is the leader of a country that is one of the centres of economic growth. Its population is growing fast; industrial plans are being fulfilled; its agricultural and energy potentials are growing, as is the domestic market. At the same time, Uzbekistan is an essential link between Russia, Central and South Asia, China and the Middle East. There will be more and more examples of countries whose own development is enhanced by, and benefits from, their links with other centres of the emerging multipolar world.
The same is true of our other guest, from Tanzania – let us welcome her once again – who plays a similar role in East Africa. I would also like to draw your attention to another important trend: the architecture of global trade is gradually moving away from the principles that originally underpinned the World Trade Organisation. Since the beginning of this century, the number of bilateral, regional, and mega-regional trade agreements has increased nearly fourfold.
Why is this happening? The erosion of the World Trade Organisation was set off by the very authors of this organisation: the Western nations, to be more precise. When it benefited them, they promoted the WTO, they invited other countries to join. But once the West started to lose in this competition, universal and common rules for trade introduced by the WTO lost their appeal to them. Instead, they adopted unilateral restrictions and so-called sanctions. By doing so, Western countries effectively sidelined the mechanisms of the World Trade Organisation and undermined confidence in these institutions. And when trust disappears, and an institution no longer functions as intended, businesses and governments inevitably begin looking for alternative solutions. These alternatives take the form of bilateral and multilateral trade agreements.
One more point. As I have already noted, the sanctions and, basically, the theft of Russia’s international reserves have had an irreversible effect on the positions of the world currencies, the US dollar and the euro. This is an objective reality that cannot be ignored. Today, every country – let me stress, every country without exception – understands that, like Russia, it could at any moment lose access to assets lawfully held in dollars or euros, as well as to Western financial and payment infrastructure.
We recognise that this ultimately boils down to the issue of unfair competition. The specific pretexts may vary, and they can always be found. In Russia’s case, it was the conflict in Ukraine. In other instances, it may be developments in the Middle East, conflicts in Africa, or even a country’s stance on LGBT-related issues. A justification can always be found. But the underlying problem remains the same: this is unfair competition.
Incidentally, confidence in the West is also being undermined by the state of its public finances, reflected in rising government debt and persistent budget deficits. In 2025, public debt in the eurozone reached 81.7 percent of GDP. The highest levels are well known: Greece stands at 146 percent of GDP, Italy at 137 percent, France at 115 percent, and Belgium at 108 percent. By comparison, Russia’s public debt remains at approximately 16.4 percent of GDP. In fact, during a meeting with the heads of major news agencies yesterday, some experts cited a figure of 15.8 percent. In any case, the difference is simply not comparable.
The budget deficit of the European Union in 2025 stood at 3.1 percent of GDP. The highest deficits are recorded in countries such as Poland 7.3 percent, Belgium 5.2 percent, France 5.1 percent, and the United States 5.9 percent. In Russia it is 2.6 percent. It may increase by the end of this year, but I believe it will still remain lower than in other industrialised countries.
Such a situation is fraught with a new surge in inflation for Western currencies, as was the case in 2021–2022, when prices in the euro area and in the United States rose by 14 percent in a matter of two years. Clearly, given the circumstances countries around the world are taking their assets out of the West and shifting to payments in national currencies, increasingly using alternative payment systems, and expanding the role of digital financial assets, including central bank digital currencies.
In its trade relations with its key partners, Russia uses national currencies as the primary means of payment. Thus, the share of the ruble in our export transactions is currently standing at 65 percent, or almost two thirds.
Importantly, the world needs modern, flexible and responsible financial architecture without risks, prohibitions or barriers, but with incentives for sovereign development. Its instruments must reduce costs, speed up settlements, and expand access to financing, and, of course, ensure proper counteraction to tax evasion, fraud and money laundering. Naturally, this must always be given special attention.
Next. Historically, the West has been regarded by other countries as a source of technological development, but we are seeing a major transformation here as well. Over the past 25 years, BRICS countries have significantly increased their high-tech exports; they now account for over a third of global supplies, which indicates a shift in technological leadership around the world. This is happening gradually, but it is happening.
For example, our strategic partner China holds the largest number of patents in AI, where Russia also has excellent prospects. Let us welcome the Vice Chairman of the People’s Republic of China. (Applause.)
Another key partner of ours, India, is a leading player in the IT industry. It accounts for a significant share of the global software market. Russia holds strong positions in the pace of adoption of digital platforms, online marketplaces, and financial solutions, as well as municipal services, healthcare and education which improve the quality of life for people in Russia and in dozens of countries around the world, where they successfully compete with their foreign counterparts.
We also lead in a complex field such as nuclear energy. Over 80 percent of NPP construction projects on the global market are implemented with the participation of Rosatom. Over 80 percent is a substantial figure. (Applause.)
We also have significant engineering and technological capabilities in managing the water energy balance, which is becoming increasingly important in Asia, Africa, and indeed throughout the world. I believe that our colleagues participating in the panel session cannot but agree with this, and they do agree.
Clearly, technological progress is the most important factor in global transformation. Experts identify three key technologies of today and tomorrow that are capable of making a difference in people’s lives, business operations, and public administration.
What are they? First, artificial intelligence, which can process massive amounts of data and make the best decisions available across virtually all areas. Second, autonomous systems, which dramatically increase productivity and transform entire sectors of the economy. Finally, third, platform-based solutions, which allow market participants to exchange information and conclude transactions directly, in real time, and in an automated manner.
According to forecasts by researchers and specialists, the countries or groups of countries that possess a full set of their own technologies in AI, autonomous systems, and digital platforms will become powerful centres of sovereignty in a multipolar world. Moreover, without these technologies, genuine sovereignty will be unattainable in principle.
Importantly, possessing an independent technological base is critical for countries with large populations, vast territories, and distinctive cultures. Such countries cannot act merely as users of foreign-made solutions, because in that case they risk becoming objects of control by external platforms. And how those platforms are used is another matter.
In essence, major countries – true civilisations – face a historic choice: either they create their own platform and technological ecosystems, or they become a digital periphery. There should be no illusions about this. Foreign services may initially be user friendly, but over time the cost of such dependency will inevitably become apparent.
Russia has learned one such lesson. We have seen certain software providers walk away from the market, payments get blocked, and interference in commercial relations ensue. Therefore, we will strengthen our own critical infrastructure and cooperate and engage only with the partners who respect mutual obligations.
We have gained such experience over many years in our relations with the People’s Republic of China which is Russia’s truly strategic partner. Our economic cooperation covers virtually all areas, including high-tech sphere, transport, mechanical engineering, and, of course, energy.
Friends,
As I have said before, a country’s position in the global economic system and its claim to global leadership depend on its ability to ensure its own sovereignty. It is no exaggeration to say that the race for sovereignty has begun – and it is gaining momentum.
This is not just about resisting external pressure or protecting national interests. It is also about the quality of the state, the economy, and society. Sovereignty means being stronger and, I emphasise, smarter – managing resources more precisely and investing more effectively, including in technological development.
True sovereignty demands efficiency. It is not a licence to do things expensively, slowly, or inconveniently. On the contrary, we must act with maximum initiative and maximum efficacy across all areas of our work. We must produce faster, thereby increasing revenues for the state, for business, and for our citizens.
In these tense and challenging conditions, Russia continues to strengthen its sovereignty – not by isolating itself, but by expanding its circle of partners. Yes, economic momentum is currently subdued, and we will probably discuss that further. But let me remind you of the task set for the Government: starting next year, we must return to sustainable growth rates in the domestic economy.
That can only be achieved under one condition: by increasing capital investment and launching a new investment cycle. Between 2021 and 2024, investment in Russia grew by nearly 38 percent in real terms, though last year, of course, it saw a decline.
I want to stress that launching a new investment cycle is a key task for our economic authorities, and investment growth is a crucial indicator of their effectiveness. It is important that economic growth be balanced, supported by domestic demand, and combined with a further reduction in inflation, which has already slowed significantly and continues to fall. I believe I mentioned yesterday that inflation is forecast to approach 5.2 percent this year.
My colleagues and I regularly discuss economic issues. I should point out that the dynamics of industrial production, GDP, and consumer activity in Russia are positive. Despite all the problems, industrial production grew in April. There will likely be some questions about this today.
In any case, industrial production in our country grew by 1.9 percent in April, including manufacturing, which grew by 3.1 percent. Retail added 6.5 percent. GDP grew by 1.3 percent in April, and by 0.2 percent over the period from January to April.
What would I say about all this? Of course, we hear criticism from all sides – that we have lost momentum. Yes, but we have fallen only to the level that the eurozone countries have been experiencing for the past few years. And now we are on the upswing.
To be continued.